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■  ::::':._  :::.,it^''|iill 

ImuFrHtlg  of  PtttBburglj 

Darlington  Memorial  Library 

OIlaBB .V3t...VQ...l 

Soak O....V.5! 

REPOUT     FOR     1860, 

The  Hakluyt  Society  has  now  completed  the  thirteenth 
year  of  its  existence,  and  has,  during  that  period,  issued 
twenty-five  valuable  volumes  relating  to  early  voyages  and 
travels  in  every  part  of  the  world.  The  number  of  sub- 
scribers has  been  steadily  maintained  at  a  point  which  has 
enabled  the  Council  to  ensure  the  efficiency  of  the  Society  ; 
and  they  now  have  the  satisfaction  to  report  that  the  funds 
continue  in  a  prosperous  condition. 

The  Council  have  given  their  best  consideration  to  the 
price  at  which  new  subscribers  during  the  present  year 
should  be  allowed  to  receive  the  past  publications  of  the 
Society,  the  earlier  series  of  which  have  become  scarce,  and 
have  fixed  it  at  Nine  Guineas,  that  sum  not  including  the 
subscription  for  the  year. 

Since  the  last  General  Meeting  the  following  volumes 
have  been  delivered  to  members  : 

"  Expeditions  into  the  Valley  of  the  Amazons  during 
the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries;"  containing  the 
Journey  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  from  the  Koyal  Commentaries 
of  Garcilasso  Inca  de  la  Vega ;  the  Voyage  of  Francisco  de 
Orellana,  from  the  General  History  of  Herrera ;  and  the 
Voyage  of  Christoval  de  Acuha,  from  a  narrative  written  by 
himself  in  1641.  Edited  and  translated,  with  an  Introduc- 
tion and  a  descriptive  list  of  the  principal  Tribes  in  the 
Valley  of  the  Amazons,  by  Clements  E,.  Markham,  Esq^. 


"  Early  Voyages  to  Australia/'  a  collection  of  documents 
showing  the  early  discoveries  of  Australia  to  the  time  of 
Captain  Cook.  Edited  by  E.  H.  Major,  Esq.,  of  the  British 
Museum,  F.S.A. 

Two  volumes  will  be  delivered  to  members  during  the 
course  of  the  present  year,  one  of  which  is  completed  and 
will  be  issued  immediately,  and  the  other  is  in  a  very  for- 
ward state,  viz. : 

*''  The  Narrative  of  the  Embassy  of  Ruy  Gonzales  de 
Clavijo  to  the  Court  of  Timour  at  Samarcand,  a.d.  1403-6." 
Translated  for  the  first  time,  with  Notes,  a  Preface,  and  an 
Introductory  Life  of  Timoui-,  by  Clements  R.  Markham, 

"  A  Collection  of  Documents  forming  a  Monograph  of 
the  Voyages  of  Henry  Hudson."  Edited,  with  an  Intro- 
duction, by  George  Asher,  Esq.,  LL.D. 

In  addition  to  the  above  works,  five  others  have  been 
undertaken  by  Editors,  and  some  of  them  are  now  in  pro- 
gress, viz, : 

The  Fifth  Letter  of  Hernando  Cortes  ;  being  that 
describing  his  Voyage  to  Honduras  in  1525-6.  To  be 
translated  and  edited  by  E.  G.  Squier,  Esq. 

The  Voyage  of  Vasco  de  Gama  round  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope  in  1497  ;  now  first  translated  from  a  contem- 
poraneous manuscript,  accompanied  by  other  documents 
forming  a  Monograph  of  the  Life  of  Do  Gama.  To  be 
translated  and  edited  by  Eichard  Garnett,  Esq.,  of  the 
British  Museum. 

The  Travels  of  Ludovico  Vartema,  in  Syria,  Arabia, 
Persia,  and  India,  during  the  sixth  century.  To  be  trans- 
lated and  edited  by  Count  Pepoli. 

Narrative  of  the  Voyage  of  the" Tyrant  Agiirre," 
DOWN  the  river  OF  THE  Amazons,  by  Fray  Pedro  Simon. 
To  be  translated  for  the  first  time  by  W.  BoUaert,  Esq. 


The  Voyages  of  Mendana  and  Quiros  in  the  South 
Seas,  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries. 
To  be  translated  from  Figueroa's  "  Hechos  del  Marques 
de  Canete/'  and  Torquemada's  "  Monarquia  Indiana,"  and 
edited  by  Clements  R.  Markham,  Esq. 

The  following  six  Members  retire  from  the  Council,  viz. ; 

The  Right  Hon.  Lord  Broughton. 

John  Barrow,  Esq.,  F.R.'S. 

Lord  Alfred  Spencer  Churchill. 

Egerton  Harcourt,  Esq. 

The  Right  Hon.  Lord  Taunton. 

His  Excellency  the  Count  de  Lavradio. 

Of  this  number,  the  three  following  are  recommended  for 
re-election,  viz.  : 

Lord  Broughton. 

Lord  Alfred  Spencer  Churchill. 

The  Count  de  Lavradio. 

And  the  names  of  the  following  gentlemen  are  proposed 
for  election,  viz,  : 

Sir  John  Bowring,  LL.D. 

The  Right  Hon.  Lord  Wensleydale 

The  Rev.  W.  Whewell,  D.D. 

The  Council  have  also  to  report  that  the  Honorary 
Secretary,  Mr.  Clements  R.  Markham,  having  been  sent  to 
South  America  on  a  Government  Mission,  which  will  entail 
an  absence  of  a  year  and  a  half,  Mr.  Major  has  kindly 
undertaken  to  perform  the  ordinary  duties  of  Honorary 
Secretary  during  that  period.  As  Mr.  Markham  has  pre- 
pared works  for  publication,  which  will  meet  the  demands 
of  subscribers  during  his  absence,  the  Council  have  resolved 


that  he  shall  retain  the  Secretaryship,  if  his  duties  do  not 
detain  him  from  England  later  than  April  1861. 

Statement  of  the  Accounts  of  the  Society  for  the  year  1859-60. 





It  last  Audit 





by  Bankers 







,«C30    2     8 

Mr.  Richards,  for  Printing  three 
Works  ....' 292  14 

Mr.  J.  E.  Richard,  for  Paper     

Translations  and  Transcriptions  . . 




Gratuity  to  Agent's  Foreman    .... 

Stationery,  Parcels,  Postage,  and 
Sundries 4    0    C 

3.^2     5    0 

Present  Balance  at  Bankers 239    6    3 

Ditto  in  Petty  Cash 8  11     5 






















Examined  and  Approved,  March  5th,  1860. 

W.  B.  RYE, 


Clje  ?^afelugt  ^onetK. 










G.     M.     ASHER,     LL.D.      ''>]':    V'' 

LONDON:  ;/.■ 

PRINTED     F  <J  R     THE     II  A  K  L  U  Y  T     SOCIETY, 





SIR  RODERICK  IMPEY  MURCIIISON,  G.C.St.S.,    F.R.S.,  D.C.L.,  Coir.  Mom.  lust.  F, 
Hon.  Mem.  Imp.  Acad.  Sc.  St.  Petersburg,  &c.,  &c.,  Pkesident. 

The  marquis  OF  LANSDOWNE  ) 

I  Vice-Presidents. 
Bear-Admiral  C.  R.  DRINKWATER  BETHUNE.C.B.  ' 


Ut.  Hon.  LORD  I5R0UGHT0N. 



Rt.  Hon.  Sir  DAVID  DUNDAS. 

Sir  henry  ELLIS,  K.H.,  F.R.S. 



R.  W.  GREY,  Esq. 


His  Excellency  the  COUNT  DE  LAVRADTO, 

R.  H.  MAJOR,  Esq.,  F.S.A. 



The  Rev.  ',V.  WTIEWELL. 

CLEMENTS  R.  MARKHAM,  Esq.,  Honorary  Secretary. 


MONSIEUR         D  '  A  V  E  Z  A  C  , 

Tins     BOOK     IS      DEDICATED, 

AS     A     MARK     OF     AFFECTIONATE      REGARD, 

AND     AS     A    TOKEN     OF     GRATITUDE     FOR    MUCH     KIND 





Introduction        .  -  _  .  . 

Notes  to  Introduction  -  -  _  .    ccxvi 

Divers  voyages  and  northerne  discoveries  of  that  worthy 
discoverer  Henry  Hudson,  from  Purchas'  Pilgrims, 
vol.  iii,  pp.  567-610  : 

First  Voyage,  his  discoverie  towards  the  north  pole 
in  1607,  written  partly  by  John  Playse,  one  of  the 
crew,  and  partly  by  Hudson  himself  -  -  1 

Second  Voyage  or  employment  of  Master  Henry 
Hudson  in  1008,  written  by  himself  -  -         23 

Third  Voyage  of  Master  H.  Hudson  in  1G09,  written 
by  Robert  J  net  of  Limehouse       -  ~  -         45 

Fourth  Voyage  in  1610.  An  Abstract  of  the  Jour- 
nal of  Master  Henry  Hudson        -  -  -  93 

A  larger  Discourse  of  the  same  Voyage  and  the  success 

thereof,  written  by  Abacuk  Pricket  -  -         98 

A  note  found  in  the  deskc  of  Thomas  AVydowse,  student 
of  mathematics,  one  of  them  who  was  put  into  the 
shallop  -  -  -  -  -        136 




Purchas    his    Pilgrimage,    folio,    London,    1626,    p.    817. 

VI.   Of  Hudson's  discoveries  and  death  -  -       139 

Hudson's  first  voyage  (1607),  from  Edge's  brief  discoverie 

of  the  Muscovia  merchants  (Purchas,  v.  iii,  p.  464)     -       145 

Captain  Fotherby's  statement  concerning  Hudson's  Jour- 
nal of  his  first  voyage  (Purchas,  v.  iii,  p.  730)  -       146 

Hudson's  third  voyage    (1609)  from  Van  Meteren's   His- 

torie  der  Nederlanden.    Folio,  Hague,  1614,  fol.  629a       147 

Extracts  relating  to  Hudson's  third  voyage  (1609),  from 
John  de  Laet's  Nieuwe  Werelt,  fol.,  Amsterdam,  1625, 
1630-1  (from  book  iii,  chapter  7)  -  -       154 

(From  book  iii,  chapter  10)  .  .  .       159 

Extracts  containing  some  original  information  about  Hud- 
son's third  voyage,  from  Mr.  Lambrechtsen  van 
Ritthem's  "  History  of  New  Netherland"    -  -       164 

Extracts  concerning  Hudson's  third  voyage  (1609),  from 
Adrian  van  der  Donck's  "  Beschryvinge  van  Nieuw 
Nederlandt,"  4to.,  Amsterdam,  1655,  1656  -       167 

American  traditions  concerning  the  third  voyage  (1609)     -       173 

An  Extract  from  Captain  Luke  Foxe's  description  of  Hud- 
son's fourth  voyage  ("  North- West"  Fox)  p.  70  -       180 

Hessel  Gerritz's  various  accounts  of  Hudson's  two  last 
voyages,  from  the  Latin  and  Dutch  edition  of  the 
"  Descriptio  ct  Delineatio  Geographica  detectionis 
Freti  ab  H.  Hudsono  invcnti."     Amst.,  1012,  1613: 

I.  Hudson's    fourth   voyage.     A   summary  printed 
on  the  back  of  the  chart.     An  account  of  the  voyage 

and  new  found  strait  of  Mr.  Hudson  -  -        181 

II.  Hudson's   third    and    fourth    voyage,    from  the 
Prolegomena  to  the  first  Latin  edition  -  -       1'83 



III,  Hudson's  third  and  fourth  voyage,  from  the 
Latin  edition  of  1612.  An  Account  of  the  Discoveric 
of  the  North- West  Passage,  which  is  expected  to  lead 
to  China  and  Japan  by  the  north  of  the  American  con- 
tinent, found  by  H.  Hudson         -  -  -       185 

IV.  Hudson's  tliird  and  fourth  voyage,  from  the 
second  Latin  edition  of  1613,  with  notes  indicating  the 
variations  of  the  Dutch  edition.  A  description  and 
chart  of  the  strait  or  passage  by  the  north  of  the 
American  continent  to  China  and  Japan       -  -       189 


Voyage  of  John  de  Verazzano  along  the  coast  of 
North  America  from  Carolina  to  Newfoundland  (con- 
taining the  first  discovery  of  Hudson's  river)  a. d.  1524. 
Translated  from  the  original  Italian,  by  Joseph  G. 
Cogswell,  Esq.     Preliminary  notice  by  the  translator  -       197 

Voyage  of  Captain  John  de  Verazzano.  Letter  to 
His  Most  Serene  Majesty  the  King  of  France  (together 
with  the  original  Italian  text)       -  -  -       199 

"Writings  of  William  Barentz  (Barentson)  in  Hud- 
son's possession  (Purchas  his  Pilgrims,  vol.  iii,  pp. 
518-620)      -  -  -  -  -       229 

A  treatise  of  Iver  Boty,  a  Gronlander       -  -       230 

Van  der  Donck's  observations  about  the  Wampum 
or  bead  money  of  the  Indians,  mentioned  by  Hudson. 
(From  the  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  Collection,  New  Series, 
vol.  i,  p.  206)  -  -  -  -       235 

Title  and  Prolegomena  to  the  first  edition  of  the 
"  Detectio  Freti"  -  -  -  -       236 

Title  and  Prolegomena  to  the  second  edition  of  the 
"  Detectio  Freti"         -  -  -  -       242 



A  letter  from  President  Jeannin  to  Henry  IV  of 
France,  containing  an  account  of  his  Negociation  with 
Henry  Hudson,  through  Isaac  Le  Maire  (with  the 
original  text  in  French)  _  _  -       244 

Extracts  concerning  a  shipbook  found  at  Amster- 
dam, by  John  Romeyn  Brodhead,  Esq.        -  -       254 

Extracts  from  a  charter  granted  to  the  Company  of 
the  Merchants  Discoverers  of  the  North-West  Pas- 
sage.    Apud  Bledsoe,  July  26th,  1612         -  -       255 

Two  Extracts  from  Rafn's  "  Antiquitates  Ameri- 
canse"  ......       257 

Other  names  of  Hudson's  Strait:  Hudson's  Bay, 
Hudson's  Touches,  Hudson's  Point,  and  Hudson's 
River  - 257 

Bibliographical  List,  containing  the  books,  maps, 
etc.,  etc.,  mentioned  in  the  present  work     -  -       258 

Index  -  -  -  -  -       279 



A  letter  from  President  Jeannin  to  Henry  IV  of 
France,  containing  an  account  of  his  Negociation  with 
Henry  Hudson,  through  Isaac  Le  Maire  (with  the 
original  text  in  French)  _  -  ,       244 

Extracts  concerning  a  shipbook  found  at  Amster- 
dam, by  John  Romeyn  Brodhead,  Esq.        -  -       254 

Extracts  from  a  charter  granted  to  the  Company  of 
the  Merchants  Discoverers  of  the  North-West  Pas- 
sage.    Apud  Bledsoe,  July  26th,  1612         -  -       255 

Two  Extracts  from  Rafn's  "  Antiquitates  Ameri- 
canse"  -  -  -  -  -       257 

Other  names  of  Hudson's  Strait :  Hudson's  Bay, 
Hudson's  Touches,  Hudson's  Point,  and  Hudson's 
River  -  -  -  -  -  -       257 

Bibliographical  List,  containing  the  books,  maps, 
etc.,  etc.,  mentioned  in  the  present  work     -  -       258 

Index  -  -  -  -  -       279 


Hudson's  river,  Hudson's  strait,  and  Hudson's  bay, 
remind  every  educated  man  of  the  illustrious  navi- 
gator by  whom  they  were  explored.  But  though 
the  name  of  Henry  Hudson  possesses  these  preserva- 
tives against  oblivion,  little  more  has  been  done 
on  its  behalf,  and  few  persons  have  any  accurate 
notion  of  the  real  extent  of  his  merits.  By  con- 
sidering Hudson  as  the  discoverer  of  the  three 
mighty  waters  that  bear  his  name,  we  indeed  both 
overrate  and  underrate  his  deserts.  For  it  is  certain 
that  these  three  localities  had  repeatedly  been  visited 
and  even  drawn  on  maps  and  charts  long  before  he 
set  out  on  his  voyages.  Nor  did  he  himself  claim  the 
discovery  of  the  strait  and  bay.  He  was  fully  aware 
that  he  was  but  proceeding  further  on  a  track 
opened  up  by  his  predecessors.  On  the  other  hand, 
we  may  perhaps  be  too  ready  to  overlook  those  parts 
of  Hudson's  achievements  that  have  left  their  marks 
less  strikingly  on  the  geographical  delineations  of  our 
globe.  They  are  very  important  nevertheless.  The 
mere  extent  of  his  voyages  is  sufficient  to  place  him 


very  high  among  the  explorers  of  the  north.  He 
surpasses  in  that  respect  all  other  arctic  navigators, 
except  one  or  two  of  our  own  clays,  who  have  en- 
joyed immense  advantages  over  him.  Besides  his 
own  original  discoveries,  he  visited  during  the  four 
last  years  of  his  life  very  nearly  all  the  northern 
shores  of  Europe  and  Eastern  America,  which  had 
been  visited  by  his  predecessors  during  the  previous 
century,  and  everywhere  his  presence  left  at  least 
some  traces. 

To  fill  up  the  gap  in  geographical  literature  here 
pointed  out,  no  plan  seems  to  be  better  fitted  than 
the  one  generally  adopted  in  the  publications  of 
the  Hakluyt  Society.  The  original  records  of  a 
navigator's  or  traveller's  exploits,  if  properly  eluci- 
dated by  notes  and  introductory  remarks,  constitute 
the  most  authentic  portraiture  of  him  that  can  be 
ofi'ered  to  the  geographical  reader.  The  example  set 
by  Marsden's  Marco  Poh^  shows  how  very  much  may 
be  accomplished  in  this  manner.  The  editor  of  the 
present  volume  has  tried  to  follow  this  great  model  ; 
but,  besides  his  too  evident  inferiority  to  the  scholar, 
whom  he  has  been  trying  to  imitate,  he  has  had  difii- 
culties  to  encounter,  almost  greater  than  those  over- 
come by  Mr.  Marsden.  The  history  of  early  northern 
discovery  is  both  intricate  and  obscure,  and  it  has 
not  been  thoroughly  lighted  up  by  anterior  research. 
Many  new  investigations  have  thus  become  necessary ; 
and  the  editor  has  also  to  present  a  most  complicated 
subject  in  a  clear  and  readable  form  ;  and  this  too  in 
a  language  foreign  to  him.     He  hopes  therefore  not 


to  be  judged  too  severely,  if  he  partly  fail  in  accom- 
plishing his  aim. 

The  records  of  Hudson's  voyages  which  are  here 
collected  were  originally  noted  down,  and  have  been 
preserved  by  various  hands.  They  are  not  all  of 
equal  authenticity.  They  even  sometimes  contradict 
each  other ;  and  it  is  in  these  cases  not  easy  to 
elicit  the  truth.  We  must  tlierefore  examine  each 
record  with  close  attention  to  ascertain  what  reliance 
may  be  placed  in  it.  But  as  we  purpose  to  render  such 
a  review  of  our  records  perfectly  clear  and  intelligible 
to  every  reader,  it  is  necessary  first  to  give,  as  briefly 
as  possible,  a  summary  of  Hudson's  career. 

The  whole  period  of  his  life  known  to  us  extends 
over  little  more  than  four  years,  from  April  19, 
1607,  to  June  21,  1611.  The  greater  part  of  this 
time  is  filled  up  by  four  voyages,  all  of  them  under- 
taken in  search  of  a  short  northern  passage  to  the 
eastern  shores  of  Asia.  The  first  voyage  was  per- 
formed in  1607,  for  the  Moscovy  Company.  Its 
purpose  was  the  search  of  a  north-eastern  passage  to 
China.  The  principal  explorations  made  in  the 
course  of  it  were  along  the  coast  of  Spitzbergen. 

The  second  voyage  took  place  in  1608,  also  in 
search  of  a  north-eastern  passage,  and  likewise  for  the 
Moscovy  Company.  In  the  course  of  it,  part  of 
Nova  Zembla  was  explored. 

The  third  voyage  was  undertaken  in  1609,  at  the 
expense  of  the  Dutch  East  India  Company.  Its 
starting  place  was  Amsterdam,  its  original  purpose 
still    the    search    of  a   north-eastern    route.      But, 


meeting,  near  Nova  Zembla,  with  an  unbroken 
barrier  of  ice,  Hudson  went  to  tlie  west,  and 
attempted  the  search  for  a  north-western  passage. 
The  principal  locality  explored  during  this  voyage  is 
the  North-American  stream  which  we  still  call 
Hudson's  river. 

In  1610,  Hudson  again  sailed  to  the  north-west, 
in  search  of  a  passage.  The  expenses  of  the  ex- 
pedition were  borne  by  three  English  gentlemen. 
Hudson  explored  the  strait  and  part  of  the  bay 
which  bear  his  name.  He  passed  the  winter  1610- 
1611  in  one  of  the  most  southern  harbours  of  the 
bay.  On  the  21st  June,  1611,  a  few  days  after  he  had 
again  left  that  harbour,  a  mutiny  broke  out  among 
the  crew,  and  Hudson,  with  eight  companions,  was 
set  adrift  on  the  waves  in  a  small  boat,  and  has  never 
since  been  heard  of.  Tlie  ship  and  part  of  the 
mutinous  crew  reached  England  in  safety. 

For  the  bulk  of  our  information  respecting  Hud- 
son's career  we  are  indebted  to  Purchas.  The  third 
volume  of  his  Pilgrims  contains  accounts  of  all  tlie 
four  voyages,  written  in  part  by  Hudson  himself, 
partly  by  some  of  his  companions.  The  authenticity 
of  these  documents  is  beyond  all  question.  Purchas 
states  in  his  Pilgrimage}  that  he  received  the  ac- 
counts of  the  three  first  voyages  from  Hakluyt,  the 
various  papers  relating  to  the  fourth  voyage  from  Sir 
Dudley  Diggs,  the  principal  promoter  of  that  expedi- 

The  account  of  tlie  first  voyage,-  to  Greenland  and 

'   S(c  ivjia,  ])p.  lo9,  110.  -    Pp.  1  (o  22  of  the  present  vol. 


Spitzbergen  is  a  log-book,  beginning  with  the  depar- 
ture from  Gravesend,  May  1,  1607,  and  concluding 
with  the  return  to  Tilbury,  September  15,  of  the  same 
year.  This  log-book  is  described  by  Purchas  as 
"  ivritten  partly  hij  John  Playse}  one  of  the  comj^ani/, 
partly  hy  Hudson  himself^  Such  a  divided  authorship 
seems,  however,  very  singular  ;  and  on  closer  examin- 
ation we  discover  that  it  restsnipon  a  conjecture  made 
with  some  hesitation  by  Purchas. ^  He  seems  to  have 
found  the  name  of  John  Playse  expressly  mentioned 
as  that  of  the  author,  on  the  manuscript  he  used.  But 
whilst  he  could  thus  not  doubt  that  at  least  the 
beginning  of  the  log-book  was  due  to  that  sailor,  he 
was  at  a  loss  to  explain  the  occurrence  of  some  pas- 
sages, more  numerous  at  the  end  than  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  account,  which  no  one  but  Hudson  could 
have  written.^  Purchas,  therefore,  ascribes  nearly 
one  half  of  the  log-book  (from  the  11th  of  July  to 
the  end)  to  Hudson.  This  explanation  of  the  diffi- 
culty is,  however,  far  too  bold ;  and  there  are,  besides, 
some  positive  reasons  for  considering  it  as  unsatisfac- 
tory. No  difference  exists  between  the  general  tone 
and  style  of  the  part  undoubtedly  written  by  Playse, 
and  that  attributed,  on  the  above  grounds,  to  Hudson 
himself.  Even  the  occurrence  of  passages  from  Hud- 
son's pen  does  not  form  so  distinctive  a  feature  as 
would  at  first  sight  appear ;  for  in  the  first  part  some 

^  The  logbook  itself  calls  him  John  Plcyce. 
^  See  his  side  note,  p.  12. 

■"*  P.  12,  1.  12  to  16,  1.  29;  p.  11,1.  17,  31;   p.  15,  1.  24;  p.  16, 
1.  2,  1.  1-1;   p.  19,  1.  7;   p.  21,  1    2;   p.  22,  1,  31. 


sentences  occur  which  decidedly  owe  their  origin  to 
Hudson  ;^  while  there  are  many  others,  the  origi- 
nal cast  of  which  must  have  been  furnished  by  our 
navigator,  which  Playse  probably  made  his  own  by 
merely  turning  an  I  into  a  we?  Nor  is  it  at  all  sin- 
gular that  a  sailor,  in  composing  for  himself  a  log- 
book of  the  voyage  he  was  engaged  in,  should  make 
use  of  his  captain's  journal,  which  was  most  probably 
accessible  to  the  crew  of  the  vessel.  That  he  should 
sometimes  adopt,  sometimes  forget  to  make  the 
slight  alteration  above  referred  to,  and  that  he  should 
in  this  respect  be  more  negligent  in  the  latter  part  of 
his  log-book,  was  natural  enough  in  a  sailor  writing 
for  his  own  use  a  journal,  the  publication  of  which, 
eighteen  years  after  it  was  written,  he  could  not  fore- 
see, and  would  probably  not  have  desired. 

Under  these  circumstances  it  would  seem  most 
likely  that  the  whole  account  of  the  voyage  was 
written  by  Playse,  but  owes  the  greater  part  of  its 
value  to  the  notes  which  Playse  derived  from  Hud- 
son's journal.  Any  one  who  reads  the  log-book  with 
attention  will  find  this  conjecture  far  more  consistent 
than  the  one  adopted  by  Purchas.  Besides,  there 
exist  two  authentic  extracts  from  Hudson's  own 
journal  of  the  first  voyage.'^  Both  these  very  short 
papers  contain  facts  not  mentioned  in  the  log-book, 
some  of  which  at  least  took  place  after  the  11th  of 

>  P.  2,  1.  15,  1.  IG. 

■  For  instance,  nearly  tlic  whole  of  p.  4  and  p.  6,  besides  many 
other  passages. 

3  See  pp.  145,  14G. 


July,  the  date  where  Hudson's  share  of  the  log-book 
is  said  to  begin.  If  the  log-book  was,  indeed,  partly 
his  work,  he  must  have  purposely  omitted  some  of 
his  most  important  explorations. 

As  to  John  Playse  or  Pleyce,  the  probable  writer 
of  the  whole  log-book,  next  to  nothing  is  known 
about  him.  His  name  occurs  only  once,  as  one  of  the 
crew  of  the  ship  in  which  the  first  voyage  was  per- 
formed. There  he  ranks  very  low.  Among  Hudson's 
eleven  companions  (one  of  whom  was  a  boy),  Playse's 
name  stands  seventh.  He  must  therefore  have  been 
a  common  sailor ;  and  it  would  be  impossible  to  attri- 
bute to  Jiim  the  observations  of  the  needle  recorded 
m  the  first  person  on  page  2  of  his  journal.^  These 
observations,  like  all  the  other  important  parts  of 
Playse's  account,  are  evidently  due  to  Hudson  him- 

The  log-book  was  probably  intended  only  for 
Playse's  private  use,  or  perhaps  also  for  some  other 
sailor's.  It  is  entirely  of  a  professional  nature.  It 
contains,  however,  many  passages  of  interest  for  the 
general  reader,  and  principally  those  which  reveal 
Hudson's  ideas  and  plans.  The  descriptions  of  coasts, 
capes,  harbours,  and  seas,  are  without  any  literary 
pretension.  Still  they  are  striking  enough  in  their 
simplicity.  For  the  history  of  geography,  the  log- 
book is  of  the  very  highest  value,  although  it  unfor- 
tunately lacks  some  important  information  but  imper- 
fectly supplied  by  other  sources. 

The  account  of  the  second  voyage  (to  Nova  Zem- 

1  P.  2,  li.  5,  1.  16. 


bla)  is  likewise  a  log-book.^  Henry  Hudson  himself 
is  its  author.  It  commences  with  the  departure  from 
London,  April  22,  1608,  and  concludes  with  the  re- 
turn to  Gravesend,  August  26  of  the  same  year.  Its 
character  is,  in  almost  every  respect,  like  that  of 
Playse's  journal.  Some  of  the  descriptions,  however, 
are  more  detailed,  and  therefore  more  interesting  to 
the  general  reader.  This  log-book  also  contains  a 
curious  account  of  a  mermaid'^  seen  by  two  of  the 
sailors,  which  has  often  been  quoted  and  reprinted. 
As  a  geographical  record,  the  journal  of  the  second 
voyage  is  of  less  importance  than  that  of  the  first ; 
it  is  nevertheless  of  great  value. 

Purchas  says  (in  a  footnote  to  p.  25)  that  he  also 
had  a  journal  of  the  second  voyage,  written  by  Hud- 
son's mate,  Robert  Juet.  Of  this  Journal  only  two 
very  small  fragments  remain.  The  first,  in  one  of 
Purchas'  side-notes  to  Hudson's  journal  of  the  second 
voyage,  on  p.  30 ;  the  other,  in  the  following  line  of 
*'  Hudson's  Discoveries  and  Death"  in  Purchas'  Pil- 
grimage.  "  They  met,  as  both  himself  and  Juet  have 
testified,  a  mermaid  in  the  sea."^ 

The  account  of  the  third  voyage  (to  Hudson's  river) 
is  a  journal  kept  by  Robert  Juet,^  who  had  been 
Hudson's  mate  in  the  second  voyage,  and  who  was 
one  of  his  companions  in  the  third.  It  begins  with 
the  departure  from  Amsterdam,  March  25th  (April 
4th,  new  style),  1609  ;  it  ends  with  the  arrival  in 
Dartmouth,  November  7th  of  the  same  year.     Juet's 

'  Present  volume,  pp.  23-14.  -  P.  28. 

^  Sec  infra,  p.  139.  ■*  Present  vol.,  pp.  45  to  93. 


journal  is  the  most  satisfactory  of  all  the  remaining 
records  of  Hudson's  career.  The  indications  of  lati- 
tudes are  generally  more  minute  than  those  in  the 
other  papers,  and  most  of  them,  when  tested,  prove 
to  be  as  correct  as  the  state  of  science  in  those  times 
would  allow.  The  descriptions  are  full  enough  to 
assist  materially  in  identifying  the  localities.  The 
style,  though  concise,  is  pleasant  throughout,  and  the 
circumstance  that  during  this  voyage  alone  Hudson 
came  frequently  in  contact  with  natives  of  unknown 
regions,  furnishes  the  opportunity  for  narrating  in- 
teresting incidents.  The  most  important  as  well  as 
the  most  pleasing  part  of  the  journal  is  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  journey  up  and  down  Hudson's  river. 
There  is,  however,  in  Juet's  paper,  one  less  agreeable 
feature,  which  ought  not  to  remain  unnoticed.  He 
speaks  of  the  North  American  Indians  always  with 
distrust  and  often  with  animosity,  and  looks  very 
complacently  on  the  acts  of  injustice,  nay,  of  bar- 
barity, practised  against  them  by  some  of  the  crew. 
AVith  these  views  Hudson's  very  hearty  and  kindly 
appreciation  of  the  qualities  of  the  natives  forms  a 
most  happy  contrast,  and  it  is  quite  certain  that  in 
this  part  of  Juet's  journal  Hudson  had  no  share. 
How  far  the  astronomical  observations,  and,  in  fact, 
any  other  part  of  the  journal  may  be  attributed, 
either  directly  or  indirectly,  to  Hudson,  we  have  no 
means  to  ascertain.  It  is,  however,  probable  that 
Juet's  journal  was  in  most  respects  an  independent 
production.  The  scanty  extract  from  a  passage  of 
the  journal  kept  by  Juet  during  the  preceding  voy- 


age,  which  has  been  preserved  in  a  side  note  to  p.  30, 
is  quite  sufficient  to  prove  that  he  made  observations 
of  his  own,  independent  of  those  of  Hudson.  We 
have,  besides,  but  too  abundant  proofs  of  his  conceit, 
and  of  his  independence  of  character.  Also,  when 
comparing  Juet's  journal  of  the  third  voyage  with  the 
scraps  of  information  respecting  the  same  expedition 
that  can  be  traced  back  to  Hudson,  we  cannot  believe, 
as  some  authors  have  done,  that  Juet.  merely  acted  as 
Hudson's  secretary.  We  must,  on  the  contrary,  award 
to  Juet  himself  most  of  the  praise  and  all  the  blame 
due  to  his  journal. 

The  reader  may  perhaps  be  curious  to  know  what 
position  Juet  held  on  board  the  vessel  the  journal 
of  which  he  has  left  us ;  and  this  question  is,  in  fact, 
of  double  importance,  as  it  happens  to  involve  that 
of  Juet's  nationality.  Juet  was  Hudson's  mate  in 
the  second  and  in  the  early  part  of  the  fourth  voy- 
age. It  would  therefore  be  natural  enough  to  sup- 
pose, as  some  writers  have  done,  that  he  also  had 
the  rank  of  mate  in  the  third  voyage,  which  inter- 
vened between  the  two  other  ones.  His  own  journal 
furnishes  no  clue.  It  only  calls  him  Robert  Juet, 
of  Limehouse,  without  stating  what  office  he  held. 
But  Van  Meteren,  an  excellent  authority,  informs  us 
that  the  mate  on  board  the  Half  3Ioon,  the  yacht 
that  performed  the  third  voyage,  was  a  Dutchman. 
Thus,  if  Juet  was  that  mate,  he  was  a  Dutchman. 
Now,  strange  to  say,  there  are  arguments  of  about 
equal  strength  for  and  against  this  double  supposition  ; 
and   though    they   cannot   of  course   lead    us   to  a 


positive  conclusion,  we  think  it  right  to  state  them 
here.  And,  first,  as  regards  the  question  whether 
Juet  was  the  mate  or  no,  it  might  seem  singular  that 
a  man  should  accept  a  lower  rank,  after  having  the 
year  before  held  the  highest  next  to  the  captain. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  is  not  only  probable,  but 
almost  certain,  that  when  the  Dutch  East  India 
Company  entrusted  Hudson,  a  foreigner,  with  the 
command  of  one  of  their  vessels,  they  obliged  him 
to  employ  at  least  some  of  their  own  Dutch  sailors. 
Hudson  could  then  fill  only  the  vacant  places  with 
his  English  friends.  The  mate  may  have  been  among 
those  servants  of  the  company,  and  Juet  would  then 
have  been  obliged  to  be  satisfied  with  an  inferior 
position.  As  to  the  question  of  nationality,  Juet 
says  that  he  is  of  Limehouse.  His  journal  is  also 
thoroughly  English,  without  a  shade  of  foreign  idiom. 
But  many  Dutchmen  were  then  living  in  England, 
and  their  nation  possesses  a  wonderful  facility  in 
acquiring  foreign  languages,  especially  English. 
After  carefully  weighing  these  arguments  pro  and 
contra^  the  writer  of  the  present  observations  inclines 
to  think  that  Juet  was  an  Englishman,  and  that 
he  was  not  the  mate  on  board  the  Half  Moon,  but 
held  some  other  position  in  that  ship. 

Juet's  career,  after  the  termination  of  the  third 
voyage,  may  be  told  in  a  few  lines.  He  again  acted 
as  mate  in  Hudson's  fourth  and  last  voyage,  which 
commenced  April  17th,  1610.  Scarcely  more  than 
six  weeks  after  leaving  home,  in  the  beginning  of 
June,  he  already  showed  a  mutinous  disposition,  and 


threatened  to  turn  the  shi})'s  head  homeward.  In 
tliis  conduct  he  persisted,  often  "  using  words  tend- 
ing to  mutiny,  discouragement  and  slander  of  the 
action,  which  easily  took  effect  in  those  that  were 
timorous,"^  and  trying  to  persuade  some  of  the  crew 
to  keep  swords  and  loaded  muskets  ready  in  their 
cabins.  These  facts  having  been  reported  to  Hud- 
son, Juet  declared  them  to  be  untrue,  and  demanded 
a  trial,  which  took  place  the  10th  of  September, 
1610.  Juet  was  found  guilty  and  deposed  from  his 
ofRce.  AVhen  the  seed  of  mutiny  thus  sown  by  Juet 
had,  nearly  a  year  afterwards,  taken  effect,  and  Hud- 
son had  been  set  adrift  on  the  waves  by  his  mutinous 
crew,  the  command  of  the  captainless  vessel  was  not 
entrusted  to  Juet,  but  he  was  often  consulted  by  his 
companions.  He  died  from  sheer  want,  when  near 
the  end  of  the  dreadful  return  voyage,  and  almost  in 
sight  of  the  Irish  coast,  early  in  September,  1611.^ 
One  of  his  companions  calls  him  "  an  ancient  man."^ 
He  must  therefore  have  been  past  middle  age  at  the 
time  of  his  death. 

Purchas  has  preserved  four  documents  illustrating 
Hudson's  last  voyage  (to  Hudson's  Strait  and  Hud- 
son's Bay).  He  calls  the  first  of  them  An  Abstract 
from  Henry  Hudson  s  Journal.^  This  paper  must,  in- 
deed, be  a  mere  fragment  of  the  original  journal,  for 
it  extends  only  over  about  three  months  and  a  half 
from    the    day   of  departure,   April    17th,    1610,   to 

'  See  Wydhouse's  note,  pp.  136-138. 
2  P.  133  ;   for  the  date,  see  p.  144. 
=*  P.  118.  »  Pp.  93  to  97. 


August  3i'd  of  the  same  year.  We  have  no  reason 
to  think  that  Hudson  ever  failed  in  his  duty  of  keep- 
ing a  regular  logbook  as  long  as  he  was  on  board  his 
ship,  that  is  to  say,  to  the  21st  of  June,  1611.  More 
than  ten  months  of  his  journal  are  therefore  wanting. 
The  origin  of  the  deficiency  is  easily  explained.  The 
logbook  undoubtedly  contained  many  disclosures 
which  the  mutinous  crew  of -the  vessel  had  strong 
motives  to  suppress.  The  paper  which  they  brought 
home  and  handed  to  their  employers  seems,  indeed, 
most  fully  to  deserve  the  name  of  an  abstract.  Omis- 
sions seem  to  have  been  made,  not  only  at  the  end, 
but  also  in  other  parts  of  the  original.  The  almost 
complete  silence  about  the  sojourn  in  Iceland,  during 
which  Juet's  evil  disposition  began  to  show  itself, 
looks  very  suspicious.  Our  regrets  about  the  irre- 
parable loss  of  the  main  part  of  Hudson's  journal  are, 
however,  in  vain,  and  we  must  seek  some  conso- 
lation in  the  very  great  value  of  what  is  left  us. 

The  abstract  reaches,  as  has  already  been  observed, 
down  to  the  3rd  of  August,  1610.  It  ends  with  a 
short  description  of  Cape  Wolstenholme  and  its 
neighbourhood,  and  embraces,  therefore,  the  whole 
voyage  through  Hudson's  Strait  to  the  very  point 
where  Hudson's  Bay  opens.  Unfortunately  the  whole 
abstract  forms  less  than  five  pages,  the  three  last  of 
which  contain  the  description  of  the  strait.  Under 
these  circumstances  it  is,  perhaps,  a  matter  rather  of 
congratulation  than  of  regret  that  these  pages  offer 
but  little  interest  to  the  general  reader,  and  are  filled 
with  dry  details,  observations  of  latitudes,  indications 


of  the  ship's  course,  and  short  descriptions.  Such  as 
they  are  they  furnish  us,  with  the  assistance  of  Hud- 
son's chart,  the  means  of  tracing  Hudson's  voyage 
through  the  strait  almost  better  than  any  other  part 
of  his  explorations. 

The  second  document,  A  Larger  Discourse  of  the 
same  Voyage,  hj  AhacuJc  Pricket}  is  of  a  very  different, 
and,  in  fact,  of  an  almost  unique  nature.  The  author 
was  a  servant  of  Sir  Dudley  Diggs,  the  principal 
promoter  of  the  expedition,  and  formed  part  of  Hud- 
son's crew.  According  to  Purchas,  Pricket's  life  was 
spared  by  the  mutineers  that  he  might  intercede  for 
them  with  his  master.^  He  seems  to  have  been  very 
anxious  to  fulfil  this  engagement.  Though  the  paper 
he  has  left  us  is  in  form  a  narrative,  the  author's  real 
intention  was  much  more  to  defend  the  mutineers 
than  to  describe  the  voyage.  As  an  apologetical 
essay  the  "  Larger  Discourse"  is  extremely  clever.  It 
manages  to  cast  some,  not  too  much,  shadow  upon 
Hudson  himself.  The  main  fault  of  the  mutiny  is 
thrown  upon  some  men  who  had  ceased  to  live  when 
the  ship  reached  home.  Those  who  were  then  still 
alive  are  presented  as  guiltless,  some  as  highly  de- 
serving men. 

Pricket's  account  of  the  mutiny  and  of  its  cause 
has  often  been  suspected.  Even  Purchas  himself^  and 
Fox  speak  of  it  with  distrust.  But  Pricket  is 
the  only  eye-witness  that  has  left  us  an  account 
of  these  events,  and  we  can  therefore  not  correct 
his  statements,  whether  they  be  true  or  false.     Be- 

'  Pp.  'JS  to  l;35.  -  See  p.  lo8.  ''   W  135. 


sides  being  an  apology  for  the  mutineers,  the  "  Larger 
Discourse"  is  not  without  value  as  a  narrative.  It  was 
evidently  written  quietly  at  home  ;  not  during  the 
turmoil  of  a  voyage.  The  author's  special  purpose 
induces  him  to  dwell  at  great  length  on  some  scenes 
of  real  life  that  passed  on  and  near  the  ship.  By  far 
the  greater  part  of  his  discourse  is  devoted  to  these 
scenes,  which  have  always  been,  and  will  always  be, 
perused  with  interest. 

As  a  geographical  record  the  "  Larger  Discourse" 
is  most  unsatisfactory.  Its  statements,  which  must 
in  greater  part  have  been  put  down  from  recollection 
only,  without  any  reference  to  notes  made  during  the 
voyage,  are  mostly  vague  in  the  extreme.  Here  and 
there,  however,  some  more  precise  statement  adds 
something  to  the  store  of  reliable  information  sup- 
plied by  Hudson's  journal  and  chart.  For  the  voy- 
age and  wintering  in  the  bay,  and  for  the  voyage 
home,  the  Discourse  is,  unfortunately,  the  only  docu- 
ment of  any  value  that  is  left  us. 

The  two  remaining  documents  are  of  but  minor 
importance.  The  first  is  a  letter  from  Iceland,  re- 
printed by  Purchas  without  the  author's  name  •}  but 
apparently  written  by  Hudson  himself.  This  letter, 
dated  May  30,  1610,  speaks  of  the  sojourn  in  Iceland 
and  of  the  good  shooting  they  got  there.  It  men- 
tions incidentally  the  number  of  Hudson's  crew,  but 
contains  no  other  valuable  information. 

'  Purchas  speaks  of  the  authorship,  on  p.  135,  in  so  confused  a 
manner,  that  it  is  impossible  to  see  whether  he  attributed  it  to 
Hudson,  to  Juet,  or  to  Wydhouse. 


The  last  of  the  documents  pubhshcd  in  the  Pil- 
grhns,  is  a  note  found  in  the  desk  of  Thomas  Wyd- 
house,^  a  mathematical  student.  The  note  records 
the  trial  of  Juet,  to  which  we  have  already  alluded, 
and  the  changes  among  the  officers  of  the  ship  which 
Hudson  made  in  consequence  of  it.  Wydhouse's 
name  is  also  spelled  Woodliouse,  Wydowse,  and 
Widowes.  Of  his  personal  history  nothing  is  known, 
beyond  the  fact  that  he  was  one  of  the  unfortunate 
men  who  were  set  adrift  with  Hudson. 

Purchas,  in  publishing  the  above  documents  in  his 
Pilgrims,  adds  to  them  some  side  notes,  foot  notes, 
headings,  and  observations,  the  responsibility  of  which 
belongs  to  him  alone. 

Two  of  the  headings^  and  the  only  important  foot 
note^  have  already  been  discussed ;  tlie  others  may 
safely  be  taken  on  trust  as  correct.  As  to  the  side 
notes,  by  far  the  greater  part  of  them  form  merely 
a  running  index  to  the  contents  of  the  text,  accord- 
ing to  a  custom  usual  in  those  times,  and  which  some 
writers  of  our  days  have  very  properly  revived.  Of 
the  remaining  side  notes,  some  are  references  to 
other  sources  of  geographical  information,  some  are 
explanations  of  nautical  terms  used  in  the  text,  whilst 
two  are  moral  reflections  on  the  events  narrated  by 
Pricket.  Only  two  of  the  side  notes  deserve  a  more 
particular  mention.  They  occur  on  pp.  13  and  40, 
and  both  express  in  strong  terms  Purchas's  opinion 
respecting  the   discovery   of  Spitzbergcn  and  Nova 

'   Pp.  I0G-I08.  ^'s  Journal — IIiulsou's  Abstract. 

•'  Tlie  note  to  p.  23. 


Zembla.  This  opinion  is  so  very  far  from  correct,  that 
we  almost  wonder  how  it  could  have  arisen.  Some 
explanations  of  its  origin  will  be  offered  in  another  part 
of  these  paaes.  We  may,  however,  here  observe,  that 
Purchas  soon  became  conscious  of  having  been  some- 
what severe  towards  the  Dutch,  the  real  discoverers 
of  Spitzbergen,  whom  his  notes  represent  as  inter- 
lopers. He  says,  in  the  introduction  to  the  third 
volume  of  the  Pilgrhns,  that  his  judgment  was  biassed 
by  the  influence  of  Englishmen,  who  took  an  inter- 
ested view  of  the  question  at  issue  ;  that  is  to  say, 
by  the  Company  of  Merchant  Adventurers.  Con- 
sidering the  great  number  of  important  documents 
furnished  to  Purchas  by  this  society,  we  can  hardly 
blame  him  for  listening  for  a  moment  to  their  insinu- 
ations, and  it  is  highly  creditable  that  he  acknow- 
ledges his  error. 

A  short  postscript^  is  added  by  Purchas  to  Pricket's 
discourse.  Purchas  there  expresses  his  distrust  in 
the  narrator's  faithfulness,  and  says  that  for  this 
reason  he  reprints  the  letter  from  Iceland  and  Wyd- 
house's  statement,  by  which  Pricket's  account  may 
in  some  degree  be  tested. 

Another  short  notice  is  appended  to  Wydhouse's 
paper.2  This  notice  contains  some  additional  facts 
concerning  the  fourth  voyage,  obtained  from  a  source 
which  Purchas  considers  as  authentic.  They  are, 
however,  not  very  reliable,  and  part  of  them  seem 
to  be  derived  from  Hessel  Gerritz's  book,  of  which 
we  shall  have  ample  occasion  to  speak. 

'  P.  135.  2  P.  138. 


Purchas'  Pilgrimage,  a  work  which  is  often  con- 
sidered as  the  fifth  volume  of  the  Pilgrims,  contains 
a  remarkable  chapter  entitled,  Of  Hudson  s  Discoveries 
and  Death.  This  chapter  is  reprinted  in  the  present 
collection.^  It  is  mainly  a  summary  of  the  materials 
published  in  the  Pilgrims,  and  as  such  it  is  not  even 
very  complete.  Its  real  importance  consists  in  the 
additional  information  it  furnishes.  It  names  the 
source  from  which  the  documents  printed  in  the 
Pilgrims  were  obtained,  it  gives  a  very  small  frag- 
ment of  Juet's  lost  journal,  it  mentions  the  names  of 
the  gentlemen  at  whose  expense  the  last  expedition 
was  undertaken,  and  it  tells  us  on  what  day  the  mutin- 
ous crew  of  the  vessel  reached  the  Irish  shore  on  their 
home  voyage.  It  also  clears  up  some  questions  of 
minor  importance. 

Purchas  has  again  added  some  side  notes  to  this 
chapter.  Only  two  of  them  are  remarkable.  They 
show  how  earnestly  he  persisted  in  the  belief  that 
Hudson  had  discovered  a  passage  to  the  South  Sea. 

After  having  examined  the  chapters  in  Purchas' 
Pilgrims  and  Pilgrimage  which  are  devoted  to  Hud- 
son's life,  we  must  now  review  a  certain  amount 
of  fragmentary  intelligence  collected  from  various 
Bources.  These  fragments  enable  the  student  to  fill 
up  many  gaps  left  by  the  more  detailed  records  ;  they 
also,  in  more  than  one  instance,  throw  a  new  light  on 
some  of  the  most  important  events  of  Hudson's 

The  two  first  fragments  are  again  due  to  Purchas. 
1  Tp.  i;?'.)-H  1. 


They  do  not,  however,  form  part  of  those  pages  of  his 
work  where  he  treats  specially  of  our  navigator,  but 
occur  accidentally  in  two  papers  not  directly  bearing 
upon  Hudson's  career.  Two  captains  in  the  service 
of  the  Muscovy  Company,  Edge  and  Fotherby,  have 
left  short  accounts  of  their  own  and  of  some  other 
voyages  to  Spitzbergen.  Both  made  use  of  the  manu- 
scripts deposited  in  the  archivjes  of  their  employers, 
and  among  them  of  the  Journal  kept  by  Hudson 
during  his  First  Voyage.  Each  of  them  gives  a  short 
extract  from  this  document,  of  which  all  other  traces 
are  lost.  These  extracts,  of  a  few  lines  each,  are 
reprinted  in  our  collection.^  They  are  fortunately  of 
very  great  importance,  in  spite  of  their  brevity,  espe- 
cially the  one  due  to  Edge.  The  naming  of  Whale 
Bay  and  of  Hakluyt's  Headland,  on  the  north  coast 
of  Spitzbergen,  as  well  as  the  discovery  of  Jan  Mayen 
Island  (Hudson's  Tutches),  are  here,  and  only  here, 
recorded.  Fotherby's  extract  throws  some  light  on 
Hudson's  explorations  along  the  shore  of  Greenland. 

The  authenticity  of  the  two  extracts  is  unques- 
tionable. Edge  and  Fotherby  were  in  the  service  of 
the  company  for  whom  the  first  voyage  was  per- 
formed, and  which  was,  as  a  matter  of  course,  in  pos- 
session of  Hudson's  logbook.  Both  captains  wrote 
a  few  years  after  Hudson's  first  voyage  ;  and  Pur- 
chas,  who  printed  their  accounts,  was  in  the  habit  of 
receiving   documents   from   the  Muscovy   Company. 

The  remaining  fragments  are,  with  only  one  excep- 
tion, of  Dutch  origin,  as  are  also   the  two  maps  in 

^  Pp.  145,  146. 


our  collection.  To  make  the  nature  of  these  papers 
understood  we  shall  have  briefly  to  relate  some  events 
of  Dutch  history  that  are  but  little  noticed,  even  in 
the  Netherlands,  and  with  which  we  can  therefore 
not  expect  all  our  readers  to  be  fully  acquainted. 
These  events  had,  besides,  a  direct  and  strong  influ- 
ence on  Hudson's  connexion  with  the  Dutch  East 
India  Company,  and  serve  to  explain  some  of  the 
consequences  of  his  third  voyage.  We  believe 
therefore  that  we  are  justified  in  adverting  to  them 

The  Netherlands,  and  more  especially  the  southern 
provinces,  were,  during  the  latter  part  of  the  middle 
ages,  the  centre  of  European  commerce.  In  their 
ports  the  ships  of  the  north  and  the  caravels  of  the 
south  met  to  exchange  their  cargoes.  The  trans- 
atlantic discoveries  which  mark  the  beginning  of  the 
modern  era,  and  which  produced  such  important 
changes  in  the  roads  of  trade,  did  not  afi'ect  the 
central  position  of  the  Netherlands.  As  the  streams 
of  wealth  had  long  poured  into  Ghent  and  Bruges, 
so  they  now  began  to  pour  into  Antwerp  ;  and  this 
town  was,  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  by 
far  the  most  important  emporium  in  Europe.  The 
whole  country  shared  these  advantages,  as  is  always 
the  case  under  such  circumstances  ;  and  learning, 
art,  literature,  but  before  all  industry,  flourished  on 
the  favoured  spot. 

The  writings  of  many  eminent  historians  have 
rendered  all  of  us  familiar  with  tlie  terrible  events 
which  put  an  end  to  this  prosperity,     ^^^e  all  know 


liow  the  Spanish  veterans,  the  German  mercenaries, 
the  French  sokliery,  pillaged  the  towns,  burnt  the 
villages,  devastated  the  open  country ;  and  how  thou- 
sands suffered  martyrdom  by  Alba's  hand.  To  escape 
this  persecution  nearly  three  hundred  thousand  fami- 
lies left  their  homes,  an  almost  incredible  efflux  from 
so  small  a  country. 

It  is  surprising  that  so  few  writers  have  asked 
themselves  the  q.uestion,  "  What  became  of  all  this 
multitude  V  This  question  is,  indeed,  not  readily 
answered.  We  can,  however,  trace  the  steps  of  some 
of  the  emigrants  to  England,  of  some  to  Sweden, 
of  some  to  Russia,  and  of  one  even  so  far  as  the 
Azores.  They  went  to  every  part  of  the  world.  The 
immense  majority  seem  to  have  escaped  for  a  while 
to  the  neighbouring  parts  of  Germany,  and  then  to 
have  streamed  into  the  seven  northern  provinces  of 
the  Netherlands,  as  these  were  gradually  being  freed 
from  the  Spanish  yoke. 

Most  of  the  riches,  the  energy,  the  enlightenment 
of  the  Netherlands  thus  became  concentrated  in  the 
northern  provinces,  more  especially  in  Holland  and 
Zealand.  Amsterdam  became  the  heir  of  Antwerp, 
and  the  new-born  republic  of  the  seven  provinces, 
with  its  few  square  miles  of  land  and  its  few  millions 
of  inhabitants,  soon  took  its  place  among  the  leading 
European  powers. 

It  has  never  been  well  ascertained  how  much  the 
emigrants  contributed  to  this  sudden  growth  of  Hol- 
land and  Zealand  ;  nor  is  there  much  hope  that  the 
question  will  ever  be  ansv/ered.     Besides  the  great 


difficulties  of  the  inquiry,  there  is  no  one  to  whom  it 
properly  belongs.  We  cannot  expect  the  Dutch  to 
invite  jealous  rivals  to  a  share  in  their  glory,  and  the 
Belgians  of  the  present  day  seem  hardly  to  remem- 
ber that  the  illustrious  Protestant  emigrants  of  the 
sixteenth  century  were  their  compatriots.  The  fol- 
lowing stray  facts,  though  bearing  on  this  great  ques- 
tion, are  not  intended  as  an  answer  to  it.  Their 
purpose  merely  is  to  throw  light  on  our  own  subject. 
Among  the  emigrants  who  settled  in  the  northern 
provinces  there  were  many  merchants,  especially  from 
Antwerp,  who  had  brought  with  them  part  of  their 
riches,  all  their  knowledge  and  experience,  and  even 
more  than  their  usual  energy.  They  gave  an  im- 
mense impulse  to  Dutch  trade.  The  names  of  many 
of  them  are  necessarily  forgotten,  and  even  of  those 
which  are  remembered  a  few  only  can  be  mentioned 
here.  The  most  illustrious  of  them  is  Balthasar  de 
Moucheron.  He  may  almost  be  called  the  father  of 
Dutch  commerce.  Before  any  other  Dutch  vessels 
ventured  out  of  the  well-known  waters,  we  find  his 
ships  showing  the  way  to  Russia  and  to  the  xlrctic 
Ocean.  He  was  also  the  principal  originator  of  the 
three  expeditions  to  the  north,  which  made  the  name 
of  the  Dutch  celebrated  all  over  Europe.^  He,  before 
all  others,  sent,  on  private  account,  ships  to  the  East 
Indies.  The  great  name  which  we  have  tried  to  ren- 
der familiar  to  our  readers  will  meet  them  again  in 

^  The  expeditions  described  by  De  Veer,  of  which  an  excellent 
edition  by  Dr.  Bckc  forms  part  of  the  collections  of  the  Hakluyt 
Society.     See  the  Introduction  to  that  work,  p.  Iv. 


these  pages.  It  also  occurs  in  Lambrechtsen's  ac- 
count of  Hudson's  life,  printed  among  the  papers  of 
our  collection.^ 

It  would  lead  us  too  far  were  we  to  dwell  on  the 
merits  of  some  other  emigrants  who  rendered  distin- 
guished service  to  the  advancement  of  trade  in  the 
Netherlands,  but  whose  career  is  not  directly  con- 
nected with  our  subject ;  such  as  Isaac  and  Jacob 
Le  Maire,  Jacques  Mahu,  Pieter  des  Marees,  Samuel 
Godyn,  Jacques  I'Heremite,  and  many  others.  We 
must,  however,  introduce  to  our  readers'  notice  one 
more  great  man,  whose  name  has  hardly  yet  been 
heard  in  England. 

William  Usselincx,  like  Le  Maire  and  Moucheron, 
an  Antwerp  merchant  who  settled  in  Zealand,  was 
the  founder  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company. 
This  company,  though  mighty  enough  in  its  day,  is 
now  very  nearly  forgotten.  It  was  established  in 
1621,  and  obtained  the  privilege  of  trade  to  America. 
It  thus  inherited  the  discovery  of  Hudson's  river, 
and  peopled  its  banks  with  industrious  colonists. 
Usselincx  himself  was  a  man  of  extraordinary  genius. 
As  early  as  1591,  at  a  time  when  the  power  of  Spain 
overshadowed  the  world,  he  alone  among  millions 
saw  the  real  weakness  of  the  seeming  giant.  He 
proposed  to  the  Dutch  to  attack  Spain  in  her  colo- 
nies, especially  in  America,  and  thus  to  undermine 
her  power.  His  keen  eye  perceived  that  the  Dutch 
could  successfully  undertake  this  task,  but  they  would 
not  believe  him.     He  had  to  struggle  thirty  years 

^   See  infra,  p.  164. 


before  his  great  idea  was  partly  realized,  before  the 
West  India  Company  was  established.  The  fate  of 
the  banks  of  the  Hudson  depended  upon  the  issue 
of  these  struggles,  and  we  might  therefore,  perhaps, 
be  allowed  to  devote  a  few  more  lines  to  them.  But 
we  are  afraid  of  losing  sight  of  our  main  object,  the 
review  of  our  records,  and  we  must  therefore  leave 
Usselincx  for  the  present. 

The  first  of  the  Dutch  fragments  which  we  "were 
going  to  review,  is  an  extract  from  Emanuel  van  Mete- 
ren's  chronicle  of  the  great  war  between  Spain  and  the 
Netherlands.^  Van  Meteren  was,  like  most  of  the 
men  we  have  just  spoken  of,  an  Antwerp  merchant. 
Like  them  he  left  his  country  for  the  sake  of  his 
religion.  But  he  did  not  settle  down  in  Holland  or 
Zealand.  He  went  to  London,  and  tried  there  to 
serve  the  cause  of  his  country.  He  was  a  man  of 
unflinching  energy  and  of  great  mental  powers ;  he 
seems  also  to  have  possessed  considerable  means. 
The  young  republic  of  the  Netherlands  made  there- 
fore an  excellent  choice  when  it  appointed  him  its 
consul  for  England.  This  official  position,  as  well  as 
his  extensive  business  transactions,  brought  him  into 
contact  with  many  eminent  personages.  He  was 
thus  enabled  to  collect  by  various  means  an  astound- 
ing amount  of  information  on  contemporary  events. 
He  seems  to  have  at  first  accumulated  his  notes  with- 
out any  settled  purpose  :  this  at  least  is  his  own 
statement.  He  adds  that  his  cousin,  the  celebrated 
Abraham  Ortelius,  suggested  to  him  the  idea  of  pub- 

'  Pp.  145  to  153. 


lisliing  these  memoirs.  Howsoever  this  may  be,  the 
work  itself  does  not  bear  the  stamp  of  an  assemblage 
of  loose  papers.  It  is  written  with  great  care,  is  better 
connected  than  any  one  of  the  numerous  contempo- 
rary chronicles,  and  is  teeming  with  life.  It  has  de- 
servedly obtained  a  place  among  the  historical  master- 
pieces of  all  ages.  Not  that  the  book  is  well  known 
to  the  public.  But  whoever  reads  it  for  the  first  time, 
is  surprised  to  find  how  familiar  every  page  is  to  him. 
The  admirable  portraiture  of  the  principal  characters 
in  the  great  drama,  the  wonderful  descriptions  of 
preachings,  pillages,  sieges,  and  battles  have  been  bor- 
rowed by  the  most  eminent  writers,  and  the  statements 
of  facts  have  passed  into  the  current  history  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  They  are  contained  in  all  our 
handbooks.  It  is  perhaps  not  too  much  to  say,  that 
the  great  favour  which  the  events  in  the  Netherlands 
during  Philip  II's  reign  have  found  in  the  eyes  of 
historians,  poets,  and  artists,  may  be  mainly  ascribed 
to  the  ease  with  which  materials  can  be  borrowed 
from  Van  Meteren's  inexhaustible  store.  The  nu- 
merous modern  researches  which  form  a  brilliant 
superstructure  on  this  solid  foundation,  prove  that 
the  general  confidence  in  Van  Meteren's  accuracy  is 
very  deservedly  bestowed. 

Van  Meteren's  history,  such  as  we  now  have  it, 
consists  of  two  very  unequal  parts.  The  first,  the 
main  work,  embraces  the  whole  of  Philip  II's  reign, 
ending  with  the  year  1598.  It  was  written  when  the 
author  was  yet  in  full  possession  of  his  great  powers, 
and  it  was  published  under  his  care.    The  second  part, 


a  supplement,  brings  the  chronicle  down  to  the  year 
1611.  It  bears  the  most  evident  marks  of  the  old 
man.  The  author,  then  seventy-six  years  of  age, 
hurried  to  finish  it,  feeling,  as  he  himself  says,  the 
call  to  another  world  pressing  upon  him.  He  was 
not  even  to  see  it  in  print.  He  died  in  1612.  The 
supplement  was  published  for  the  first  time  in  1614. 
The  great  beauties  to  which  we  have  alluded  are  to 
be  found  only  in  the  main  work ;  but  conscientious- 
ness and  accuracy  belong  to  both  parts  alike.  The 
supplement  has  a  character  of  its  own,  which  makes 
the  description  of  Hudson's  voyage  contained  in  it 
all  the  more  valuable  as  an  historical  source.  The 
latter  part  of  Van  Meteren's  history  is  more  like  a 
collection  of  documents  and  notices  chronologically 
arranged,  and  very  slightly  connected  among  them- 
selves, than  like  a  regular  narrative.  Most  of 
the  pieces  are  evidently  in  the  original  state  in 
which  they  were  first  inserted  among  the  author's 

This  is  more  especially  the  case  with  regard  to  the 
account  of  Hudson's  voyage.  The  account  bears  the 
stamp  of  having  been  rather  hastily  translated  from  a 
verbal  or  written  communication.  Its  real  author  is 
most  probably  Hudson  himself.  This  supposition  is 
borne  out  by  the  circumstances  in  which  Van  Mete- 
ren  and  Hudson  were  placed,  and  by  some  curious 
internal  evidence.  Van  Meteren,  when  speaking  of 
Hudson  and  of  his  companions,  very  naturally  uses 
the  words  "  theij  left,"  '■Hliey  feared,"  etc.  But  all  on  a 
sudden  we  meet  with  the  following  passage:  "Thence 


they  sailed  along  the  shore  until  we  reached  40°  45'."^ 
Can  there  be  any  more  natural  supposition  than  that 
the  old  man  here  committed  an  oversight  similar  to 
those  pointed  out  by  us  in  Playse's  logbook  ^  He 
probably  had  an  account  of  the  voyage  written 
by  Hudson,  and  in  translating  it  he  once  forgot  to 
turn  ive  into  iliejj.  All  attentive  readers  of  early 
voyages  will  remember  that  this  is  a  very  common 
oversight.  The  old  merchant  was,  besides,  in  Lon- 
don at  the  time  of  Hudson's  return  from  his  voyage. 
We  learn  from  him  that  our  navigator  was  pre- 
vented, by  the  commands  of  the  English  govern- 
ment, from  going  to  Holland  and  laying  his  reports 
before  his  employers.  It  is  but  natural  that  Hudson 
should  in  this  difficulty  have  applied  to  the  Dutch 
consul,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  correspondence 
between  Hudson  and  the  East  India  Company,  which 
is  mentioned  by  Van  Meteren,  passed  through  Van 
Meteren's  own  hands. 

But  even  if  we  hesitate  to  ascribe  this  origin  to 
Van  Meteren's  account  of  the  third  voyage,  it  still 
remains  a  document  of  great  importance.  It  cannot 
have  been  written  down  much  more  than  a  year  after 
Hudson's  return.  The  excellent  opportunities  which 
the  author  enjoyed,  and  his  justly  celebrated  con- 
scientiousness, are  a  sufficient  guarantee  for  the  accu- 
racy of  the  facts  related  by  him. 

The  contents  of  the  account  coincide  in  many 
points  with  the  statements  made  by  Juet,  and  serve  so 
far  to  confirm  them.    Van  Meteren  is  the  only  source 

>  P.  150. 


that  throws  light  on  the  events  which  happened  be- 
tween the  5th  and  the  19th  of  May,  1609,  on  Hud- 
son's voyage  from  the  North  Cape  to  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Nova  Zembia,  the  mutiny  of  the  crew,  Hud- 
son's propositions  made  to  them,  and  the  final  deter- 
mination to  sail  to  the  west  instead  of  the  east.  Juet 
preserves  a  suspicious  silence  on  all  these  matters. 
His  journal  contains  no  entry,  from  the  first  arrival 
of  the  vessel  at  the  North  Cape  until  its  return  to  the 
same  point.  Van  Meteren  further  informs  us  that 
Hudson  was  a  friend  of  Captain  Smith,  the  cele- 
brated explorer  of  Virginia,  and  that  the  idea  of 
searching  for  a  passage  under  40°,  was  in  a  great 
measure  due  to  the  advice  of  this  illustrious  man. 
We  could  hardly  venture  to  enumerate  here  all  the 
other  important  facts  which  can  be  gathered  from 
this  account  of  the  third  voyage.  We  must  in  this 
respect  refer  the  reader  to  the  observations  on  the 
voyage  itself,  which  we  shall  offer  in  anotiier  part  of 
the  present  introduction. 

Two  more  remarks  have,  however,  yet  to  be  made. 
Van  Meteren's  account  opens  with  a  reference  to  the 
preceding  (the  30th)  book  of  his  chronicle.  The 
notice  to  which  he  alludes  must  have  dropped  out  of 
his  papers  before  the  work  was  sent  to  the  press.  It 
is  not  to  be  found  in  any  of  the  printed  editions. 
The  second  remark  is,  that  the  whole  account,  from 
the  words,  "  this  Henry  Hudson"  [Desen  Ilerrij  Ilidson) 
down  to  the  end,  has  been  reprinted,  but  without  the 
author's  name,  by  Commelijn,  in  his  celebrated  work 
Begin  en  Voorigang  van  de  Ncderlandsche  Oost  ludische 


Compagnie^  and  has  thence  passed  into  Constantin  de 
Reneville's  still  more  celebrated  Voyages  enirepris 
pour  la  Compagnie  des  Indes,  etc.  The  latter  work  is 
therefore  often,  but  quite  erroneously,  quoted  as  an 
original  source  for  the  biography  of  Henry  Hudson.^ 

The  next  fragments  that  come  under  our  con- 
sideration,- are  taken  from  De  Laet's  description  of 
America.  Before  speaking. of  them  more  especially, 
we  have  to  make  some  general  observations  bearing 
as  well  on  this  as  on  other  parts  of  our  subject. 

John  De  Laet  was  one  of  the  Directors  of  the 
Dutch  West  India  Company.  He  was  of  Belgian 
origin,  like  Willem  Usselincx,  the  founder  of  the 
association,  and  like  most  of  the  men  who  took  a 
leading  part  in  it.  The  Company  itself  may,  in  fact, 
be  considered  as  having  emanated  from  the  Belgian 
emigrants  settled  in  the  northern  provinces,  and  as 
the  principal  representative  of  their  aims  and  views. 
By  the  war  between  Spain  and  the  Netherlands  the 
trade  of  central  Europe  was  forced  out  of  its  wonted 
channels.  The  Belgian  towns,  the  theatre  of  so  much 
A'iolence,  became  unsafe  depositories  for  the  riches  of 
all  nations,  many  of  the  most  industrious  merchants 
fled,  the  harbour  of  Antwerp  was  almost  deserted, 
and  the  mouth  of  the  Scheldt  was  made  inaccessible 

^  The  editor  of  the  present  booh  has  refrained  from  introducing 
long  titles  into  his  text.  But  knowing  the  great  imjiortance  of 
exact  bibliographical  descriptions,  he  is  going  to  append,  at  the 
end  of  the  volume,  a  list  of  all  the  works  mentioned  in  it,  with  the 
necessary  bibliographical  details. 

-  Pp.  154-166. 


by  vigilant  cruisers,  long  before  it  was  entirely  closed 
by  international  treaties.  By  far  the  greater  part  of 
the  commerce  thus  lost  to  Belgium  found  its  way 
to  Holland  and  Zealand.  The  Belgian  emigrants, 
whose  activity  greatly  contributed  to  this  change, 
saw  it,  however,  with  the  utmost  regret.  They  had 
never  fairly  adopted  Holland,  Zealand,  and  the  other 
northern  provinces  as  their  permanent  abode,  but 
continued  to  look  to  the  south  as  to  their  own  dear 
home.  They  even  shrank  from  matrimonial  alliances 
with  the  original  inhabitants  of  the  north,  and  formed 
in  every  respect  a  separate  body,  closely  knit  toge- 
ther by  common  interests  and  common  longings. 
They  felt  the  yoke  which  was  pressing  on  the  Bel- 
gians almost  as  heavily  as  if  they  had  themselves  still 
been  groaning  under  it,  and  they  longed  with  all 
their  hearts  to  drive  the  Spaniards  from  their  ancient 
homesteads,  to  return  in  triumph,  and  to  introduce 
the  Protestant  religion  into  their  native  country. 
The  plan  by  which  they  intended  to  effect  this  noble 
purpose  is  so  grand  that  it  hardly  deserves  the  obli- 
vion with  which  history  has  punished  its  failure. 
They  proposed  to  attack  the  Spaniards  in  all  their 
colonies,  to  destroy  their  resources,  and  thus  to  dis- 
able them  from  holding  Belgium  any  longer.  The 
events  of  after  times  have  clearly  proved  that  this 
might  have  been  done,  had  the  Hollanders  and  Zea- 
landers  not  been  prevented  by  opposite  interests 
from  joining  heartily  in  these  generous  efforts. 

Among  the  means  which  the  emigrants  devised  for 
the  realization  of  their  scheme,  there  is  one  which  de- 


serves  in  the  highest  degree  the  attention  of  the  geogra- 
phical student.  It  was  evident  that  a  body  of  men  who 
proposed  to  themselves  an  object  like  the  one  they 
had  in  view,  must  needs  first  possess  a  thorough 
knowledge  of  the  configuration  of  the  earth,  so  as  to 
direct  tlieir  steps  safely  to  any  point  on  its  surface. 
The  emigrants  counted  in  their  ranks  a  number  of 
men  of  high  scientific  acquirements,  and  among  these 
the  idea  sprang  up,  more  distinctly  in  some,  less  dis- 
tinctly in  others,  to  assist  by  scientific  research  and 
geographical  labours  in  the  deliverance  of  their 
country.  The  names  of  these  men  are  familiar  to  the 
geographical  student.  Mercator,  the  De  Brys,Hulsius, 
Bertius,  De  Laet,  Cluverius,  Peter  Plancius,  Jodo- 
cus,  and  Henry  Hondius,  are  known  to  us  all  as 
being  among  the  fathers  of  modern  geography  ;  but 
it  seems  to  be  forgotten  that  a  nobler  aim  than  mere 
scientific  research  animated  their  efibrts. 

The  Dutch  West  India  Company  was,  first  as  a 
scheme,  afterwards  as  a  reality,  the  centre  point  of 
all  these  endeavours.  They  disdained  the  peaceful 
arts  by  which  other  privileged  associations  of  the 
same  class  have  grown  mighty  and  rich.  Their  aim 
was  to  attack  the  Spaniard  in  his  transatlantic 
strongholds ;  to  sink  or  take  the  ships  in  which  he 
transported  his  silver  and  gold  ;  to  cut  him  ofi",  if 
possible,  from  all  connections  with  the  New  World. 
All  the  other  aff'airs,  which  the  nature  of  their  posi- 
tion and  the  extent  of  their  privileges  forced  upon 
them,  were  treated  as  minor  matters,  hardly  worthy 
of  their  attention.     But  their  main  object  was  pur- 


sued  with  an  energy  beyond  all  belief.  In  spite  of 
all  the  difficulties  they  had  to  contend  with,  they 
long  maintained  a  war  fleet  of  more  than  seventy 
sail,  and  almost  succeeded  in  driving  the  Spaniards 
from  the  American  seas. 

John  de  Laet  was  one  of  the  earliest  and  most 
eminent  directors  of  the  "West  India  Company.  His 
description  of  America,  the  work  from  which  our 
extracts  are  taken,  is  marked  by  the  same  features 
which  distinguish  the  company  itself  and  the  body 
of  men  from  which  that  association  sprang.  As  a 
geographical  compilation  it  is  one  of  the  finest  even 
among  those  produced  by  the  Belgian  emigrants,  and 
for  systematic  treatment,  precision,  and  general  accu- 
racy, it  may  perhaps  claim  the  very  first  rank  among 
the  manuals  of  the  time.  Its  main  portion,  the  de- 
scription of  the  coasts  and  islands  under  Spanish 
sway,  is  the  work  of  a  man  whose  eye  is  greedily- 
fixed  upon  those  lands,  and  who  is  mentally  grasping 
them.  But  that  part  does  not  regard  us.  Our  ex- 
tracts are  derived  from  a  chapter  (the  third)  w'hich 
is  principally  devoted  to  an  account  of  New  Nether- 
land,  the  large  territory  in  North  America  claimed 
by  the  West  India  Company  on  the  ground  of  Hud- 
son's discoveries,  and  at  that  time  in  small  part  occu- 
pied by  their  agents.  This  part  of  the  work  bears, 
like  the  rest,  the  stamp  of  the  interests  which  the 
author  pursued.  To  establish  the  company's  title 
to  New  Netherland,  and  to  substantiate  it  by  all 
possible  details,  this  seems  to  be  its  special  purpose. 
Unfortunately  tlie  task  is  an  ungrateful   one.     The 


claim  of  the  company  to  New  Netherland  was  based 
upon  specious  pretences,  which  do  not  stand  the  test 
of  close  inspection.  We  shall  have  again  to  insist 
upon  this  fact,  because  it  is  far  from  being  generally 
admitted ;  and  because  it  explains  some  curious 
features  in  De  Laet's  and  Van  dcr  Donck's  accounts 
of  Hudson's  third  voyage.  The  flaw  in  the  Dutch 
title  has  besides  given  origin  to  an  idle  and  entirely 
unwarranted  story,  which  has  found  its  way  into 
more  than  one  biography  of  Henry  Hudson.  We 
shall  resume  these  matters  when  speaking  of  Van 
der  Donck.  For  the  present  we  have  only  to  call 
the  reader's  attention  to  the  artful  manner  in  which 
De  Laet  tries  to  connect  the  voyage  of  Henry  Hud- 
son with  the  company's  claim.  He  endeavours  to 
establish  a  chain  of  events  and  arguments  between 
the  two  points  ;  and,  we  are  sorry  to  state  it,  he  does 
not  scruple  to  forge  an  extra  link  which  he  believes 
to  be  necessary.  lie  maJces  Hudson  return  to  Amster- 
dam to  give  an  account  of  his  voyage.  AYe  know,  on 
unquestionable  authority,  that  this  statement  of  De 
Laet  is  false  ;  and  he  was  far  too  accurate  to  make 
such  a  blunder  through  negligence.  His  special  pur- 
pose becomes  therefore  the  more  evident.  Under  these 
circumstances  we  must  be  extremely  cautious  in 
using  any  such  statements  of  his  as  would  tend  to 
strengthen  the  Dutch  title  to  New  Netherland.  This 
caution  will  be  necessary  in  more  instances  than  one. 
The  above  remarks  refer  only  to  one  or  two  pas- 
sages. The  rest  of  De  Laet's  description  of  Hudson's 
third  voyage  must  be  reckoned  among  our  most  reliable 


documents.  The  description  of  the  voyage  occurs 
incidentally  in  two  different  chapters,  the  seventh  and 
tenth,  of  the  third  book  of  De  Laet's  Nieuive  Werelt. 
The  second  of  these  passages  consists  almost  entirely 
of  two  fragments,  the  only  remaining  ones,  of  Hud- 
son's report  to  the  Directors  of  the  Dutch  East  India 
Company.  The  short  summary  of  the  whole  voyage 
contained  in  the  first  passage,  seems  for  the  most 
part  to  be  derived  from  the  same  source.  No  one 
will  read  these  fragments  of  Hudson's  journal  with- 
out regretting  the  loss  of  the  paper  from  which 
they  are  taken.  Short  as  they  are,  they  form  the 
most  graphic  picture  of  the  life,  manners,  and  aspect 
of  the  North  American  Indians,  left  by  any  one  of 
the  early  navigators.  It  may,  perhaps,  not  be  super- 
fluous to  observe  that  we  do  not  even  possess  the 
original  cast  of  Hudson's  words.  As  De  Laet 
gives  them,  they  are  merely  a  translation.  Hudson 
himself,  though  for  a  short  time  in  the  service  of  the 
Dutch,  could  not  easily  understand,  and  therefore 
certainly  not  write  their  language.  He  required  the 
services  of  a  friend  to  translate  for  him  some  Dutch 
papers,  which  he  desired  to  make  use  of  during  this 
same  voyage. 

A  few  years  ago,  when  the  writer  of  the  present 
pages  was  staying  in  Holland,  a  rumour  had  got 
abroad,  that  a  part  of  De  Laet's  manuscript  materials 
had  turned  up.  The  rumour  was  entirely  unfounded  ; 
and  for  the  present  there  appears  to  be  no  chance  that 
the  original  of  Hudson's  report  should  come  to  light. 
Much  may  however  be  hoped   for  from  future  re- 


searches.  Little  is  lost  in  so  eminently  conservative 
a  country  as  Holland ;  and  attention  has  lately  been 
much  directed  to  these  matters.  Search  has  also  been 
made  in  the  Archives  of  the  East  India  Company,  for 
any  materials  relating  to  Hudson.  The  scraps  of  in- 
formation gathered  from  these  archives  will  be  given 
elsewhere  in  these  pages.  Hudson's  report  has  not  as 
yet  been  discovered.  It  is  very  possible  that  it  was, 
in  De  Laet's  time,  given  up  to  the  West  India 
Company  or  lent,  and  thought  of  too  little  importance 
to  be  asked  back.  There  is  also  some  chance  left  of 
its  still  being  found  among  the  papers  of  the  East 
India  Company.  This  immense  store  of  documents 
was  till  quite  lately  without  calendars,  or  indices  of 
any  kind.  It  has,  since,  been  entrusted  to  able  hands  ; 
and  many  important  discoveries  will  undoubtedly  be 
made  among  its  dusty  piles. 

De  Laet's  Nieuwe  Werelt,  appeared  first  in  1625  ; 
then  for  a  second  time  in  1630.  Copies  of  the  earlier 
edition  are  rare;  and  none  was  to  be  found  in  this  coun- 
try. Our  reprints  are  therefore  taken  from  the  1630 
edition.  A  gentleman  in  Holland,  however,  to  whose 
unostentatious  labours  historical  research  is  greatly 
indebted,  has  been  so  kind  as  to  compare  for  us  the 
text  of  the  two  editions,  and  has  found  them  to  agree 
in  every  word  ;  as  far  at  least  as  our  extracts  are 
concerned.  A  reprint  both  of  the  seventh  and  tenth 
chapter  of  the  third  book,  is  to  be  found  in  a  very 
rare  tract,  Beschryvinge  van  Virginia,  Nieuw  Nederlandt, 
etc.  4to.,  Amsterdam,  1651,  pp.  14,  15  ;  and  20  to 


The  next  two  extracts  in  our  collection^  are  taken 
from  the  account  of  Hudson's  voyage,  which  forms 
part  of  Lambrechtsen's  history  of  New  Netheiiand. 
Some  of  the  statements  in  that  account  cannot 
be  traced  back  to  printed  sources,  and  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  they  were  borrowed  from 
early  documents,  then  existing  at  Middelburg.  The 
facts  in  question  all  relate  to  Hudson's  intercourse 
with  the  Dutch  East  India  Company.  At  the  time 
when  Lambrechtsen  wrote,  a  remarkable  collection  of 
documents  belonging  to  that  Company  was  preserved 
at  Middelburg :  and  Lambrechtsen,  as  might  be  ex- 
pected from  his  high  standing,  had  access  to  them.  He 
quotes  repeatedly  in  his  history  from  the  "•  Notulcn  van 
de  xvii";  that  is  to  say,  the  minutes  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  seventeen  East  India  directors.  It  can- 
not, however,  be  positively  asserted,  that  the  state- 
ments which  we  are  discussing  were  taken  from  this 
important  source.  Nothing  certain  can  be  said  on 
this  point,  as  long  as  the  above  mentioned  collection 
of  documents  remains  inaccessible.  It  was  for  a  long 
time  in  private  hands  at  Middelburg,  was  then,  about 
eight  or  nine  years  ago,  surrendered  to  the  East 
India  Company  in  Amsterdam  ;  and,  has  still  more 
recently  been  transferred  to  the  royal  archives  at  the 
Hague.  But  as  there  has  never  been  a  calendar,  or 
any  other  kind  of  list  made,  there  is  but  too  good 
reason  to  fear  that  some  of  the  papers  may  have  been 
lost  on  the  way.  Some  inquiries  made  by  the  writer 
of  the  present  pages,  both    by   correspondence  and 

'   Pp.  10 1  to  IGG. 


verbally,  during  a  short  sojourn  on  the  spot,  have  led 
to  no  results.  We  are  thus,  for  the  present,  obliged 
to  take  Lambrechtsen's  assertions  on  trust. 

We  have  already  alluded  to  the  extracts  from  Van 
dcr  Donck's  description  of  New  Netherland  ;  which 
follow  next  in  the  order  of  our  documents.^  Van  der 
Donck  speaks,  in  several  passages  of  his  work,  of 
Hudson's  third  voyage,  and  he  makes  several  state- 
ments respecting  it,  which  disagree  more  or  less  with 
the  earlier  and  better  sources.  These  statements  miixht 
seem  to  deserve  implicit  credit,  on  account  of  the 
opportunities  for  obtaining  information  which  the 
author  possessed ;  and  some  conscientious  writers 
have  indeed  fully  trusted  them.  We  consider  all 
these  statements  as  spurious,  not  only  because  they 
are  not  borne  out  by  contemporary  evidence,  but  more 
especially  because  they  all  tend  to  strengthen  the 
Dutch  title  to  New  Netherland,  which  Van  der 
Donck  had  a  strong  interest  to  defend. 

The  following  was  Van  der  Donck's  position  with 
regard  to  this  title.  The  title  itself  was  little  better 
than  a  shadow.  It  was  entirely  founded  on  the 
boldest,  the  most  obstinate,  and  most  extensive 
act  of  squatting^  recorded  in  colonial  history.  The 
territory  called  New  Netherland,  which  the  West 
India  Company  claimed  on  account  of  Hudson's 
discovery,  belonged  by  the  best  possible  right  to 
England.  It  formed  part  of  a  vast  tract  of  country, 
the  coasts  of  which  liad  been  first  discovered  by 
English  ships,  on  which  settlements  had  been  founded 
^  Pp.  1G7  to  172. 


by  English  colonists,  and  which  had  been  publicly 
claimed  by  England,  and  granted  to  an  English 
Company,  before  Hudson  ever  set  foot  on  American 
ground.  But  the  wilds  and  wastes  of  primeval  forests, 
were  thought  of  so  little  value,  that  the  Dutch  were 
for  many  years  allowed  to  encroach  upon  English 
rights,  without  much  more  than  passing  remonstran- 
ces of  the  British  government. 

Some  Dutch  adventurers,  induced  by  the  favour- 
able accounts  of  Henry  Hudson,  and  of  some  Dutch 
mariners  who  followed  in  his  track,  first  founded  a 
factory  and  built  a  fort  on  an  island  in  the  mouth  of 
Hudson's  river — the  beginning  of  New  York.  The 
adventurers  afterwards  obtained,  as  a  protection 
against  the  commercial  opposition  of  their  own  coun- 
trymen, the  exclusive  privilege  of  trading  to  those 
parts.  Both  the  privilege  and  the  settlement  passed 
into  the  hands  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company, 
who  enlarged  the  fort  till  it  gradually  became  a  town, 
made  vast  grants  of  land,  sent  out  colonists,  and 
commissioned  some  of  their  servants  to  rule  over  the 
colony.  This  rule  of  the  West  India  Company  lasted 
for  more  than  forty  years.  But  it  is  a  remarkable 
fact,  that  during  nearly  all  that  time  the  Dutch 
government  could  not  be  induced  to  acknowledge 
New  Netherland  openly  and  distinctly  as  a  Dutch 
dependency.  This  singular  state  of  affairs  led,  as  may 
easily  be  imagined,  to  ardent  contentions  between 
the  English  and  Dutch  colonists  in  New  England  and 
New  Netherland,  neither  of  which  sets  of  men  was 
naturally  disposed  to  yield.    Of  these  contentions  Van 


der  Doiick.  He  resided  in  New  Netherland  from 
164:1  to  164:9,  first  as  a  law  officer  (schout  fiscael) 
in  the  colony  of  Rensselaerswyck  ;  afterwards  as  a 
settler  near  New  York.  He  quarrelled  with  the 
somewhat  despotic  governor  of  the  country,  and 
headed  a  faction  opposed  to  the  colonial  government. 
He,  at  last,  returned  to  Holland,  as  the  leader  of  a 
deputation  of  influential  settler's,  who  were  to  expose 
at  home  all  the  wrongs  hy  which  they  believed  the 
colony  and  themselves  to  be  oppressed.  Van  der 
Donck  wrote  two  books  in  support  of  the  cause 
which  he  represented,  both  of  which  contain  short 
descriptions  of  Hudson's  voyage.  The  first  of  them, 
called  Vertoogh  van  Niemo  Nederland^  and  published 
in  1650,  is  mainly  an  account  of  the  misrule  of  the 
colony,  with  a  short  description  of  the  country,  and 
other  similar  matters.  It  contains  the  germs  of  the 
ingenious  inventions  concerning  Hudson's  voyage, 
which  are  further  developed  in  the  second  work, 
BesclirijvingJie  van  Niemo  Nederland.,  from  which  our 
extracts  are  taken.  Van  der  Donck's  reason  for 
making  these  inventions  is  obvious  enough.  He 
wished  to  induce  the  Dutch  government  to  take 
strong  measures  against  the  New  Englanders  in  de- 
fence of  the  pretended  right  of  the  Dutch  settlers. 
His  reason  for  being  more  explicit  in  the  second 
work  than  in  the  first  is  also  very  obvious.  The  war 
between  England  and  Holland  (1552  to  1554)  in- 
tervened between  the  two  publications.  After  its 
termination  several  delegates  were  sent  out  from 
Holland  to  England,  to  arrange  the  numerous  dif- 


ferenccs  which  existed  between  the  two  countries. 
These  delegates  were  urged  by  the  West  India  Com- 
pany to  bring  the  North  American  disputes  to  a 
peaceable  arrangement.  But  they  failed,  and  wrote 
to  Holland,  that  they  themselves  did  not  consider  the 
claim  of  the  Company  as  substantiated  by  the  evidence 
adduced ;  and  that^  unless  better  evidence  was  brought 
fonvard^  they  could  not  possibly  press  the  claim  on  the 
English  government.  This  correspondence  was  going 
on  at  the  very  time  when  Van  der  Donck  was  en- 
gaged upon  the  compilation  of  his  work. 

The  fictions  in  which  Van  der  Donck  has  indulged, 
are  of  so  serious  a  character,  that  we  have  been 
obliged  to  make  this  digression  to  put  them  in  their 
true  light.  He  represents  Hudson  as  having  taken 
possession  for  the  Dutch,  of  a  tract  of  country,  which 
belonged  to  England.  Nothing  however  could  be  fur- 
ther from  Hudson's  intention,  and  even  from  that  of  his 
employers,  the  Dutch  East  India  Company,  who  looked 
with  anything  but  favour  on  the  endeavours  to  esta- 
blish the  rule  of  the  Netherlands  in  the  New  World. 

Hudson's  long  stay  in  Holland,  for  which  Van  der 
Donck  is  the  only  authority,  seems  likewise  to  be 
an  invention,  made  to  render  the  taking  possession  of 
New  Netherland  for  the  Dutch  a  less  unlikely  act. 
This  residence  in  Holland  is  not  an  absolute  im- 
possibility. It  may,  however,  be  observed,  that  Hud- 
son was  in  1607  and  1608  in  English  service  ;  and  that 
he  was  not  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  Dutch 
language  to  understand,  without  an  English  transla- 
tion, some  papers  of  Barents,  which  had  been  lent  to 


him.  It  was,  on  the  other  hand,  not  an  uncommon 
practice  among  English  captains,  to  enter  the  Dutch 
service,  as  is  shown  by  the  examples  of  Davis,  Adams, 
and  Hudson  himself.  We  are  on  the  whole  inclined 
to  think,  that  Van  der  Donck  possessed  no  informa- 
tion concerning  our  navigator,  which  is  not  existing 
at  the  present  day ;  and  that  the  startling  new  facts 
which  he  adds,  had  their  origin  in  his  fertile  imagina- 
tion. The  sources  which  he  made  use  of  were  De 
Laet  and  Van  Meteren,  and  in  copying  the  latter 
author,  he  has  made  a  most  ludicrous  mistake,  which 
must  at  once  deprive  his  assertions  of  all  credit.^ 

Van  der  Donck,-  and,  a  century  and  a  half  after, 
Dr.Heckewelder^  and  Dr.  Barton,^  noted  down  on  the 
spot,  a  sort  of  legend  of  Hudson's  arrival  in  America, 
handed  down  by  the  American  Indians.  There  is  a 
considerable  discrepancy  between  the  earlier  and  the 
later  accounts.  A  scene  of  drunkenness,  which  really 
happened,  is  dwelt  on  at  great  length  in  the  more 
modern  story,  without  being  even  mentioned  in  the 
old  one.  We  are  not  inclined  to  attribute  much 
weight  to  this  tradition,  either  in  its  simple  or  its 
adorned  state.  A  tale  of  this  kind  is  very  likely  to 
be  elicited  from  the  imaginative  aborigines,  by  the 
eager  questioning  of  the  white  man.  The  tale,  whe- 
ther true  or  false,  has  the  merit  of  being  well  told. 
The  etymological  argument  by  which  Dr.  Ilecke- 
welder  attempts  to  support  it,  ought  rather  to  de- 
tract from,  than  to  increase  its  credit.     The  name  of 

'  See  infra,  pp.  152,  note  1  ;    167,  note  1. 
2  Pp.  169-170.  ^  Pp.  173-179.  >*  P.  179. 



the  island  Manhattans  is  not,  as  he  asserts,  derived 
from  a  scene  of  drunkenness.  It  is  taken  from  a 
tribe  of  Indians,  and  is  ah'eady  mentioned  by  Hudson 

Another  American  tradition,  concerning  Hudson's 
first  landing  place,  does  not  seem  entitled  to  much  more 
credit.  The  early  settlers  in  those  regions  had  other 
cares  than  these  historical  recollections  to  attend  to. 
We  possess  several  remarkable  books  written  by  some 
of  them,  and  it  does  not  seem  that  they  paid  much 
attention  to  subjects  of  the  kind.  The  tradition  is 
probably  of  a  comparatively  modern  origin,  having 
its  source  in  a  guess.  The  locality  mentioned  is  not 
by  any  means  the  most  likely  one  for  Hudson's  first 

Our  next  fragment^  is  taken  from  Luke  Foxe's 
North  West  Fox.  The  book  which  bears  this  singular 
title  is  the  description  of  Captain  Foxe's  voyage  in 
search  of  a  north-west  passage,  performed  in  the 
year  1631.  Foxe  has  therein  set  an  example,  w^liich 
has  been  very  generally  followed  in  later  accounts  of 
north-western  expeditions.  Before  describing  his 
own  voyage  he  gives  a  summary  of  the  exploits  of 
his  predecessors.  Most  of  the  statements  contained 
in  that  part  of  his  book  are,  however,  of  little  im- 
portance, being  merely  extracts  from  sources  which 
we  still  possess.  Such  is  also  his  account  of  liudson's 
voyage.  The  only  notice  in  it  that  is  really  original, 
is  the  one  reprinted  among  our  fragments.  It  is  not 
of  a  pleasing  nature,  throwing,  as  it  does,  a  most 
1  r.  173.  -  r.  ISO. 


unfavourable  light  on  Hudson's  character.  A  certain 
master  Colburne  (or  Colbert,  or  Coolbrand)  was  sent 
out  with  Hudson  on  his  fourth  voyage.  Colburne 
seems  to  have  been  attached  to  the  vessel  as  a  kind 
of  official  adviser,  without  any  special  functions. 
Hudson  soon  got  tired  of  this  control,  and  sent  Col- 
burne home  asfain.  So  far  the  facts  are  authentic. 
But  Foxe  adds  that  Colburne  was  a  better  man  than 
Hudson,  and  insinuates  that  it  is  to  the  former,  not 
to  the  latter,  that  the  plan  of  searching  for  a  passage 
in  latitude  61°  was  due.  This  malicious  insinuation 
is  devoid  of  all  truth.  Abundant  proof  is  still  extant 
that  Hudson  had,  years  before,  matured  the  idea 
here  ascribed  to  Colburne.  The  name  of  this  sailor 
is  also  not  otherwise  mentioned  in  the  records  of 
maritime  discovery,  and  his  having  been  a  man  of 
conspicuous  merit  thus  becomes  very  doubtful.  We 
can,  therefore, hardly  hesitate  to  ascribe  Foxe's  calum- 
nious insinuations  to  the  desire  to  depreciate  the 
merits  of  a  great  predecessor  whom  he  had  vainly 
tried  to  outrival ;  an  explanation  fully  consistent  with 
the  character  of  Foxe,  who  had  all  the  conceit  and 
self-complacency  observable  in  little  minds. 

We  have  now  to  speak  of  the  most  important 
documents  in  our  collection — Hudson's  chart  of  the 
fourth  voyage,  and  the  explanations  added  to  it  by 
its  publisher,  Hessel  Gerritz.^  Gerritz  belonged  to  a 
class  of  persons,  to  whom  geographical  science  is  very 
deeply  indebted.  He  was,  like  the  Arrowsmiths, 
Petermanns,  Van  der  Maelens,  and  Johnstons  of  our 

1  Pp.  181-194. 


day,  a  geographer,  map  maker,  and  publisher  of  geo- 
graphical works.  His  labours,  though  few  in  number, 
are  of  the  most  genial  nature.  Fixing  his  eyes  on  the 
boundaries  of  the  known  world,  he  followed  with 
enthusiasm  the  first  rays  of  light  that  began  to  pene- 
trate into  regions  of  darkness  and  mystery.  Hudson's 
chart  of  the  fourth  voyage  was  Gerritz's  first  publica- 
tion, and  around  it  grew,  in  a  very  remarkable  manner, 
the  most  interesting  of  the  many  collections  of  voy- 
ages and  travels  printed  in  the  early  part  of  the 
seventeenth  century. 

Hudson's  chart,  of  which  we  give  an  exact  fac- 
simile, was  at  first  published  by  itself,  with  a  short 
explanation  in  Dutch  on  its  back,^  probably  in 
autumn  1612. 

The  chart  was  republished  a  short  time  afterwards, 
as  part  of  a  pamphlet  in  Latin,^  the  first  edition  of 
the  collection  of  voyages  and  travels  to  which  w^e  have 
alluded.  This  collection  also  contained  an  explana- 
tion of  the  chart,  somewhat  ampler  than  the  one 
given  at  first  ;^  and  besides  this  information  on  the 
far  north-wTst,  it  brought  before  the  public  Fernan- 
dez de  Quiros's  explorations  in  the  far  south,  and 
Massa's  account  and  map  of  the  regions  about  the 
mouth  of  the  river  Oby  in  the  far  north-east.  The 
introduction  or  iwolegomcna  to  the  pamphlet,  which 
contain  some  other  valuable  materials  and  throw  a 
light  on  the  plan  of  the  work,  are  reprinted  in  the 
appendix  to  the  present  volume.^ 

^  Pp.  181-133.  ~  Sec  appendix,  p.  L'o6. 

■'  Pp.  I8r)-ir)<).  '  i»p.  L>;j(')-i2i'_'. 


The  same  painplilet  was  again  issued  in  1(512,  with 
a  new  title  page,  and  with  some  slight  changes  in 
the  arrangement ;  but  without  any  additions. 

In  the  same  year,  1612,  a  Dutch  edition  was  pub- 
lished; being  in  almost  every  respect  a  translation  from 
the  Latin.  The  explanation  of  Hudson's  chart^  is 
however  both  corrected  and  enlarged,  and  is  in 
several  important  points  at  variance  with  the  preced- 
ing editions. 

Early  in  the  year  1613a  revised  Latin  edition  was 
published,  differing  in  many  important  points  from 
its  predecessors.  A  new,  and  much  shorter  intro- 
duction,^ took  the  place  of  the  valuable  prolegomena. 
The  explanation  of  Hudson's  chart  was  translated 
from  the  Dutch  edition,  with  important  additions  and 
alterations  at  the  end.^  The  voyage  of  Cornelis  Nai 
to  the  north-east  and  north-west,  to  which  allusion 
is  made  in  the  prolegomena  to  the  first  edition,  is 
here  described  in  full ;  the  navigator  having  returned 
in  the  interval.  Some  corrections  of  doubtful  value 
are  also  introduced  into  Massa's  map. 

The  last  edition  of  the  work  was  also  published  in 
1613.  It  is  in  every  respect  identical  with  the  one 
just  described  ;  but  contains  at  the  end  Peter  Plan- 
cius's  observations  on  the  dispute  between  the  Eng- 
lish and  Dutch,  with  regard  to  the  discovery  of 
Spitzbergen.     This  edition  is  extremely  rare. 

The  chart  published  by  Gerritz  had  originally  been 
drawn  by  Hudson  himself.    This  fact,  which  is  clearly 

^  Tp.  189-193.  -  Appendix,  pp.  211-212. 

3  Pp.  193-194. 


stated  by  the  publisher,^  is  also  borne  out  by  other  cir- 
cumstances. We  learn  from  Pricket  that  Hudson  had 
drawn  a  chart  of  the  strait  and  bay,  which  the  muti- 
neers consulted  on  their  home  voyage. ^  The  delinea- 
tion before  us  is  evidently  based  on  a  knowledge  of 
the  localities ;  and  it  contains  only  such  places  as 
Hudson  himself  had  visited.  Still  it  might  surprise 
us  that  the  chart  was  published  in  Holland,  not  in 
England.  This  somewhat  singular  circumstance  can, 
however,  be  readily  explained.  Holland  was  at  that 
time  the  centre  of  all  geographical  research,  owing 
to  the  impulse  given  to  these  studies  by  the  Belgian 
emigrants.  These  scholars  made  ample  use  of  the 
facilities  afforded  them  by  the  dispersion  of  so  many 
friends  over  all  parts  of  the  civilised  world.  Tliey 
entertained  more  especially  a  lively  intercourse  with 
England,  as  can  be  seen  by  a  glance  thrown  on  the 
labours  of  the  most  prominent  among  them.  We 
can  thus  guess  how  Hudson's  chart  was  obtained, 
and  we  may,  perhaps,  even  be  fortunate  enough  to 
divine  the  very  channel  through  which  it  reached 
Hessel  Gerritz. 

The  chart  seems  to  have  been  first  sent  from  Eng- 
land to  Peter  Plancius,  one  of  the  most  eminent 
geographical  scholars  among  the  Belgian  emigrants, 
and  who  was, like  the  late  Sir  John  Barrow,  universally 
known  to  take  a  special  interest  in  the  search  for  a 
short  northern  route  to  China,  a  subject  which  he 
had  also  been  discussing  with  Hudson  himself. 
Hessel  Gerritz's  publication  was  at  least  made  with 

'  P.  194,  note  1.  '  I'p.  121  and  126. 


the  sanction,  and,  to  a  certain  degree,  nnder  the 
auspices  of  Peter  Plancius;  as  appears  from  Plancius's 
supplement  to  the  last  edition,  and  from  many  re- 
marks in  Gerritz's  explanations  of  the  chart. 

The  delineation  'which  we  have  hefore  us  may 
seem  a  poor  work  to  modern  eyes,  and  many  persons 
might  think  that  the  engraved  copy  did  not  do  full 
justice  to  the  original  draught.  But  when  we  apply 
the  standard  of  Hudson's  time  instead  of  our  own,  we 
find  this  chart  to  be  far  superior  to  many  contempo- 
rary productions,  and  decidedly  the  facile  iirinccps  of 
all  the  then  existing  delineations  of  the  arctic  regions. 
The  elementary  state  of  geographical  science,  the 
imperfections  of  the  instruments,  the  entire  want  of 
any  previous  data,  the  fogs,  the  storms,  and  the  ice 
of  those  inhospitable  regions,  fully  explain  the  un- 
avoidable defects  of  the  work. 

The  engraving  of  the  chart  is  very  probably  by 
Hessel  Gerritz's  own  hand.  The  ornamental  additions 
are  in  the  same  fine  bold  style  which  distinguishes  an 
exquisite  and  rare  engraving  representing  tvalrusscs 
signed  by  him.  The  style  in  which  the  chart  itself 
is  engraved  is  not  unlike  that  of  Hessel  Gerritz's 
map  of  Russia  in  Bleau's  great  atlas.  The  fidelity 
with  which  most  English  terms  are  copied,  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  occasional  Batavianisms  (such  as 
hoojje  for  hope^  Yslandt  for  Iceland,  etc.),  need,  therefore, 
not  surprise  us.  Our  own  engraving  of  this  remark- 
able chart  is  of  course  somewhat  inferior  to  the  origi- 
nal ;  but  it  is  nevertheless  an  exceedingly  good  copy. 

Lucidity  of  style  is  not  among  Gerritz's  good  points. 


as  his  explanations  to  Hudson's  chart  too  well  show. 
They  are  made  up  from  two  different  elements,  neither 
being  presented  in  the  most  acceptable  shape.  The 
explanations  contain,  first  a  summary  of  Hudson's  and 
Plancius's  discussions  about  the  search  for  a  north- 
western passage  in  the  locality  where  Hudson  after- 
wards discovered  his  strait.  The  account  of  these  con- 
versations seems  to  be  correct  in  all  main  points,  though 
somewhat  confused  in  certain  details.  Far  greater, 
unfortunately,  is  the  confusion  which  prevails  in  the 
other  part  of  Hessel  Gerritz's  explanations.  His 
account  of  the  voyage  is  confusion  itself.  The  vari- 
ous versions  in  the  different  editions  even  contradict 
each  other  in  some  important  points.  The  facts  in 
which  all  the  editions  agree  are  of  but  minor  import- 
ance. Some  of  them  seem  to  owe  their  origin  to  a 
reliable  source,  some  to  be  based  on  hearsay. 

The  whole  work  of  Hessel  Gerritz  has  been  re- 
peatedly reprinted  in  Germany.  The  best  known  of 
these  counterfeits  forms  part  of  the  great  De  Bry 
collection.  It  is  easy  to  distinguish,  both  in  the 
originals  and  in  the  reprints,  the  text  of  the  first 
from  those  of  the  later  Latin  editions.  The  following 
are  the  most  characteristic  marks.  In  the  original  edi- 
tions the  date^  1612  for  the  first,  1613  for  the  others  ; 
secondly,  the  greater  length  of  the  prolegomena  in 
the  first  edition,  eight  pages  in  one  case,  two  in  the 
other ;  lastly,  a  very  curious  difference.  George 
Weymouth,  whose  expedition  is  repeatedly  referred 
to  in  the  explanations  to  Hudson's  chart,  is  in  the 
first  edition  called  Wtmuood,  the  name  of  the  English 


ambassador  at  the  Hague.  This  mistake  is  corrected 
in  the  later  editions.  It  is,  of  coarse,  copied  in  tlie 

The  last  one^  of  our  documents  is  another  chart, 
which  serves  to  illustrate  Hudson's  two  first  voyages. 
It  is  taken  from  Pontanus's  history  of  Amsterdam, 
published  in  that  city  in  1611,  and  illustrated  with 
maps  by  the  publisher,  the  celebrated  Josse,  or 
Jodocus,  Hondius,  to  whom  we  have  repeatedly  al- 
luded. Pontanus's  work  contains  in  several  of  its 
chapters  the  history  of  the  voyages  of  the  Dutch,  and 
among  them  an  account  of  Barentz's  three  expedi- 
tions to  the  north.  The  present  chart  is  intended  to 
illustrate  the  third  of  these  voyages  ;  and  it  would 
thus  seem  not  to  bear  special  reference  to  Hudson. 
Hondius  had,  however,  come  in  contact  with  our 
navigator  in  1609,  and  appears  to  have  obtained 
from  him  some  details  about  his  two  first  voyages. 
The  conscientious  geographer  thouglit  it  his  duty 
to  introduce  this  information  into  his  chart  of 
arctic  regions,  and  this  chart  is  therefore  almost 
as  much  an  illustration  of  Hudson's  as  of  Barentz's 
voyages.     Colin  s  Cape^  one  of  the  localities  discovered 

*  Besides  the  printed  sources  which  we  have  reviewed,  there 
exist  some  manuscript  notices  among  the  documents  of  the  Dutch 
East  India  Company.  Considerable  efforts  have  been  made  to 
obtain  fac-similes  of  these  ;  but  as  yet  without  result.  We  have, 
however,  full  reason  to  hope,  that  we  shall  be  able  to  make  this 
important  addition  to  our  collection  before  we  finally  close  it. 
The  printing  of  the  present  part  of  the  work  could  not  be  any 
longer  delayed  ;  we  must  therefore  review  these  manuscript  docu- 
ments in  another  part  of  our  introduction. 



in  1607,  and  the  Banquise,  or  continuous  icebank, 
which  hindered  Hudson's  progress  to  the  north,  are 
to  be  found  in  no  other  map  or  chart,  either  old  or 
new.  The  words  on  this  chart,  Glacies  ah  H.  Hud- 
sono  detecta  anno  1608,  also  contain  the  first  mention 
publicly  made  of  our  navigator. 

The  appendix  to  our  collection  consists  of  several 
pieces,  not  strictly  bearing  on  Hudson's  career,  but 
illustrating  points  of  collateral  interest.  The  first 
of  them  is  Verazzano's  voyage  along  the  North  Ame- 
rican coasts,  and  his  discovery  of  Hudson's  river. ^  This 
voyage  is  already  well  known  from  Ramusio  and 
Hakluyt.  But  Verazzano's  original  letter,  preserved 
in  the  Magliabecchian  library  in  Florence,  has  never 
yet  been  printed  in  Europe.  It  is,  however,  of  great 
interest,  not  only  on  account  of  the  verve  and  fresh- 
ness prevailing  in  it,  but  more  especially  on  account 
of  a  valuable  appendix,  which  Ramusio  has  not 
given.  This  appendix  is  of  special  importance  for 
our  subject,  because  it  restores  one  of  the  connecting 
links  in  the  history  of  arctic  discovery.  The  reasons 
which  we  give  for  inserting  this  somewhat  extensive 
document  in  our  collection  are  not,  however,  meant 
as  excuses  for  printing  it.  It  undoubtedly  deserves, 
on  its  own  merits,  a  place  among  the  collections  of 
the  Hakluyt  Society,  and  it  will  better  repay  an 
attentive  perusal  than  any  other  part  of  the  present 
volume.  We  have  purposely  adopted  Professor  Cogs- 
well's excellent  translation,  which  preserves  in  most 
respects  the  character  of  the  original.     We  have  also 

'  Pp.  197. 


borrowed  from  him  the  introduction  and  the  notes 
by  which  his  translation  is  accompanied. 

The  appendix  further  contains  the  English  trans- 
lations of  two  papers  which  had  originally  been  writ- 
ten in  Dutch  by  the  celebrated  William  Barentz,  had 
then  passed  into  the  hands  of  Peter  Plancius,  and  then 
into  those  of  Henry  Hudson,  who  got  them  trans- 
lated into  English.^  The  translations  were  first  in 
Hakluyt's,  then  in  Purchas's  possession.  The  latter 
published  them,  as  he  says,  for  Barentz's  sake.  They 
are  not  less  important  for  the  biography  of  our  navi- 
gator, and  furnish  some  of  the  few  existing  materials 
towards  his  personal  history. 

The  next  piece^  in  our  appendix  is  an  extract  from 
Van  der  Donck,  about  the  wampum  or  bead  money 
of  the  Indians,  as  an  illustration  to  a  passage  in 
Juet's  Journal,  p.  86,  note  2. 

Then  follow,  as  the  concluding  pieces,  the  pro- 
legomena to  the  first  and  to  the  second  Latin  editions 
of  Hessel  Gerritz's  work.^  Of  this  book  we  have 
spoken  at  sufficient  length,  and  on  reference  to  the 
papers  themselves,  it  will  easily  be  seen  that  they 
are  interesting  and  important. 

Having  concluded  our  review  of  the  sources,  we 
now  proceed  to  give  a  short  account  of  the  existing 
researches  respecting  Henry  Hudson  that  have  come 
under  our  notice. 

Summaries  of  our  navigator's  career  are  contained 
in  many  cyclopaedias  and  biographical  handbooks. 
They  generally  convey  some  idea  of  his  purposes  and 

'  P.  229.  2  p   235.  3  pp   236,  242. 

lii  INTRODUCTION.    • 

principal  discoveries,  but  are  inexact  in  their  details  ; 
being  mostly  based  on  a  somewhat  superficial  ac- 
quaintance with  the  documents  collected  by  Purchas, 
without  those  preserved  by  other  hands.  Of  the 
articles  examined  by  us,  those  in  the  Biographie  TJni- 
versclle  and  Biographia  Britannica  are  the  best.  None 
of  them,  however,  contain  anything  that  can  be  pro- 
perly called  original  research.  To  the  same  class  of 
labours  belongs  also  a  sketch  of  Hudson's  life,  among 
the  collection  of  biographies  edited  by  Mr.  Jared 
Sparks.  This  sketch  is  well  written  ;  and  one  or  two 
other  sources,  besides  those  collected  by  Purchas, 
have  been  made  use  of.  We  also  notice  here  and 
there  an  original  observation.  But  the  research  is 
not  of  sufficient  depth  to  render  it  useful  for  a  special 
purpose  like  ours. 

Another  class  of  short  biographies  of  Hudson  is 
contained  in  general  and  special  works  on  arctic  dis- 
covery ;  such  as  Adelung,  Forster,  Barrow,  etc.  The 
authors  of  these  works  are  better  acquainted  with  the 
arctic  regions  than  the  contributors  to  handbooks  of 
a  more  general  nature.  Still,  few  of  them  have 
thought  it  worth  their  while  to  inquire,  with  any- 
thing like  diligence,  into  Hudson's  career  ;  and  it 
may  perhaps  be  observed  without  injustice,  that  the 
histories  of  arctic  discovery  arc  all  of  them  some- 
what below  the  present  standard  of  critical  research. 
Little,  if  anything  for  our  purpose,  can  be  learned 
from  the  more  general  works.  They  contain  rapid, 
and  sometimes  even  hasty,  summaries  of  the  most 
accessible   sources ;    this  being,  indeed,  the  avowed 


plan  of  the  best  known  of  these  histories,  that  of  Sir 
John  Barrow.  It  would  be  unjust  to  pass  the  same 
criticism  on  Mr.  Rundall's  Vojjagcs  towards  the  North- 
West.  But  the  purpose  of  this  diligent  scholar  is 
more  to  lay  before  his  readers  as  yet  unknown 
sources,  drawn  from  archives  and  libraries,  than  to 
indulge  in  geographical  details.  His  sketch  of  Hud- 
son's last  voyage  is,  therefore,  more  an  interesting  link 
in  a  chain  of  valuable  evidence,  than  an  independent 
production ;  and  we  cannot  blame  the  author  for  its 
having  proved  of  little  advantage  for  our  purpose. 
It  is  not  Mr.  Rundall's  fault  that  he  has  been  unable 
to  find  any  new  documents  concerning  Hudson's 

More  satisfactory  researches  are  to  be  found  in  some 
works  of  a  more  special  character.  Captain  Beechey, 
in  his  well-known  appendix  to  his  arctic  voyage, 
dwells  at  some  length  on  Hudson's  first  and  second 
expeditions.  Captain  Beechey  has  used  only  Playse's 
description  of  the  first,  and  Hudson's  description  of 
the  second  voyage,  without  the  other  fragments.  But 
he  is  himself  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  locali- 
ties, and  his  observations  are  of  very  great  value. 
They  have  often  been  quoted  and  extracted  by  more 
recent  writers. 

One  passage  in  Hudson's  account  of  his  second 
voyage  has  also  been  examined  with  much  critical 
acumen  by  Dr.  Beke,  in  the  introduction  to  his 
edition  of  De  Veer. 

None  of  the  four  voyages  has,  however,  been  more 
specially  investigated  and  commented  upon  than  the 


third,  which  led  to  the  discovery  of  Hudson's  river. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  have,  with  a 
most  laudable  zeal  and  energy,  embraced  the  task  of 
inquiring  into  their  own  antiquities ;  and  the  task 
being  in  itself  of  a  limited  nature,  these  researches 
have  already  been  brought  to  greater  completeness 
than  perhaps  those  concerning  any  part  of  the  Old 
World.  The  State  of  New  York  has,  in  this  respect, 
been  both  more  zealous  and  more  successful  than  any 
other.  The  New  York  Historical  Society,  an  associa- 
tion formed  for  this  kind  of  research, has  been  flourish- 
ing for  the  last  half  century;  and  it  may  look  back  with 
pride  on  its  past  career.  Besides  the  labours,  both  at 
public  and  at  private  expense,  which  the  society  has 
encouraged,  they  have  themselves  published  in  their 
collections  many  of  tlie  most  important  documents 
concerning  their  national  history.  To  these  collec- 
tions Ave  are  largely  indebted.  We  have  borrowed 
from  them  the  translations  from  De  Laet,  Van  der 
Donck  and  Lambrechtsen,  and  Dr.  Heckewelder's 
observations,  as  well  as  the  original  and  the  trans- 
lation of  Verazzano's  letter.  The  collections  also  con- 
tain a  reprint  of  the  chapters  in  Purchas's  Pilgrimage^ 
which  form  pp.  1-138  of  our  volume;  so  that  by 
far  the  greater  part  of  what  we  have  reprinted  is 
also  to  be  found  in  various  places  of  those  American 

The  collections  also  contain  the  first  special  essay 
on  Hudson's  third  voyage,  written  in  1810  by  Dr. 
Miller,  a  member  of  the  society.  This  essay  is  other- 
wise not  very  remarkable.     Some  of  its  observations 


seem,  however,  to  be  good,  and  have  been  approved 
of  by  later  American  historians,  who  were,  like  the 
author,  acquainted  with  the  localities. 

Still  more  light  is  thrown  on  Hudson's  third 
voyage  by  other  researches,  indirectly  connected 
with  the  New  York  Historical  Society.  The  most 
important  of  them,  at  least  for  our  purpose,  is  the 
History  of  the  State  of  Neiv  York,  begun,  but  never 
terminated,  by  Yates  and  Moulton.  This  book  de- 
votes more  than  sixty  pages  to  Henry  Hudson.  The 
voyage  along  the  American  coasts  and  up  and  down 
Hudson's  river  is  investigated  with  great  minuteness  ; 
and  so  little  seems  in  this  repect  to  be  left  undone, 
that  the  more  recent  American  historians  have  added 
but  little  to  Yates's  and  Moulton's  researches. 

A  different  kind  of  importance  belongs  to  the  re- 
searches made  in  the  European  archives  by  Mr.  John 
Romeyn  Brodhead.  This  gentleman  was  charged  by 
the  government  of  the  State  of  New  York,  at  the 
instigation  of  the  Historical  Society,  to  collect  in 
Europe  all  such  documents  as  might  be  bearing  on 
the  history  of  the  state.  The  mission  was  crowned 
with  eminent  success.  Partly  by  his  own  exertions, 
partly  by  the  liberal  and  sometimes  enthusiastic 
assistance  afforded  him  by  European  scholars,  Mr. 
Brodhead  was  enabled  to  carry  home  a  most  valuable 
collection  of  papers.  He  was,  of  course,  desirous  to 
obtain  some  MS.  documents  concerning  Henry  Hud- 
son ;  and  his  almost  complete  want  of  success  in  this 
respect  might  lead  us  to  the  conclusion  that  really 
nothing  exists.  We  must,  however,  hesitate  to  take  so 


gloomy  a  view  of  the  question.  We  have  ah-eady  had 
occasion  to  observe,  that  there  are  distinct  traces  still 
extant  of  papers  concerning  Hudson  ;  which  were 
preserved  in  Holland,  some  in  the  seventeenth,  and 
some  as  late  as  the  beginning  of  the  present  century. 
We  have  also  observed,  that  a  long  time  must  elapse 
before  an  insight  can  be  obtained  into  the  treasures 
of  the  Dutch  East  India  archives.  Mr.  Brodhead 
was  in  this  respect  still  more  unfavourably  situated 
than  he  would  have  been  at  the  present  day.  He 
seems  not  even  to  have  been  acquainted  with  the 
Middelburg  collection,  which  was  then  in  private 
hands  and  almost  forgotten.  Still  we  owe  to  Mr. 
Brodhead  the  knowledge  that,  at  least  among  the 
more  accessible  papers,  nothing  was  to  be  found, 
except  an  entry  of  a  few  lines  in  a  ship  register. 

We  are  also  under  another  obligation  to  Mr.  Brod- 
head. He  has  compiled  from  the  materials  collected 
by  him,  a  work  which  forms  the  first  volume  of  a 
History  of  the  State  of  Netv  YorJc.  He  there  treats  of 
our  navigator.  Some  of  his  observations  are  import- 
ant. But  the  chief  value  of  tlie  book  for  our  sub- 
ject consists  in  a  very  complete  enumeration  of  the 
sources  for  the  history  of  the  third  voyage. 

Between  Yates  and  Moulton's  and  Brodhead's 
histories,  another  work  of  the  same  kind  made  its 
appearance  in  New  York,  under  the  title  Hlstorij  of 
New  Netherlands  by  Dr.  O'Callaghan.  This  book  also 
describes,  in  about  ten  pages,  Hudson's  third  voy- 
age. The  analysis  contains  a  few  original  observa- 
tions.    We  seize  this  opportunity  for  recommending 


Dr.  O'Callaghan's  charming  work  to  those  few  of  our 
readers  who  might  feel  interest  enough  in  Henry 
Hudson  to  follow  up  the  subject  of  his  splendid  dis- 
covery. The  history  of  the  banks  of  Hudson  river 
has  here  been  chronicled,  in  a  manner  not  the  less 
attractive  for  being  entirely  unassuming  and  natural. 
The  other  works  on  the  same  subject,  though  in  some 
respects  more  exact,  are  somewhat  tedious  for  persons 
not  specially  interested  in  this  matter. 

There  are  also  two  Dutcli  treatises  on  the  IIlsto)ij 
of  the  State  of  Ne IV  York.  AVe  have  already  spoken 
at  some  length  of  the  first  of  them,  and  have  extracted 
all  the  interesting  portions  of  the  descriptions  of 
Hudson's  voyage.  The  other  one  contains  very  little 
of  any  importance  for  our  subject.^ 

AVe  have  found  no  researches  of  any  value  for  the 
investigation  of  the  fourth  voyage,  and  have,  with 
regard  to  this  difficult  subject,  been  thrown  almost 
entirely  on  our  own  resources. 

From  the  time  of  Luke  Fox  down  to  our  days,  it 
has  been  almost  invariably  the  custom  to  prefix  to 
every  special  account  of  one  or  more  arctic  expedi- 
tions, a  general  summary  of  what  had  been  done  by 
the  predecessors  of  the  navigator  under  review.  This 
custom  has  been  followed  as  well  by  autobiographers 
as  by  those  who  have  described  the  voyages  of  others, 
whether  living  or  dead  ;  in  order  to  place  their  heroes 

^  Mr.  Ch.  Murphy,  the  United  States'  Minister  at  the  Hague, 
has  recently  issued  to  his  friends  a  small  pamphlet  on  Henry 
Hudson  ;  hut,  to  the  editor's  regret,  has  declined  to  afford  him  a 
sight  either  of  a  printed  or  a  MS.  copy. 


in  their  proper  light,  by  showing  how  much  had  been 
achieved  before  them,  and  how  much  new  informa- 
tion they  added  to  the  old  stock.  We  have,  besides, 
another  still  more  cogent  reason  to  adopt  this  method. 
If  we  fail  to  do  so,  some  of  the  most  important  pas- 
sages, and  often  the  whole  context  of  the  sources 
■which  we  have  collected,  would  remain  obscure.  For, 
Hudson  and  his  companions  could,  of  course,  not 
have  been  previously  acquainted  with  the  real  fea- 
tures of  the  regions  among  which  their  explorations 
lay.  Had  they  been  so,  their  labours  would  have 
been  superfluous.  They  entertained,  on  the  contrary, 
notions  which  were  more  or  less  wide  from  the  truth. 
These  notions,  though  shared  by  Hudson's  contem- 
poraries, for  whom  the  various  journals  and  logbooks 
were  kept,  have  long  since  given  way  to  better  know- 
ledge, and  have  disappeared  from  the  memory  of  man. 
Thus  the  journals  and  logbooks  are,  in  soma  respects, 
as  if  they  were  written  in  an  obsolete  tongue. 

To  make  them  fully  understood,  we  shall  have  to 
restore  the  geographical  ideas  concerning  the  north 
which  prevailed  in  Hudson's  time.  They  were  based 
partly  on  arctic  expeditions,  more  or  less  imperfectly 
known  ;  partly  on  rumours,  which  the  most  ancient  of 
these  voyages  had  engendered  ;  partly  on  the  state- 
ments of  Strabo,  Ptolemy,  Pliny,  and  other  classic 
writers  ;  partly  even  on  fantastical  and  entirely 
groundless  imaginations,  that  liad  sprung  up  during 
the  middle  ages.  All  these  elements,  singularly 
mixed  as  they  were,  had  in  some  degree  been  ar- 
ranged and  digested  by  the  geograpliical   critics  of 


the  clay,  who,  unfortunately,  however,  had  hut  imper- 
fect methods  of  research  at  their  disposal,  and  no  true 
standard  to  guide  them. 

The  object  of  the  following  pages  will,  then,  be  a 
double  one  :  first,  to  assign  to  Hudson  his  proper 
place  among  arctic  navigators,  by  showing  what 
knowledge  he  had  received  from  his  predecessors, 
and  what  he  added  to  the  store  collected  by  them  ; 
secondly,  to  define  his  own  geographical  notions,  as 
clearly  as  their  nature  may  allow.  For  the  sake  of 
clearness  we  shall  treat  of  the  two  branches  of  this  sub- 
ject separately ;  speaking  first  of  tlie  actual  achieve- 
ments of  arctic  navigators  up  to  Hudson's  time,  and 
tlien  of  the  results  which  science  had  drawn  from 
their  labours. 

In  so  doing,  it  cannot  be  our  purpose  to  give  a 
complete  and  critical  history  of  arctic  exploration  up 
to  the  year  1607.  Our  aim  simply  is,  to  restore  a 
chain  of  events,  many  parts  of  which  are  now^  scat- 
tered and  scarcely  noticed  ;  so  as  to  be  able  to  attach 
to  it,  without  constraint  or  violence,  the  links  fur- 
nished by  the  labours  of  our  navigator. 

A  great  part  of  the  arctic  shores  that  have  been 
visited  in  modern  times  were  already  known  to  the 
Scandinavians  during  the  middle  ages.  The  exact 
limits  of  their  discoveries  cannot  well  be  ascertained  ; 
nor  would  the  present  place  be  fit  for  such  inquiry ; 
but  the  great  influence  which  these  early  exploits 
exercised  on  more  recent  navigators,  particularly  on 
Hudson,  gives  them  a  special  claim  on  our  attention. 
It  is  sufficient  for  our  purpose  to  observe,  that  the 


Scandinavians,  sailing  from  the  regions  they  still  in- 
habit, occupied  and  colonized  Iceland,  that  they  also 
founded  colonies  in  Greenland,  and  that  steering  still 
farther  to  the  west  they  reached  North  America. 

These  discoveries,  and  the  lasting  intercourse  to 
which  they  gave  rise,  were  materially  facilitated  by 
the  geographical  position  of  the  localities  themselves, 
which  seem  to  form  a  chain  of  stages  thus  placed  by 
nature  for  the  convenience  of  human  exploration. 
The  advantages  drawn  from  these  splendid  oppor- 
tunities by  the  discoverers  themselves  were,  however, 
but  scanty  ;  and  mainly  so  on  account  of  their  situa- 
tion, which  both  confined  them  to  their  own  limited 
resources,  and  precluded  any  influence  their  know- 
ledge might  otherwise  have  exercised  on  more  south- 
ern nations.  Fear  of  these  northmen's  savage  energy, 
the  distance  and  wildness  of  their  home,  and  chiefly 
the  hostile  efforts  of  the  Hanseatic  confederacy,  whose 
main  purpose  it  was  to  oppose  them,  proved  so  strong 
a  barrier,  that  there  seemed  hardly  to  exist  any  bond 
between  them  and  the  rest  of  Europe. 

Thus  it  happened  that  a  treasury  of  knowledge  the 
most  important  existed  for  centuries  in  Europe  with- 
out reaching  those  nations  to  whom  it  would  have 
proved  the  greatest  boon.  It  cannot,  however,  be 
said  that  this  knowledge  remained  entirely  without 
its  effect.  The  records  of  these  early  exploits  were 
carefully  kept,  and  repeatedly  translated  from  one 
northern  tongue  into  another.  The  Scandinavians 
also  constructed,  from  the  results  they  had  obtained, 
geographical  systems  of  their  own,  which  included 


Iceland,  Greenland,  and  North  America.  These 
records  and  systems  continued  to  be  preserved  in 
Iceland  even  when  Scandinavian  navigation  had  al- 
most ceased  to  exist.  Although  we  now  possess 
slight  fragments  only  of  these  important  historical 
documents,  we  are,  nevertheless,  enabled  to  say  with 
perfect  certainty,  that  even  at  the  end  of  the  fifteenth 
century  the  Scandinavians,  at  least  those  in  Iceland, 
had  a  vivid  remembrance  of  the  early  achievements, 
and  sufficiently  clear  notions  of  the  results,  that  had 
thus  been  obtained. 

It  was  not  before  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury that  anything  like  a  distinct  knowledge  of  these 
important  materials  reached  the  more  southern  nations 
of  Europe.  But  a  number  of  vague  rumours  seem  to 
have  spread  through  various  channels,  and  travelled 
southward,  long  before  that  time.  Many  of  the  early 
and  rude  portolani  and  of  the  first  geographical  works 
that  appeared  in  print  contain  indications  of  Green- 
land. The  extreme  vagueness  of  the  information 
thus  derived  caused  that  great  arctic  continent  to 
be  variously  drawn  on  maps,  and  also  its  name 
to  be  variously  spelled.  "We  ought  not  to  lose 
sight  of  this  important  fact ;  for  when  the  critical 
geographers  in  Hudson's  time  and  shortly  before  him 
compiled  their  books,  maps,  and  charts,  they  were 
thus  led  to  suppose  the  existence  of  several  vast 
arctic  tracts,  with  very  similar  though  not  identical 
names,  such  as  Greenland,  Greenland,  Groneland, 
Engroneland,  Grocland.  Two,  sometimes  even  three, 
of  these  appear  upon  the  same  maps,  in  every  kind 


of  shape  and  position;  to  the  north,  north-east,  and 
north-west  of  Europe.  The  search  for  these  various, 
more  or  less  imaginary  territories,  constitutes  one  of 
the  characteristic  features  of  early  northern  voyages. 
Ilenry  Iludson  suffered  greatly  under  these  delu- 
sions, and  contributed  to  dispel  them. 

yVe  can,  under  these  circumstances,  entertain  no 
doubt  that  some  geographical  communications  re- 
specting the  northern  discoveries  of  the  Scandina- 
vians must  have  reached  the  south  of  Europe  before 
the  time  when  the  voyages  of  Columbus,  Cabot,  and 
Vasco  de  Gama  opened  a  new  era  in  the  history  of 
maritime  explorations.  Nor  is  it  quite  impossible 
that  the  early  discoveries  of  the  northern  nations 
exercised  some  influence  on  the  ideas  of  the  great 
Italians,  Columbus  and  the  Cabots,  who  discovered, 
the  one  the  West  Indies,  the  others  North  America, 
It  is  a  well  known  and  often  discussed  fact  that 
Columbus  visited  Iceland,  the  great  storehouse  of 
Scandinavian  information,  respecting  the  north-west, 
fifteen  years  before  his  first  voyage  across  the  Atlan- 
tic. John  Cabot  resided  for  some  time  in  Bristol,  a 
town  which  then  carried  on  an  active  trade  with 
Iceland,  and  wdiich  he  and  his  son  Sebastian  after- 
wards made  their  starting  place  for  their  expeditions 
to  the  north-west.  It  is  further  certain  that  Sebastian 
Cabot  went  to  North  America  in  1-198  by  way  of 
Iceland,  and  that,  some  time  in  his  life,  he  made  him- 
self thoroughly  acquainted  with  that  country,  most 
probably  by  personal  investigation.  Several  other 
indications,  on  which  wc  cannot  here  dwell,  contri- 


bute  to  make  it  probable  that  some  connexion  existed 
between  the  discovery  of  North  America  during  the 
middle  ages  and  that  which  constituted  the  com- 
mencement of  the  modern  era  of  arctic  explorations. 

This  observation,  which  an  impartial  inquiry  has 
led  us  to  make,  by  no  means  implies  a  slur  on  the 
memory  of  the  Cabots.  Their  merits  will  admit  of  the 
most  critical  investigation  ;  and  they  would,  indeed, 
shine  out  more  briglitly,  if  the  attention  which  both 
geographers  and  historians  might  profitably  bestow 
upon  them  were  not  withheld,  partly  from  neglect, 
partly  from  prejudice.  However  tempting  the  pre- 
sent opportunity  might  seem  for  paying  that  debt  of 
gratitude,  both  the  nature  and  the  limits  of  this  essay 
preclude  the  attempt.  It  belongs,  however,  to  our 
subject,  to  take  a  short  review  of  the  efforts  and 
achievements  of  the  Cabots,  the  originators  of  all 
modern  navigation  in  the  north,  whose  footsteps  were 
implicitly  followed  by  all  their  successors  for  more 
than  a  century.  Henry  Hudson  himself  may,  perhaps 
before  all  others,  be  styled  a  disciple  of  the  Cabots. 

The  search  for  a  north-western  and  for  a  north- 
eastern way  to  China,  the  two  schemes  upon  wliich 
all  Hudson's  energies  were  engaged,  originated  with 
John  and  Sebastian  Cabot.  The  various  efforts  made 
in  both  directions,  from  the  time  of  the  Cabots  down 
to  that  of  Henry  Hudson,  will  be  the  main  facts  for 
our  consideration. 

To  understand  how  these  schemes  of  the  Cabots 
arose,  it  is  necessary  to  realize  for  a  moment  the  geo- 
graphical notions  prevailing  at  the  end  of  the  fifteenth 


century.  The  geographical  dogma  of  that  time  re- 
cognized one  great  continent,  comprising  Europe, 
Asia,  and  Africa,  and  surrounded  by  sea.  This  con- 
tinent, with  the  Oceanus  by  which  it  seemed  to  be 
encompassed,  was  believed  to  form  the  whole  surface 
of  our  earth.  The  eartVi  itself  was,  by  the  great 
majority,  thought  to  be  flat ;  a  few  only  knowing  it 
to  be  a  globe.  Of  the  continent  no  part  had  been  in- 
vestigated with  anything  like  the  accuracy  of  modern 
times.  Even  the  shores  that  were  familiarly  known, 
were  most  imperfectly  delineated  on  the  best  maps. 
This  incorrectness  grows  with  the  distance,  and  is 
often  so  great  as  to  destroy  all  resemblance  between 
the  supposed  and  the  real  outline  of  the  more  distant 
lands.  The  sources  from  which  these  notions  were 
drawn  could,  indeed,  not  yield  any  more  accurate 
knowledge.  The  systems  of  cosmography  then  recog- 
nized were  almost  entirely  based  on  the  writings  of 
the  ancients,  the  study  of  which  had  recently  been 
resumed.  Into  these  systems  such  scraps  of  informa- 
tion were  introduced  as  could  be  gathered  from  the 
accounts  of  more  modern  travellers,  chiefly  Italians, 
Arabs,  and  Spanish  Jews,  with  here  and  there  a  vague 
indication  of  the  northern  discoveries  of  the  Scandi- 

Let  us  imagine  a  terrestrial  globe  constructed  ac- 
cording to  these  ideas.  We  perceive  one  great  mass  of 
land,  composed  of  Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa  ;  Europe 
very  imperfectly,  Asia  and  Africa  almost  fancifully 
drawn.  All  the  remaining  surface  of  the  globe  con- 
sists of  one  vast  expanse  of  water,  nearly  unbroken. 


except  by  a  few  islands  near  the  continent.  The 
eastern  shores  of  Asia  and  the  western  shores  of 
Europe  are  separated  by  nothing  but  a  wide  sea. 

The  records  of  the  intercourse  of  the  ancients  with 
India  and  China,  which  were  eagerly  studied  by  the 
eminent  men  of  this  age,  and  still  more  the  accounts 
of  mediaeval  travellers,  especially  of  Marco  Polo, 
had  long  fixed  the  attention  'of  Europe  on  the  east 
and  south-east  of  Asia.  Alexander's  march  to  the 
furthest  boundaries  of  the  known  world  was  a  fa- 
vourite theme  of  mediaeval  poetry.  The  accounts  of 
the  civilization,  population,  and  riches  of  China  and 
Japan,  surpassing  anything  to  be  found  in  Europe  in 
Marco  Polo's  time,  shine  forth  with  almost  fabulous 
splendour  in  the  description  of  his  travels.  Some  of 
the  commodities  produced  in  the  far  east  had  from 
time  immemorial  formed  part  of  the  choicest  luxu- 
ries of  European  magnates.  The  circuitous  channels 
through  which  alone  they  could  be  obtained  still 
further  enhanced  their  value.  Most  of  them  were 
brought  by  the  hands  of  the  Arabs,  and  the  wonder- 
ful tales  in  which  these  sons  of  the  desert  described 
the  glories  of  the  land  of  spices  and  emeralds  were 
carried  westward,  together  with  the  merchandise 
which  formed  their  theme.  Thus  everything  con- 
tributed to  make  the  east  and  south-east  of  Asia 
appear  as  the  very  ideal  of  fairy  land. 

It  is  therefore  very  natural  that  in  some  minds  the 
idea  arose  of  crossing  the  ocean,  which  alone  seemed 
to  separate  Europe  from  these  wonderful  shores ;  and 
we  all  know  how  Columbus  attempted  it  and  what 



he  found.  The  same  object  was  also  pursued  by  the 
Cabots.  But  instead  of  sailing  like  Columbus  through 
the  tropical  regions,  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot  di- 
rected their  course  to  the  north-west.  It  would  be 
interesting  to  ascertain  why  they  adopted  this  road. 
The  reason  which  they  themselves  put  forth  is  suffi- 
cient to  explain  their  proceedings.  They  said  that 
the  iiearer  to  the  North  Pole  the  shorter  the  course  ivoidd 
necessarily  he.  This  reason  has  been  powerful  enough 
to  induce  so  many  hardy  adventurers  to  follow  in  the 
footsteps  of  the  Cabots  ;  and  it  must  have  seemed 
much  more  plausible  before  the  existence  of  the  new 
continent,  which  blocks  up  the  passage,  and  before 
the  difficulties  and  horrors  of  arctic  navigation  were 
known.  Still  it  is  not  improbable  that  John  Cabot 
had,  during  his  stay  in  Bristol,  received  some  hints 
from  the  Icelanders  who  traded  to  that  port.  For, 
having  this  opportunity  to  become  acquainted  with 
their  records,  it  would  be  a  strange  coincidence 
had  he  merely  by  chance  trodden  in  the  very  foot- 
steps of  the  ancient  Scandinavians.  Like  them, 
he  reached  North  America  by  way  of  Iceland  ;  and 
like  them,  in  a  region  which  some  Icelandic  scholars 
were,  at  the  very  time  of  his  expedition,  describing 
in  their  geographical  manuals.^ 

But  even  if  we  suppose  Cabot  to  have  been  ac- 
quainted with  the  voyages  to  Vinland,  these  events 
did  not  appear  to  him  in  their  true  light.  They  did 
not  lead  him  to  surmise  the  existence  of  a  continent 
different  from  the  one  which  contained  Europe  and 
^  See  note  A,  at  the  end  of  the  introduction. 


Asia.  He  was  as  yet  completely  convinced  that 
nothing  but  the  ocean  divided  England  from  China. 
The  fact  that  the  ocean  had  been  crossed,  and  that 
land  had  been  discovered  on  the  other  side,  would 
simply  prove  to  him  that  China  might  be  reached 
by  that  route.  The  Cathay  of  Marco  Polo  and  the 
vaguely  described  Vinland  of  the  Scandinavians, 
would  appear  to  him  as  identical ;  and  he  would 
conclude,  that  by  following  in  the  footsteps  of  the 
Northmen,  he  must  also  arrive  in  Cathay.  Stupen- 
dous as  these  mistakes  may  appear  to  us,  they  were 
natural  in  a  time  when  the  term  latitude  was  yet 
almost  unknown,  and  they  form  the  simplest  expla- 
nation of  John  Cabot's  first  north-western  voyage. 

Some  recently  discovered  documents  serve  to  dispel 
part  of  the  obscurity  which  surrounds  the  history  of 
the  Cabots  ;  so  that  the  main  facts  of  their  career  may 
now  be  stated  with  tolerable  clearness,  leaving,  how- 
ever, still  several  very  important  points  open  to 
doubt.  John  Cabot,  a  Venetian  miles  auratus,  or 
gold- spurred  knight,  resided  for  some  time  in  Bristol, 
following  mercantile  pursuits,  like  many  other  Italian 
gentlemen  of  that  age.  He  returned  to  Venice,  and, 
after  a  long  absence  from  England,  we  find  him  again 
here  in  1496. 

The  country  from  which  he  started  on  his  first  ex- 
pedition to  America,  as  well  as  the  date  of  the  disco- 
very, remain  uncertain.  Sebastian  Cabot,  John's  son 
and  companion,  asserts  that  the  expedition  took  place 
in  1494,  and  that  land  was  first  seen  the  24th  of 
June  of  that  year.     It  is  difficult  to  conciliate  this 


statement  with  some  thoroughly  reliable  details  of 
the  Cabots'  expedition  to  America  in  1497,  which 
appears  in  every  way  as  if  it  had  been  their  first 
voyage  of  discovery. 

Our  doubts  are  still  increased  by  the  following 
fact.  The  statement  to  which  we  allude  was  made 
on  a  large  map  or  planisphere  by  Sebastian  Cabot 
in  1544  and  1549,  when  he  was  an  old  man,  perhaps 
of  feeble  memory.  This  same  map  was  afterwards 
copied  by  Clement  Adams,  a  geographer  of  that  time, 
who  was  undoubtedly  acquainted  with  Cabot.  Adams 
deliberately  alters  the  date  of  1494  into  1497. 

Many  important  questions  connected  with  this  first 
expedition  must  thus  remain  in  abeyance.  Sebastian 
Cabot  has  described  it  in  a  few  lines,  and  from  the 
description  we  learn  the  day  of  the  first  landing,  and, 
perhaps,  the  locality  where  it  took  place.  Does  this 
really  apply  to  a  voyage  undertaken  in  1494,  or  must 
it  be  referred  to  the  expedition  of  1497  \  Further, 
under  what  impressions  did  John  Cabot  act  when  he 
took  out  his  letters  patent  in  1496  \ 

Cabot  obtained  in  March  1496,  from  Henry  VII, 
letters  patent  for  the  discovery  of  new  lands,  for  him- 
self and  his  sons,  Sebastian,  Ludovico,  and  Sanzio. 
He  sailed  from  Bristol  in  spring  1497,  and  returned 
to  England  about  the  10th  of  August  of  the  same 
year.  The  voyage  is  described  in  the  following  words 
by  the  Venetian  Pasqualigo,  who  was  in  London  at 
the  time  of  Cabot's  return. ^ 

^  Extract  from  a  letter  written  by  Lorenzo  Pasqualigo,  son  of 
the  late  Messcr  Filippo,  dated  London,   August  2ord,  addressed 


"  This  Venetian  of  ours,  who  went  with  a  ship  from  Bristol 
in  quest  of  new  islands,  is  returned,  and  says,  that  seven 
hundred  leagues  hence  he  discovered  '  terra  firma,'  which  is 
the  territory  of  the  Grand  Cham  ;  he  coasted  for  three  hun- 
dred leagues  and  landed ;  he  saw  no  human  being  whatso- 
ever, but  he  has  brought  hither  to  the  king  certain  snares, 
which  had  been  set  to  catch  game,  and  a  needle  for  making 
nets  ;  he  also  found  some  felled  trees,  wherefore  he  sup- 
posed there  were  inhabitants,  and  returned  to  his  ship  in 

"  He  was  three  months  on  the  voyage  it  is  quite  certain  ; 
and  coming  back  he  saw  two  islands  to  starboard,  but  would 
not  land,  time  being  precious  as  he  was  short  of  provisions. 
The  king  is  much  pleased  with  this  intelligence.  He  says 
that  the  tides  are  slack,  and  do  not  flow  as  they  do  here. 

"  The  king  has  promised  that  in  the  spring  he  shall  have 
ten  ships,  armed  according  to  his  own  fancy,  and  at  his 
request  he  has  conceded  him  all  the  prisoners,  except  such 
as  are  confined  for  high  treason,  to  man  them  with.  He  has 
also  given  him  money  wherewith  to  amuse  himself  till  then, 
and  he  is  now  at  Bristol  with  his  wife,  who  is  a  Venetian 
woman,  and  with  his  sons ;  his  name  is  Zuan  Cabot,  and 
they  call  him  the  great  admiral.  Vast  honour  is  paid  him, 
and  he  dresses  in  silk ;  and  these  English  run  after  him  like 
mad  people,  so  that  he  can  enlist  as  many  of  them  as  he 
pleases,  and  a  number  of  our  own  rogues  besides. 

''  The  discoverer  of  these  places  planted  on  his  new-found 
land  a  large  cross,  with  one  flag  of  England  and  another  of 
S.  Mark,  by  reason  of  his  being  a  Venetian  ;  so  that  our 
banner  has  floated  very  far  afield." 

This  letter  is  a  fit  subject  for  much  speculation. 

to  his  brothers,  Alvise  and  Francisco  Pasqualigo,  in  Venice.  Re- 
ceived on  the  23rd  of  September,  1497. — Collections  of  the  Philo- 
hiblon  Society,  vol.  ii. 


Only  two  of  the  questions  to  which  it  gives  rise  seem, 
however,  to  belong  to  our  province.  The  country  of 
the  Great  Clian^  of  which  Pasqualigo  speaks,  is  the 
Cathay  of  Rubruquis  and  Marco  Polo,  that  is  to  say, 
northern  China.  The  vague  terms  in  which  geogra- 
phical information  was  published  in  the  middle  ages, 
had  engendered  a  signal  and  very  momentous  mistake. 
The  Cathay  of  the  early  travellers  was  supposed  to 
lie  very  much  further  to  the  north-east  than  it  really 
does,  and  densely  populated  kingdoms  were  thought 
to  exist  in  the  extreme  north-east  of  Asia,  where  only 
some  dreary  Kamtchadalian  village  breaks  the  soli- 
tude of  a  hundred  miles  of  snow.  The  Cathay  towards 
which  the  Cabots,  Verazzano,  Willoughby,  Frobisher, 
Barentz,  and  Hudson  directed  their  efforts  was  an 
imaginary  country,  without  any  real  existence.  It 
is  worthy  of  notice,  that  the  Cabots  were  thought  to 
have  reached  that  far  famed  coast.  The  existence  of 
a  continent  between  Europe  and  Asia  had  thus  either 
not  yet  been  understood,  or,  at  least,  not  yet  been 
publicly  acknowledged  by  them  in  the  year  1497. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  only  fair  to  observe  that 
the  discovery  of  the  new  continent,  as  a  real  though 
not  yet  as  an  acknowledged  fact,  must  be  numbered 
among  the  results  of  the  1497  expedition,  unless  we 
are  inclined  to  attribute  it  to  the  doubtful  one  of 
1494.  It  is  impossible  to  sail,  as  the  Cabots  did, 
three  hundred  leagues  along  the  coast  of  any  part  of 
North  America,  north  of  the  tropics,  without  falling 
in  with  the  terra  firma.  The  vexed  question,  wlie- 
ther  Newfoundland  or  Labrador  was  the  first  land 


touched  by  the  Cabots,  becomes,  therefore,  entirely 
unavailing,  as  regards  the  first  discovery  of  the  main- 
land of  America,  which  discovery  belongs  to  the 
Cabots  beyond  all  doubt  and  cavil.  The  controversy 
that  has  been  carried  on  with  much  zeal  and  some 
unfairness  between  the  partisans  of  Columbus  and 
those  of  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot,  may,  therefore, 
at  last  be  set  at  rest.  And  this  is  the  more  desirable, 
as  the  dispute  is  utterly  at  variance  wdth  the  view^s 
of  those  great  men.  No  one  was  readier  than  Sebas- 
tian Cabot  to  acknowledge  the  real  and  immortal 
merit  of  Columbus,  namely,  that  of  having  first 
crossed  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  Neither  Columbus  nor 
Cabot  claimed  the  discovery  of  America.  Colum- 
bus never  recognised  that  a  new  continent  had  been 
found,  and  supposed  his  own  explorations  to  lie 
among  the  islands  of  Japan.  Cabot  did  discover 
America,  and  did  recognise  the  existence  of  a  new 
continent;  but  he  only  considered  it  as  a  hateful  bar- 
rier, which  he  made  lifelong  efibrts  to  break  through. 
For  that  is  the  aim  of  his  voyages  in  search  of  a 
north-w^estern  and  of  a  western  passage  to  Asia. 

It  seems  not  to  have  struck  any  one  of  the  numer- 
ous writers  on  this  topic,  that  the  search  for  a  passage 
through  the  new  continent  is  an  obvious  acknow- 
ledgment of  its  existence.  It  involves  the  scientific 
discovery  of  the  New  World.  This  merit  belongs  to 
Sebastian  Cabot.  He  was  the  first  to  recognize  that 
a  new  and  unknown  continent  was  lying,  as  one  vast 
barrier,  between  Western  Europe  and  Eastern  Asia. 

Sebastian  Cabot's  expedition  in  the  year  1498  was 


the  first  voyage  in  search  of  a  north-west  passage. 
It  was  performed  by  Sebastian  alone,  without  the 
companionship  of  his  father.^  We  possess  a  certain 
number  of  contemporary  accounts  of  this  expedition  ; 
but  all  of  them  very  short,  and  written  by  men  un- 
acquainted with  the  localities.  The  fact  of  the 
search  for  a  passage,  and  some  minor  details  of  the 
expedition,  are  thus  rendered  perfectly  certain,  whilst 
the  locality  where  the  search  was  first  made  remains 

The  following  are  the  ascertained  facts.  King 
Henry  VII  took  an  active  interest  in  the  expedition, 
granted  a  new  charter  for  it,  contributed  towards  its 
expenses,  and  was  to  share  in  its  gains.  Cabot  was 
the  commander  of  a  small  squadron,  some  Bristol 
merchants  having  joined  him,  and  he  had  three  hun- 
dred men  under  his  orders.  He  sailed  from  England 
about  the  beginning  of  May  1498,  and  directed  his 
course  towards  North  America  by  way  of  Iceland. 
He  then  attempted  the  search  for  a  north-western 
passage  ;  and  having  failed  in  finding  it,  went  south- 
ward along  the  North  American  coast  down  to  38°  N. 

Sebastian  Cabot  afterwards  undertook  another  voy- 
age in  search  of  a  north-west  passage,  at  Henry  VlH's 
expense,  either  in  1516  or  in  1517.  The  failure  of 
that  expedition  is  ascribed  to  the  faint-hcartedness  of 
Cabot's  companion,  Sir  Thomas  Perthe.  The  records 
of  these  two  voyages  are  so  mixed  up,  that  it  is  im- 
possible to  make  out  what  belongs  to  the  one,  what 

'  John  Cabot  is  therefore  supposed  to  have  died  in  1497  or  1498, 
a  conclusion  which  is  by  no  means  necessary. 


to  the  other.  It  is,  however,  tolerably  certain  that 
Cabot  discovered  the  two  straits,  one  of  which  now 
bears  Davis's,  the  other  Hudson's  name.  The  west 
coast  of  Davis's  strait  up  to  67°  30'  is  figured  on 
Cabot's  great  planisphere  of  1544.^  The  opening  of 
Pludson's  strait  seems  to  be  indicated  on  the  same 
map.  This  strait  is  besides  so  minutely  described 
from  one  of  Cabot's  charts  by  Ilichard  Willes,  that 
we  cannot  for  a  moment  hesitate  to  attribute  that 
discovery  to  the  originator  of  the  search  for  a  north- 
western passage.    The  following  are  Willes'  words. 

"  You  may  read  in  his  card,  drawn  with  his  own  hand, 
that  the  mouth  of  die  Nordi  Western  Straight  lieth  near  the 
ol8  meridian  (60  Greenwich)  between  61  and  64  degrees  in 
the  elevation,  continuing  the  same  breadth  about  ten  degrees 
west,  where  it  openeth  southerly  more  and  more." 

Sebastian  Cabot  has,  therefore,  the  merit  of  having 
not  only  started  an  idea  wdiich  has  occupied  the 
efforts  of  more  than  three  centuries  ;  but  of  having 
also  indicated  the  only  possible  roads  for  carrying  it 
out.  To  do  more  was  beyond  the  means  which 
his  time  afforded.- 

Sebastian  Cabot  started  in  his  old  age  another 
idea,  which  has   become   almost  equally  momentous 

1  This  fact  puts  an  end  to  the  controversy,  as  to  whether  Cabot 
did  or  did  not  reach  that  high  latitude.  The  observation  itself  is 
due  to  Mr.  D'Avezac,  the  eminent  French  geographer,  who  was 
kind  enough  to  communicate  it  to  the  writer  of  the  present  pages 
a  few  years  ago,  when  examining  with  him  the  planisphere  of 
Sebastian  Cabot  in  the  Paris  library. 

^  See  note  B,  at  the  end  of  the  introduction,  for  a  statement  of 
the  sources  from  which  the  account  of  the  Cabots  has  been  drawn, 



in  the  history  of  arctic  discovery — the  search  for  a 
north-eastern  route  to  China.  More  than  half  a 
century  ehapsecl  between  the  origin  of  the  first  and 
that  of  the  second  scheme.  For  the  present  we 
confine  ourselves  to  the  history  of  the  search  for  a 
north-western  passage  down  to  Hudson's  time,  and 
shall  afterwards  take  up  the  history  of  that  north 
eastern  route. 

The  early  expeditions  in  search  of  a  north-western 
passage  may  be  divided  into  two  distinct  epochs. 
The  aim  was  identical  in  both  ;  but  the  methods 
were  difi'erent.  All  the  early  navigators  who  sought 
for  a  passage  through  the  new  continent  wished  to 
break  through  the  unwelcome  barrier  between  the 
west  of  Europe  and  Cathay,  and  thus  to  reach  Asia 
by  a  short  road.  The  diff'erence  between  the  two 
epochs  consists  in  the  amount  of  knowledge  of  the  real 
nature  of  that  barrier,  which  the  one  and  the  other 
possessed.  The  first  attempts  may,  perhaps,  be  likened 
to  a  blind  rush  at  an  obstacle,  the  extent  and  diffi- 
culties of  which  were  not  yet  understood.  These  at- 
tempts ended  in  despair,  and  in  a  temporary  aban- 
donment of  the  grand  scheme.  But  they  also  brought 
about  incidentally,  and  ahnost  to  the  regret  of  those 
who  made  them,  extensive  explorations  of  the  ob- 
stacle which  would  not  yield  to  their  efforts  ;  that 
is  to  say,  of  the  New  World.  Some  unexpected 
advantages  were  also  discovered,  and  led  to  a  regular 
intercourse  with  the  shores  of  North  America,  and 
by  means  of  these  voyages  a  more  accurate  know- 
ledge of  the  North  American  coasts  was  obtained. 


The  systems  of  geographical  criticism  were  at  the 
same  time  developed,  the  various  scraps  of  informa- 
tion were  collected,  confronted  and  arranged  by  indus- 
trious scholars,  and  an  immense  progress  was  made  in 
geographical  science.  The  explorers  of  the  second 
epoch,  Frobisher,  Davis,  Weymouth,  Hudson,  and 
his  successors,  had  the  labours  of  Mercator,  Ortelius 
and  of  other  geographers  to  guide  them.  They  had 
the  means  of  knowing  the  real  shape  of  America,  at 
least  in  all  its  principal  features,  and  had  thus  a 
sound  basis  for  their  efforts,  and  a  more  confined 
space  towards  which  to  direct  them  ;  whilst,  to  their 
early  predecessors,  the  very  existence  of  a  New 
World  was  a  startling  and  unexpected  fact.  This  is 
the  reason  for  the  vaguer  aims  of  one  class,  and  for 
the  more  distinct  aims  of  another  class  of  hardy  ma- 
riners, both  of  whom  deserve  in  an  equal  degree  our 
admiration  and  our  gratitude. 

The  search  for  a  short  route  from  Western  Europe 
to  China,  belonged  naturally  to  those  European 
states  that  would  most  profit  by  its  being  discovered; 
namely,  to  those  bordering  on  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  to 
England,  France,  Spain,  and  Portugal.  Each  of 
these  kingdoms  took  a  share  in  the  search  for  a  pas- 
sage, but  the  French,  Spaniards,  and  Portuguese 
only  during  the  first  epoch.  It  is  one  of  the  glories 
of  England  to  have  alone  persevered  in  this  great 

The  Portuguese  were  the  first  nation  that  followed 
in  Sebastian  Cabot's  footsteps.  Within  four  years 
after  his  expedition  of  1498,  two  Portuguese  voyages 


to  the  north-west  took  place,  both  under  the  evident 
influence  of  the  impulse  given  by  him.  Tlie  disco- 
veries made  by  the  Cabots  in  1497  and  1498  seem  to 
have  engendered  a  vague  report  that  a  terra  nova^ 
a  land  not  to  be  found  on  maps  and  charts,  existed 
somewhere  in  the  north-west.  Gaspar  de  Cortereal, 
a  Portuguese  gentlemen  of  high  standing,  set  out  in 
search  of  that  land  towards  the  end  of  the  year  1500. 
He  returned  to  Lisbon  in  October,  1501.  But  little 
satisfied  with  the  result  of  his  expedition,  he  returned 
again  to  the  North  American  shores,  where  he  at  last 
met  his  death.  He  seems  to  have  been  the  first  of 
those  who  were  led  by  the  appearance  of  the  mouth 
of  the  St.  Lawrence  river,  to  mistake  it  for  a  passage 
to  the  Eastern^  Ocean.  Nothing  could  be  more  natural 
for  a  man  who  approached  it  without  previous  know- 
ledge. The  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence  is  nearly  one 
hundred  miles  wide,  and  in  spite  of  the  great  quan- 
tity of  fresh  water  which  it  conveys  to  tlie  sea,  it  is 
almost  as  much  to  be  called  an  estuary  as  the  mouth 
of  the  Thames.  Cortereal's  explorations,  as  far  as 
they  can  be  ascertained  from  a  few  vague  fragments 
of  intelligence,  embrace  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence, the  gulf  into  which  the  river  falls,  with  some 
of  the  islands  within  it,  and  part  of  the  eastern  shore 
of  Newfoundland. 

Tlie  other  Portuguese  undertaking  is  in  itself  less 
important  than  Oortereal's  voyage  :  it  is,  however,  a 
curious  event.  Three  Portuguese  gentlemen  formed 
an  association  for  an  expedition   to   the  north-west 

^  Tlie  Pacific  is  called  the  Katitcni  Ocean,  h\  Vciaz/.anu. 


with  some  Bristol  merchants,  probably  former  com- 
panions of  Cabot.  If  such  was  really  their  character, 
they  were  guilty  of  much  selfishness  and  ingratitude, 
which  vices  were  authorized  and  more  than  equalled 
by  their  king,  Henry  VII,  who  granted  away  to  them 
the  very  same  advantages  that  had  been  reserved  to 
the  Cabots.  The  document  which  illustrates  this 
disgraceful  transaction  is  the  ©nly  remaining  record 
of  the  association.  This  document  is  as  vague  as  it 
is  fulsome.  It  appears  from  it  that  the  associates  had 
a  very  indistinct  idea  of  the  purpose  of  Sebastian 
Cabot,  that  they  wished  to  follow  it  up,  and  that  the 
king  authorized  them  thus  to  rob  the  noble  adven- 
turer of  his  reward.  It  is  not  certain  whether  an 
expedition  took  place  or  not.  Mr.  Biddle,  the  in- 
genious scholar  who  has  devoted  his  energies  to  the 
investigation  of  Sebastian  Cabot's  career,  thinks  that 
the  associates  did  send  out  a  ship,  which  brought 
home  some  savages.  The  question  is  one  of  but 
little  interest  for  our  purpose. ^ 

Both  these  expeditions,  and  chiefly  that  of  Cor- 
tereal,  are,  however,  much  more  important  from  their 
influence  than  by  their  immediate  results.  The  earli- 
est Portuguese  navigators  to  the  north-west  seem  to 
have  been  forcibly  struck  by  the  abundance  of  cod 
fish  in  these  regions,  a  fact  already  noticed  by  the 
Cabots.  The  Portuguese,  then  perhaps  the  most 
active  of  maritime  nations,  soon  availed  themselves 
of   this    advantage  :    they    sent    frequent,    probably 

^  For  these  two  expeditions,  see  note  C,  at  tlic  end  of  the  intro- 


annual,  expeditions  to  the  fisheries  of  Newfoundland. 
To  facilitate  these,  they  were  of  course  obliged  to 
acquire  some  knowledge  of  the  coasts  to  which  they 
repaired  ;  and,  step  by  step,  as  they  had  wended  their 
way  along  the  shores  of  Africa,  they  now  explored 
the  cheerless  regions  of  the  north-west.  These 
unpretending  efforts  have,  unfortunately,  not  been 
chronicled,  their  only  trace  being  found  on  ancient 
charts.  As  far  as  this  evidence,  and  that  of  some 
summaries  in  the  early  maritime  chronicles,  goes,  we 
are  led  to  think  that  the  more  important  results  were 
obtained  only  in  course  of  time.  We  shall  therefore 
revert  to  them  at  a  future  page  of  this  inquiry. 

The  nation  that  first  followed  in  the  wake  of  the 
Portuguese  was  the  French.  The  fishing  popula- 
tions on  the  coast  of  Brittany  and  Normandy,  hailing 
the  prospect  of  a  new  opening  for  their  industry, 
directed  their  course  towards  Newfoundland,  where 
they  made  extensive  explorations,  and  established 
themselves,  like  their  predecessors,  as  regular  visitors. 
The  Basques  round  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  who  were 
accustomed  to  catch  thousands  of  small  whales  in 
their  waters,  also  took  part  in  the  advantageous 
traffic.  These  voyages,  from  diff"erent  parts  of  what 
is  now  the  empire  of  France,  began  in  150 J:,  and 
seem  to  have  continued  throughout  the  sixteenth 
century.  It  is  not  clearly  stated  in  the  fragmentary 
records  of  these  voyages,  but  is  fiir  from  improbable, 
that  some  of  them  joined  the  idea  of  searching  for  a 
short  way  to  China  to  the  more  practical  purpose  of 
fishing  for  cod.     Certain  it  is,  that  some  of  the  ear- 


liest  of  the  French  mariners  explored  the  mouth  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  ;  perhaps,  like  Cortereal,  deceived  by 
its  appearance  into  the  belief  that  it  might  be  an 
arm  of  the  sea  leading  into  the  Pacific  Ocean, ^ 

The  first  French  voyage  which  is  plainly  recorded 
to  have  had  the  search  of  a  passage  for  its  object,  is 
the  celebrated  one  of  Verazzano.  What  Cadamosto 
had  done  for  Portugal,  Columbus  for  Spain,  John 
Cabot  for  England,  that  Verazzano  did  for  France. 
He  helped,  like  his  three  illustrious  countrymen,  to 
transfer  the  sovereignty  of  the  seas  from  the  shores 
of  the  Mediterranean  to  the  kingdoms  that  border 
the  Atlantic  Ocean.  Verazzano  w^as  entrusted  by 
Francis  I  of  France  with  the  command  of  a  squadron 
of  four  vessels.  Of  these  he  lost  two  in  a  gale,  and 
was  obliged  to  put  with  the  remaining  ones  into  a 
harbour  on  the  coast  of  Brittany.  Having  refitted 
them,  he  went  out  again,  directing  his  course  to  the 
south,  till  he  reached  the  Azores.  There  he  a^ain 
parted  from  one  of  his  two  vessels,  keeping  only  one, 
the  Dolphin.  This  is  the  craft  in  which  he  performed 
his  celebrated  voyage.  He  started  on  the  ITtli  of 
January,  1524,  from  a  lonely  rock  near  the  island  of 

Fie  has  himself  stated  the  purpose  of  his  voyage. 
"  My  intention  was,"  says  he,  "  to  reach  Cathay,  on 
the  extreme  coast  of  Asia,  expecting,  however,  to 
find  in  the  newly  discovered  land  some  such  obstacle 
as  it  has  proved  to  be,  yet  did  not  doubt  that  I  should 
penetrate  by   some   passage   to   the   eastern   ocean." 

^  Note  D,  at  the  end  of  the  hitroduction. 


The  geography  of  the  New  World  had  already 
made  much  progress  in  the  quarter  of  a  century 
which  elapsed  between  John  Cabot's  first  voyage  and 
that  undertaken  by  Verazzano.  Verazzano  was  aware 
that  he  would  find  a  line  of  coast,  nearly,  if  not  entirely 
unbroken  ;  extending  through  120  degrees  of  latitude, 
from  66°  north  to  54°  south.  By  confronting  all  the 
available  pieces  of  information  he  had  even  arrived 
at  the  exaggerated  conclusion,  that  America  was  of 
as  large  extent  as  Europe,  Africa,  and  Asia  taken 
together.  Still  he  hoped  to  find  a  passage  through 
this  mighty  mass  of  land,  and  to  reach  Cathay  in  his 
vessel.  His  hope,  which  almost  amounted  to  a  con- 
viction, may  be  traced  back  to  a  singular  illusion, 
common  to  all  the  followers  of  Sebastian  Cabot, 
which  forms  a  characteristic  feature  in  the  history  of 
the  search  for  a  north-west  passage. 

"We  have  already  had  occasion  to  observe  that  the 
first  acknowledgment  of  the  existence  of  a  new  con- 
tinent, made  by  any  European  geographer,  consists 
in  the  attempt  of  Sebastian  Cabot  to  break  through 
this  terra  nova.  The  consciousness  that  a  new  conti- 
nent existed,  and  the  wish  to  find  a  passage  by 
which  it  miglit  be  traversed,  thus,  like  twin  brothers, 
owed  their  origin  to  the  same  birth.  These  two 
ideas  were  at  their  beginning  so  closely  entwined, 
that  they  have  never  since  been  separated.  It  became 
at  once,  and  through  all  the  succeeding  development 
of  the  geography  of  America,  it  has  always  remained 
accepted  as  an  axiom,  that  a  passage  through  this 
continent  existed.     The  question  which   science  and 


enterprise  strove  to  resolve  was  not  tvhethcr  but  ivhere 
that  passage  was  to  be  found.  All  the  successors  of 
Sebastian  Cabot  acted,  under  this  conviction,  a  con- 
viction which  has  greatly  contributed  in  producing 
that  wonderful  perseverance  with  which  this  great 
undertaking  has  been  followed  up  through  so  many 
centuries,  till  it  has  at  last,  in  our  days,  been  crowned 
with  success. 

It  was  thus  Verazzano's  purpose  to  ascertain  ivhere 
the  passage  to  Cathay  might  be.  He,  like  Cabot,  and 
like  the  Portuguese  and  French  seamen,  sought  it  in 
the  north-west,  but  began  his  search  somewhat  fur- 
ther to  the  south  than  they  had  done.  He  crossed 
the  Atlantic  in  one  of  its  broadest  parts,  by  an  almost 
due  westerly  course,  which  was  but  slightly  deflected 
to  the  north  ;  so  that  the  land  which  he  first  fell  in 
with  was  under  34°,  being  part  of  the  coast  of 
Carolina.  There  he  arrived  early  in  March  1524.  He 
then  ascended  the  coast,  spying  out  for  a  passage  ; 
and  thus  he  reached  the  mouth  of  Hudson's  river 
probably  at  the  end  of  March,  or  in  the  beginning  of 
April.  He  entered  this  natural  harbour,  was  struck 
by  its  capacities,  and  by  the  beauty  of  the  surrounding 
scenery  ;  but  was  compelled  by  a  sudden  squall  to 
leave  it  in  haste.  Soon  afterwards  he  entered  Narra- 
ganset  Bay  (Rhode  Island),  where  he  tarried  for  some 
time,  holding  intercourse  with  the  natives,  and  ex- 
ploring the  country.  Thence  he  started  again,  sail- 
ing further  to  the  north.  He  did  not  enter  the 
mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  the  nature  of  which  was 


probably  known  to  liim  from  the  reports  of  French 
sailors ;  but  steered  along  the  east  coast  of  New- 
foundland, up  to  its  most  northern  point.  He  then 
returned  to  France.  The  whole  voyage,  from  Madeira 
to  America,  then  along  the  coast,  and  back  to  Dieppe, 
lasted  but  five  months  and  a  half ;  several  weeks  of 
which  time  were  spent  in  Narraganset  Bay. 

Verazzano  described  his  voyage  in  a  letter  to 
Francis  I,  king  of  France,  dated  Dieppe,  July  1524. 
This  letter  is  well  known  to  the  geographical  student, 
from  a  version  of  it  in  Ramusio's  collection  of  voy- 
ages, which  has  been  translated  by  Hakluyt,  and 
inserted  both  into  the  Divers  Voyages  and  into  his 
greater  and  more  celebrated  work.  But  Ramusio  has 
printed  not  a  faithful  copy,  but  a  version  of  his  own. 
He  has  embellished  and  corrected  the  style  of  the 
rough  sailor,  and  thus  given  the  whole  piece  a  new 
and  factitious  colouring.  He  has  besides  suppressed 
a  very  important  cosmographical  appendix,  which 
throws  considerable  light,  not  only  on  Verazzano's 
plans,  but  also  on  the  history  of  the  geography  of  the 
New  World,  and  on  that  of  the  search  for  a  north- 
west passage.  These  have  been  the  reasons  for  our 
inserting  the  original  letter  in  the  present  volume. 
The  above  summary  is  taken  partly  from  the  account 
of  the  voyage  itself,  partly  from  the  appendix,  as 
reference  to  these  papers  will  show. 

The  period  when  the  Spanish  expeditions  to  the 
north-west  began  is  not  quite  certain.  Projects  of 
this  kind  were  entertained  by  the  Spanish  court  as 
early  as  the  year  1500.     The   following  passage  of 


Navarrete  contains  all  that  we  have  been  able  to  find 
on  the  subject : — 

On  the  6th  of  May,  1500,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  wrote 
from  Seville,  that  Juan  Dorvelos,  or  Dornelos,  should  come 
to  court  or  depute  a  person,  with  whom  they  might  agree 
upon  the  best  means  for  a  voyage  of  discovery ;  and  we  may 
conjecture  (says  Navarrete),  that  the  plan  Avas  to  survey  the 
seas  which  Sebastian  Cabot  had  just  discovered.  Better 
authenticated,  however,  is  the  agreement  or  contract  con- 
cluded in  October,  1511,  with  Juan  de  Agramonte,  a  native 
of  Lerida,  for  the  discovery  of  the  seas  of  Newfoundland 
f  Terra  Nova  J.  He  was  made  captain  for  this  expedition, 
which  was  to  be  undertaken  in  two  Spanish  ships,  with 
Spanish  sailors ;  except  two  pilots,  who  might  be  from 
Brittany  or  some  other  country,  and  should  be  acquainted 
with  those  seas  and  coasts.  We  do  not  know  the  result  of 
this  expedition,  which  is  not  mentioned  by  our  historians. 

It  is  also  stated,  by  a  doubtful  authority,  that  a  Span- 
iard named  Velasco  accompanied  Aubry,  the  French 
seaman  who  first  explored  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence, in  1508.  Certain  it  is,  however,  that  the  wish  to 
find  a  passage  through  the  new  continent  occupied  the 
minds  of  the  Spaniards  at  a  very  early  date.  It  is  a 
well  known  fact  that  Columbus'  expedition  to  the  west 
was,  like  that  of  Cabot,  originally  intended  to  reach 
Asia.  Columbus,  however,  believed  that  the  West 
India  Islands  which  he  had  found  were  identical 
with  the  Zipangu  of  Marco  Polo,  that  is  to  say  with 
Japan  ;  and  he  was  thus  induced  to  think  that  he 
had  achieved  his  purpose  of  reaching  Asia.  Soon, 
however,  it  dawned  on  the  Spaniards,  as  well  as  on 
the  rest  of  Europe,  that  the  West  Indies  were  not 


Japan;  that  Central  America  was  not  China;  and 
that  to  reach  Asia  by  a  westerly  route,  an  unexpected 
obstacle  had  to  be  overcome.  The  Spaniards  devoted 
themselves  to  this  new  task  with  the  obstinate  energy 
that  characterized  them  in  those  days,  and  they  made 
numerous  expeditions  both  by  sea  and  by  land,  to 
find  a  passage  through  Central  America,  but  always 
without  result.  This  want  of  success  doubled  their 
eager  desire.  The  search  for  a  passage  became  more 
and  more  a  national  concern,  in  which  both  Charles 
V,  and  Ferdinand  Cortez,  his  great  lieutenant,  took  a 
most  lively  interest.  A  new  direction  was  given  to 
their  efforts  by  a  false  rumour,  that  some  other  nation 
had  found  the  passage  and  were  keeping  it  secret. 
This  rumour  gained  ground  at  the  same  time  in  Spain, 
and  in  its  American  colonies;  as  is  clearly  proved  by 
contemporary  evidence  ;  and  especially  by  one  of  the 
most  important  geographical  documents  of  the  six- 
teenth century. 

The  document  we  allude  to  is  the  celebrated 
Rclatio  Quarta  of  Ferdinand  Cortez,  one  of  the  re- 
ports which  he  addressed  to  the  emperor  Charles  V. 
It  is  dated  Temixtitan  (Mexico),  October  18th,  1524, 
and  treats  of  all  the  various  subjects  of  local  admi- 
nistration on  which  the  viceroy  could  be  expected  to 
address  his  sovereign.  Mention  is  repeatedly  made 
of  the  search  for  a  passage,  of  Cortez'  various  efforts 
in  that  direction,  and  of  their  want  of  the  desired 
result.  One  entire  chapter  of  the  report  is  devoted 
to  the  discussion  of  a  project,  from  the  execution  of 
which  Cortez  not  unreasonably  expected  the  solution 


of  the  whole  question.  According  to  a  rumour,  in 
■which  Cortez  professes  his  full  belief,  a  passage  lead- 
ing out  of  the  river  Panuco,  then  trending  to  the 
north,  through  Florida,  and  reaching  the  Pacific 
Ocean  in  the  latitude  of  the  Baccalaos,  had  been 
found  by  some  other  nation,  and  was  kept  a  pro- 
found secret.  Cortez  states  his  intention  to  send 
out  two  expeditions,  the  one  on  the  Atlantic  (Mar 
del  Norte),  the  other  on  the  Pacific  (Mar  del  Zur), 
to  search  along  the  whole  coast,  from  the  straits  of 
Magellan  up  to  the  Baccalaos,  till  they  fell  in  wiih 
the  passage.  The  plan  seems  never  to  have  been 
acted  upon,  at  least  in  its  original  shape.  Most  of  its 
suggestions  were  afterwards  carried  out  by  the  Span- 
iards, but  in  isolated  efforts,  and  without  that  energy 
which  would  have  marked  any  enterprise  of  such 
a  man  as  Ferdinand  Cortez.  The  reason  for  his  drop- 
ping the  scheme  was  simply  the  want  of  money. 

The  same  rumour  which  reached  Cortez  about  the 
year  1524,  had  in  1523,  or  before  that  year,  reached 
Charles  V.  "  Several  geographers,"  says  Herrera, 
"  had  assured  the  king  that  it  would  be  easy  to  dis- 
cover eastern  Cathay  by  a  strait  between  the  Atlan- 
tic and  Pacific  ;"  and  from  an  observation  of  Peter 
Martyr,  we  learn,  that  this  imaginary  strait,  like  the 
imaginary  one  of  Ferdinand  Cortez,  was  supposed  to 
be  situated  between  Florida  and  Baccalaos.  In  order 
to  understand  the  events  which  followed  from  this  ru- 
mour, it  is  desirable  to  explain  what  it  referred  to  and 
how  it  had  arisen.  This  can  be  done  approximately, 
though  not  with  the  clearness  which  might  be  wished 


for.  Florida  and  Baccalaos  were  both  vague  terms. 
The  former  of  them  served  as  a  summary  designation 
for  the  then  almost  unknown  countries  of  the  North 
American  mainland,  immediately  to  the  north  of  the 
Spanish  possessions.  Boundary  lines  are  not  to  be 
found  in  the  early  maps  of  America,  and  it  is  impos- 
sible to  state  where  the  northern  frontier  of  Florida 
might  have  been  thought  to  be.  All  we  can  say  is 
that  the  term  is  seldom,  if  at  all,  used  for  tracts 
north  of  40°.  Baccalaos  originally  means  codfish.  As 
a  geographical  designation  it  was  applied  to  the  fish- 
ing stations  along  the  northern  shores,  which  alone 
gave  these  regions  any  importance  in  the  eyes  of 
Europeans.  Baccalaos,  as  a  geographical  term,  is  of  a 
still  vaguer  nature  than  that  of  Florida,  and  may  in 
its  widest  meaning  be  said  to  embrace  the  coasts  from 
57°  down  to  45°  N.  It  is,  however,  in  hardly  any  case 
used  for  any  part  south  of  Newfoundland,  48°  being 
in  some  old  geographies  expressly  mentioned  as  the 
southern  limit.  Under  these  circumstances  it  hardly 
allows  of  a  doubt  that  the  rumour  of  a  strait  between 
Baccalaos  and  Florida,  which  circulated  both  in  Spain 
and  in  Mexico,  had  originated  in  the  vain  hopes  for  a 
passage,  which  the  deceptive  appearance  of  the  mouth 
of  the  St.  Lawrence  afforded  to  the  early  explorers. 
It  was  in  conformity  with  the  ideas  and  habits  of 
those  times,  that  a  man's  or  nation's  most  positive 
assertions  of  want  of  success  in  such  an  endeavour 
would  be  the  most  powerful  means  of  convincing 
others  that  they  had  been  successful,  but  desired  to 
keep  for  themselves  all  the  advantages  of  an  import- 
ant secret. 


One  of  those  who  insisted  most  strongly  on  the 
possibility  of  finding  a  strait  between  Baccalaos  and 
Florida,  was  Estevan  Gomez,  a  Portuguese  pilot  in 
the  Spanish  service,  who  had  been  one  of  the  com- 
panions of  Magellan,  and  had  gained  an  unenviable 
notoriety  by  the  mutinous  spirit  shown  by  him  during 
the  voyage  of  the  Victoria.  Gomez,  however,  enjoyed  a 
good  reputation  for  nautical  skill  and  cosmographical 
acquirements.  He  was  one  of  the  scientific  authorities 
present  at  the  congress  of  Badajos  and  Gelves,^  which 
met  in  152-i  to  settle  the  line  of  demarcation  be- 
tween the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  claims  to  the 
newly  discovered  regions.  He  must,  therefore,  have 
been  considered  one  of  the  most  distinguished  cosmo- 
graphers  of  the  age.  Modern  historians  seem  to  be 
disposed  to  hold  Gomez  in  less  high  estimation  than 
his  contemporaries  did.  In  this  respect,  they  are 
influenced  by  a  passage  in  the  eighth  decade  of 
Peter  Martyr's  work  De  Orhe  Novo  ;  where  Gomez' 
endeavours  are  spoken  of  in  a  sneering  and  contemp- 
tuous manner.  But  they  fail  to  observe  that  there  is 
a  singular  change  of  language  to  be  observed  even  in 
Peter  Martyr.  In  his  sixth  decade  he  speaks  of 
Gomez  as  artts  maritimce  peritus ;  whilst  in  the  last 
decade  he  says  of  him,  Inanes  hujiis  honi  hominis  fore 
cogitationes  existimavi  semper  et prmposui.  So  difi"erently 
did  the  historian  judge  of  the  Portuguese  pilot 
before,  and  after  he  had  become  acquainted  with  the 
details  of  his  project.     To  explain  this  change,  we 

1  The  seamen  and  geographers  who  attended  the  congress  had 
personally  no  voice  in  the  decision,  but  acted  as  referees. 


shall  have  recourse  to  the  suggestions  of  Mr.  Biddle, 
the  ingenious  scholar,  who  has  clone  so  much  to  clear 
up  the  dark  points  in  Sebastian  Cabot's  career.  Peter 
Martyr  was  a  friend  of  Cabot,  and  he  may  very  natur- 
ally have  considered  Gomez'  new  scheme  as  an  insult 
offered  to  the  great  navigator,  who  had  in  the  year  1498 
in  vain  sought  for  a  passage  in  the  locality  where  the 
Portuguese  pilot  was  confident  to  discover  it.  Howso- 
ever this  may  be,  Peter  Martyr's  prejudice  has  to  a 
very  considerable  extent  affected  Gomez'  fame ;  so 
much  so,  indeed,  that  most  of  the  early  historians 
have  repeated  Peter  Martyr's  sneers,  whilst  the 
modern  writers  have,  without  a  single  exception, 
either  omitted  Gomez'  name  from  their  books  or 
treated  his  labours  with  contempt.  This  treatment  is 
entirely  undeserved.  Gomez  ought  to  occupy  a 
high  place  among  early  explorers,  and  one  of  the 
first  among  the  men  connected  with  the  regions 
with  which  Hudson's  name  is  associated.  He  went 
over  much  of  the  ground  that  Verazzano  had  ex- 
plored a  few  months  before  him.  Both  have  left 
charts  of  their  explorations ;  and  that  of  the  Portu- 
guese pilot  is  infinitely  superior  to  that  of  the  Ita- 
lian seaman.  Verazzano's  chart  has  been  preserved 
merely  as  a  kind  of  geograpliical  curiosity ;  whilst 
that  of  Gomez  has  served  as  the  basis  for  the  deli- 
neation of  the  coasts  of  Maryland,  New  Jersey,  New 
York,  and  Rhode  Island,  on  nearly  all  the  maps  of 
the  sixteenth,  and  on  some  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury. The  charts  which  Hudson  himself  must  have 
used  when  exploring  the  river  which  bears  liis  name, 


contained  the  mouth  of  that  river  and  the  neighbour- 
ing parts  laid  down  from  Estevan  Gomez's  survey. 

The  expedition  of  Estevan  Gomez  has  not  been 
described  by  any  modern  author.  This  is  not  from 
want  of  materials ;  for  w^e  know  as  much  of  him  as 
of  any  early  navigators  wdio  have  not  left  us  their 
own  journals. 

The  following  are  the  principal  facts  to  be  gathered 
from  the  maritime  chronicles  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury. Estevan  Gomez  made  his  offer  to  find  the 
passage  in  the  year  1523.  In  the  following  year, 
1524,  he  was  attending  the  congress  of  Badajoz. 
Sebastian  Cabot,  who  had  twice  been  in  the  service 
of  England,  and  had  twice  left  it  in  disgust,  was  at 
that  time  the  pilot-major  of  Spain,  and  was  also 
present  at  the  congress.  Some  kind  of  discussion  of 
Gomez's  plan,  must  therefore  unavoidably  have  taken 
place  between  these  two  navigators.  But  we  find 
no  trace  of  Cabot's  having  either  advocated  or  op- 
posed the  plan ;  and  we  are  inclined  to  believe  that 
he  communicated  his  private  thoughts  only  to  such 
friends  as  Peter  Martyr.  We  find  it  stated  that 
Cabot  held  out,  about  this  time,  great  hopes  of  new 
discoveries  among,  or  near  the  Spice  Islands  ;  and 
that  this  consideration  contributed  to  render  Charles 
V  favourable  to  Gomez's  proposals.  There  were  on 
the  other  hand  two  strong  reasons  for  hesitating. 
First,  the  opposition  of  Peter  Martyr,  who  was  a 
much  respected  and  very  influential  member  of  the 
council  of  the  Indies  ;  and  secondly  the  entreaties  of 
the  king   of  Portugal,  that  the  expedition  might  not 


take  place.  The  conference  of  Badajoz  had  been  held 
principally  for  the  sake  of  settling,  between  Spain 
and  Portugal,  the  question  of  the  rival  claims  to  the 
Spice  Islands.  The  king  of  Portugal  seems  to  have 
thought,  that  if  a  short  way  to  those  islands  were 
found  by  Spain,  the  temptation  would  be  irresistible  ; 
a  speculation  in  which  he  was  perhaps  not  far  wrong. 
These  difficulties  having  at  last  been  overcome, 
Gomez  was,  towards  the  end  of  the  year  1524,  pro- 
vided with  a  small  caravel  of  fifty  tons  burden,  fitted 
out  partly  at  the  expense  of  the  king,  partly  at  that  of 
some  merchants.  Provision  was  made  with  regard  to 
the  possible  profits  of  the  enterprise  ;  any  trespass  on 
the  king  of  Portugal's  dominions  was  forbidden  ;  and 
some  other  arrangements  being  made,  Gomez  then 
started.  He  intended  to  conduct  his  search  not  from 
south  to  north,  as  the  Spaniards  in  Central  America 
had  been  obliged  to  do  ;  but  from  north  to  south. 
Where  he  began  it,  is  not  certain.  According  to 
Oviedo's  extracts  from  an  official  report  on  this  voy- 
age, Gomez  stated  that  he  had  made  extensive 
explorations  in  latitudes  41°  and  40°,  had  become 
acquainted  with  the  nature  of  the  country,  and  held 
intercourse  with  the  natives.  Of  these  he  kidnapped 
as  many  as  his  ship  would  hold  ;  considering  them 
as  a  good  prize,  on  account  of  their  fine  stature. 
Other  navigators  had  done  so  before  him  ;  and  the 
Spaniards  at  home  seem  by  tliat  time  to  have  been  so 
well  acquainted  with  the  general  appearance  of  the 
Indians,  that  they  were  able  to  give  an  opinion  on  the 
comparatively  fine  proportions  of  those  whom  Gomez 


brought.  The  chroniclers  say  that  Gomez  acted 
against  the  emperor's  orders.  But  that  monarch 
seems  not  to  have  been  very  indignant ;  and  the 
chroniclers  cannot  refrain  from  telling,  as  a  very 
ludicrous  affair,  a  mistake  to  which  this  human 
cargo  gave  rise.  It  was  reported  that  Gomez  had 
brought  clavos  (cloves)  ;  that  is  to  say,  he  had  reached 
the  Spice  Islands  by  a  north-west  passage,  whilst  he 
had  only  brought  esclavos  (slaves).  Gomez  spoke 
with  much  enthusiasm  of  the  country  which  he  had 
visited ;  and  seems  to  have  been  fully  alive  to  its 
natural  beauties.  Continuing  his  southern  course, 
he  at  last  reached  the  West  Indies ;  and  thence  he 
sailed  home,  arriving  in  Spain  ten  months  after  he 
had  left  it. 

Gomez  drew,  as  we  have  mentioned,  an  outline  of 
the  coast  which  he  had  explored.  This  outline  has 
been  preserved  ;  but  not  in  its  original  shape.  It  has 
been  embodied  into  the  celebrated  planisphere  of 
Juan  Ribero,  geographer  to  Charles  V.  This  memo- 
rable work  was  composed  shortly  after  the  congress 
of  Badajoz,  to  which  we  have  referred,  and  of  which 
Ribero  was  a  member.  There  the  most  illustrious 
geographers  of  Spain  and  Portugal  met,  to  settle  the 
disputes  between  the  two  countries  that  had  arisen 
out  of  Pope  Alexander's  famous  grant.  The  outline 
of  America  was  there  fixed  for  the  first  time,  from 
the  discoveries  of  both  nations.  Ribero's  chart,  which 
was  composed  in  1529,  (five  years  after  the  congress), 
is  not,  however,  entirely  based  on  materials  obtained 
there ;  but  embraces  some  more  recent  discoveries  ; 


such  as  those  of  Estevan  Gomez.  The  tract  of  coast 
which  now  belongs  to  the  states  of  Maryland,  New 
Jersey,  New  York,  and  Rhode  Island,  is  on  Ribero's 
chart  called  the  land  of  Estevan  Gomez.  But  the  chart 
does  not  do  full  justice  to  the  Portuguese  pilot.  We 
learn  from  the  above-mentioned  report,  that  Gomez 
very  correctly  placed  his  discoveries  under  40"  and 
41°  N.  This  is  fully  borne  out  by  the  localities.,  the 
discovery  of  which,  Ribcro  ascribes  to  him  ;  but  the 
latitudes  in  which  Ribero  places  them,  are  erroneous 
by  several  degrees.  This  fault  therefore  belongs 
entirely  to  Ribero,  and  in  no  way  to  Gomez.  The 
geographer  who  had  to  collect  and  arrange  many 
discordant  data,  seems  to  have  been  influenced  by  a 
feeling  similar  to  that  of  Peter  Martyr  ;  and  to  have 
sacrificed  the  Portuguese  pilot  to  some  other  ex- 
plorers of  less  accuracy,  but  better  repute.  It  is  to 
be  hoped  that,  in  dealing  thus  unfairly  with  Gomez, 
Ribero  has  confined  himself  to  placing  the  coast-line 
two  degrees  two  high,  without  otherwise  altering  it. 
But  for  aught  we  know  to  the  contrary,  he  may  have 
introduced  other  alterations,  to  produce  the  harmony 
lequired  in  a  general  map. 

Under  these  circumstances,  it  becomes  extremely 
diflficult  to  answer  the  question  which  presents  itself 
so  naturally  to  our  minds :  Did  Gomez  explore  the 
mouth  of  Hudson's  river  X  Even  the  most  reliable  maps 
of  those  days,  will  give  no  answer  to  minute  historical 
questions.  We  cannot  obtain  certainties  from  them, 
and  must  be  satisfied  with  probabilities.  As  far  as  these 
])robabilitics  go,  we  must  state  it  as  our  conviction, 


that  Gomez  did  explore  the  mouths  of  the  Hudson. 
He  has  drawn  several  rivers,  and  one  of  them,  with 
some  islands  in  its  wide  mouth,  is  so  placed  as  to 
correspond  with  the  Hudson.  This  conviction  is 
shared  by  Sprengel,  the  learned  German  geographer, 
whose  commentary  on  Ribero's  chart  has  proved  of 
great  assistance  in  this  inquiry.  "  The  great  river" 
says  Sprengcl,  "  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  cape  De 
Muclias  Islas,  seems  to  be  Hudson's  river".  It  was,  be- 
sides, Gomez's  object  to  search  closely  along  the  whole 
shore,  for  an  opening  that  might  lead  to  the  west  ; 
and  during  the  ten  months  of  his  voyage,  he  had 
ample  time  to  become  acquainted,  in  all  its  parts,  with 
the  easily  accessible,  and  not  very  extensive,  line  of 
coast  along  which  his  explorations  lay.  But  whether 
Gomez  did,  or  did  not,  enter  Hudson's  river,  it  is  cer- 
tain that  the  later  Spanish  seamen  who  followed  in 
his  track  in  after  years,  were  familiar  with  the  river, 
and  called  it  Rio  de  Gamas  ;  as  we  shall  presently 
have  occasion  to  observe. 

To  conclude  our  observations  on  Gomez's  voyage 
we  must  answer  another  question  which  also  presents 
itself  very  naturally  to  the  mind.  Verazzano  and 
Gomez  went  within  a  few  months  of  each  other  over 
precisely  the  same  ground.  Did  any  connection 
exist  between  the  two  voyages  ]  As  far  as  the  mere 
time  goes,  this  would  be  very  probable  ;  because 
Gomez  started  several  months  after  Verazzano's  re- 
turn. But  all  the  other  circumstances  exclude  the 
supposition.  France  and  Spain  were  at  war,  and  no 
friendly  communication  can  therefore  be  supposed  to 


have  existed  between  them.  Besides,  had  Gomez 
known  that  Verazzano  liad  searched  those  same  parts 
in  vain,  he  would  not  have  been  so  unwise  as  to 
expose  himself  to  the  sneers  which  he  incurred  by 
his  failure. 

Gomez's  voyage  is  the  last  one  in  search  of  a  pas- 
sage undertaken  on  the  eastern  side  of  America  by 
any  other  nation  than  the  English.  The  two  con- 
cluding voyages  of  the  first  epoch,  and  all  those  of 
later  times,  were  performed  by  the  English  alone. 

In  the  years  1523  to  1527  there  seems  to  have 
been  a  general  stir  in  this  north-westerly  direction. 
We  have  spoken  of  Verazzano,  of  the  rumours  that 
assailed  Charles  V,  of  Cortez's  plans,  of  Gomez' 
voyage,  and  we  shall  have  still  further  to  notice  some 
other  movements  of  the  Spaniards.  The  English,  the 
nation  whose  ships  had  first  through  storm  and  ice 
sought  for  a  passage,  were  not  slow  in  following 
this  general  impulse.  Two  different  symptoms  show 
themselves  in  the  same  year  1527.  The  first  is  a 
letter  and  a  discourse  which  Robert  Thorne,  the  son 
of  one  of  Cabot's  early  companions,  addressed  to 
Henry  VIII,  trying  to  persuade  him  to  engage  again 
in  the  search  for  a  short  northern  route  to  China. 
Thorne  has  the  merit  of  having  started  an  entirely 
new  scheme,  which  has  been  acted  upon  only  by  a 
few  bold  mariners,  among  whom  was  Henry  Hudson, 
— namely,  that  of  sailing  right  across  the  North  Pole. 
This  ingenious  plan,  and  the  arguments  by  which 
Thome  supports  his  theories,  render  his  discourse  a 
highly  curious  document. 


At  the  very  time  when  this  letter  was  written, 
Henry  VIII  was  ah'eady  interested  in  a  north-west- 
ern expedition.  Two  vessels,  the  Samson  and  Mary  of 
Guildford^  had  been  fitted  out  at  the  joint  expense  of 
the  king  and  some  private  persons.  These  vessels 
sailed  in  May,  1527.  They  accomplished  nothing, 
and  one  of  them  was  probably  lost.  A  remarkable 
circumstance  is  connected  with  the  expedition.     Ve- 


razzano  seems  to  have  been  their  pilot,  and  to  have 
lost  his  life  in  an  encounter  with  the  North  American 

The  last  expedition  of  the  first  epoch  happened 
nearly  ten  years  afterwards,  in  1536.  It  is  very 
characteristically  English.  When  the  search  for  a 
passage  had  been  given  up  by  every  one  else,  a 
lawyer,  who  had  dabbled  in  cosmography,  one  Master 
Hore,  took  it  up  ;  and  persuaded  a  number  of  young 
gentlemen  of  good  family,  most  of  them  members  of 
the  inns  of  court,  to  join  him  in  a  north-western 
voyage.  The  consequences  of  this  freak  were  even 
more  distressing  than  might  naturally  have  been  ex- 
pected. The  ship's  company  were  reduced  to  the  ex- 
tremes of  famine,  and  several  persons  among  them  went 
so  far  as  to  assassinate  their  companions,  and  then  to 
commit  some  of  the  very  few  acts  of  cannibalism  that 
have  ever  been  proved  against  Europeans.  The  voyagers 
then  escaped  certain  death  by  a  daring  act  of  piracy, 
from  the  consequences  of  which  these  well-  connected 
gentlemen  were  afterwards  protected  by  the  king's 
munificent  benevolence.  Thus  ends  the  first  epoch 
of  the  search  for  a  north-west  passage.  Forty  years 
elapsed  before  the  undertaking  was  resumed. 


Before  we  enter  upon  that  second  epoch,  we  mnst 
first  speak  of  some  collateral  events  that  occurred  in 
the  interval  of  forty  years,  and  most  of  which  are 
bearing  upon  the  later  efforts  in  search  of  a  passage, 
whilst  all  of  them  exercised  a  more  or  less  direct  in- 
fluence on  Hudson's  doings. 

The  Portuguese,  the  French,  and  the  Spaniards, 
the  three  nations  that  had  followed  in  the  track  of 
Cabot  and  of  his  English  companions,  and  had  thus 
arrived  at  the  northern  shores  of  America  in  search 
of  a  passage  to  Asia,  did  not  by  any  means  abandon 
the  newly  explored  regions  when  they  gave  up  the 
first  purpose  by  which  they  had  been  led  towards 
them.  Each  of  the  three  nations  continued  in  its 
own  manner  the  traffic  and  the  explorations  which  it 
had  begun. 

The  Portuguese  continued  their  surveys  of  the 
northern  coasts ;  most  likely  for  no  other  purpose 
than  to  discover  advantageous  fisheries.  They  seem 
to  have  advanced  slowly,  step  by  step,  first  along  the 
shores  of  Newfoundland,  then  up  to  the  mouth  of 
Hudson's  Strait,  then  through  that  Strait ;  and  at 
last  into  Hudson's  Bay.  With  a  certain  number  of 
ancient  maps,  ranging  from  1529  to  1570  before  us, 
we  can  trace  this  progress  step  by  step.  In  1544, 
the  Portuguese  seem  not  yet  to  have  reached  the 
mouth  of  Hudson's  Strait  ;  in  1558,  their  geo- 
graphical knowledge  extends  beyond  the  mouth  of 
the  Strait;  and  in  1570,  they  have  reached  the  Bay. 
Our  authorities  for  all  this,  are  ancient  geographical 
delineations,  a  source  which  is  sometimes  deceptive 


when  used  as  historical  evidence.  A  map  or  chart, 
the  lines  of  which  agree  sufficiently  with  the  real 
shape  of  the  parts  laid  down  in  it,  is,  of  course,  the 
best  possible  proof  of  those  coasts  having  been 
discovered  before  the  chart  was  drawn.  But  when, 
on  the  other  hand,  we  conclude  from  the  silence  of 
even  an  excellent  map,  that  any  part  not  drawn,  or 
badly  drawn  on  it  had  not  yet  been  discovered,  we 
may  be  led  entirely  wrong.  Much  geographical 
intelligence  was  in  those  days  purposely  kept  secret, 
and  many  discoveries  may  also,  by  chance,  have 
escaped  the  attention  of  the  very  geographer  whose 
w^orks  we  may  be  using.  This  is  indeed  so  natural, 
that  it  occurs  quite  commonly  at  the  present  day. 
None,  perhaps,  of  our  own  delineations  of  distant 
parts,  are  entirely  based  upon  the  very  best  surveys 
that  might  have  been  made  use  of.  With  regard  to 
the  sixteenth  century,  it  is  certain  that  even  illus- 
trious geographers  sometimes  overlooked  the  dis- 
covery of  wide  regions,  the  surveys  of  which  were  in 
their  reach.  We  can,  therefore,  state  with  the 
greatest  certainty,  that  Hudson's  Bay  had  been  dis- 
covered before  the  publication  of  Ortelius's  atlas, 
which  took  place  in  1570  ;  but  we  are  not  equally 
certain  that  the  discovery  falls  within  the  years  1558 
to  1570,  because  we  have  only  the  negative  evidence 
of  Diogo  Homem's  charts  to  support  the  latter  asser- 
tion.   The  fact  itself  is,  however,  probable  enough. 

We  must  take  this  opportunity  of  adverting  to  a 
singular  historical  misconception,  which  is  to  be  found 


ill  some  of  the  most  current  and  most  respectable 
hand-books  of  general  information  ;  and  which  may 
be  traced  back  to  the  ill-directed  efforts  of  an  ingeni- 
ous mind.  It  is  stated  in  Brockhaus'  Conversations 
Lexicon,  and  copied  into  many  of  the  cyclopaedias 
which  place  implicit  trust  in  the  integrity  of  that 
standard  work,  that  Hudson's  Bay  was  discovered  by 
a  Dane,  named  Anskoeld.  Now  this  Dane  Anskoeld 
is  a  myth,  the  origin  of  wdiich  may  be  traced  in  the 
following  manner.  A  Polish  pilot,  named  Johannes 
Kolnus,  or  John  of  Kolno,  was  sent  in  1476  by  the 
kins:  of  Denmark  and  Norway  on  a  north-western  ex- 
pedition,  to  a  country  which  Kolnus  called  Grocland, 
and  which  most  likely  was  Groneland,  that  is  to  say, 
Greenland.  Kolnus  led  out  a  number  of  emigrants, 
Danes,  Swedes,  and  Norwegians,  probably  to  restore 
the  settlements  in  Greenland,  to  the  entire  or  partial 
destruction  of  which,  at  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  and 
in  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century,  various  ad- 
verse circumstances  had  cooperated.  The  name  of 
Johannes  Kolnus,  as  well  as  the  achievements  of  this 
Polish  worthy,  have  been  singularly  disfigured  by  the 
geographers  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Some  make  his 
Grocland  into  the  most  western  of  all  tlie  many  Green- 
lands  ;  and  as  such  it  figures  on  Ortelius'  map  of  the 
world,  where  it  forms  an  island  in  latitude  80°  north 
of  Labrador.  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  places  the  dis- 
coveries ftirthcr  south.  The  name  is  most  frequently 
spelled  Scolvus  ;  sometimes  Scohnus.  From  this 
latter  shape  of  the  name,  and  from  Sir  Humphrey's 
account  of  the  discoveries,  tlic  Dane  Anskoeld  of  the 


Conversations  Lexicon  and  his  discovery  of  Hudson's 
Bay  had  been  framed. 

The  north-westerly  voyages  of  the  Spaniards  during 
the  interval  of  forty  years,  are  more  momentous  even 
than  those  of  the  Portuguese.  The  Spaniards  followed 
up  the  idea,  indicated  by  Cortez  in  1524,  of  search- 
ing for  a  passage  through  America  ;  not  from  east  to 
west,  but  from  west  to  east.  For  that  purpose  they 
sent  out  a  whole  series  of  expeditions,  none  of  which, 
however,  reached  the  high  latitude  where  the  north- 
west passage  opens  into  the  Pacific.  The  Spanish 
expeditions  were  thus,  like  the  similar  undertakings 
of  other  nations,  failures  as  regards  their  main  object. 
Important  results,  however,  especially  surveys  of  the 
western  coasts  up  to  45°,  were  obtained  by  means  of 
these  voyages.  On  the  eastern  coast  no  more  voy- 
ages in  search  of  a  passage  were  undertaken  after  the 
unsuccessful  one  of  Estevan  Gomez.  Yet  this  ex- 
pedition was  not  allowed  to  remain  without  a  result. 
The  voyage  of  Estevan  Gomez  produced  in  Spain 
the  same  effect  which  those  of  the  Cabots,  of  Cor- 
tereal,  and  of  the  men  from  Normandy  and  Brittany 
had  produced  in  England,  Portugal,  and  France — 
it  conducted  the  Spaniards  to  the  north-western 
fisheries.  This,  at  least,  is  the  conclusion  which 
the  accurate  Navarrete  draws  from  a  stock  of  con- 
temporary evidence.  The  Spaniards  now  began  to 
take  a  large  share  in  this  traffic,  and  to  repair  regu- 
larly to  the  shoals  and  sandbanks  off  Baccalaos.  These 
new  places  of  resort  were  at  a  moderate  distance 
from  their  own  American  colonies.     It  is  therefore 


but  natural  to  imagine  that  the  Spaniards  some- 
times included  both  points  in  the  same  voyage.  Ac- 
cording to  the  custom  of  that  age  they  did  not  then 
sail  boldly  over  the  broad  ocean,  but  went  timidly 
along  the  coast.  It  was  in  those  days  one  of  the 
principal  studies  of  geographers  to  point  out  con- 
venient stages,  stations,  and  tracks  for  such  sail- 
ing. This  is  the  main  purpose  of  the  so  called  Riit- 
ters  or  routiers,  regular  guide  books,  which  showed  the 
distances  from  place  to  place,  marked  the  convenient 
stations,  described  the  entrances  to  rivers  and  har- 
bours. Many  of  these  guide  books  are  still  in  exist- 
ence ;  and  we  learn  from  them  that  the  Rio  de  Gamas, 
the  name  then  regularly  applied  to  the  Hudson  on  the 
charts  of  the  time,  was  one  of  these  stages  between 
Newfoundland  and  the  colonies  of  central  America. 
Nantucket  Island  also  figures  in  some  of  these  rutters 
under  the  name  of  the  "Island  of  Juan  Luis,"  or  "  Juan 
Fernandez,"  and  is  recommended  as  a  most  convenient 
stage  for  those  who,  coming  from  Europe,  wish  to 
proceed  to  the  West  Indies  by  way  of  the  Ber- 

The  French  were  yet  more  active  than  the  Portu- 
guese and  Spaniards.  They  pursued  their  fishing 
trade  with  such  energy,  that  the  Newfoundland 
fisheries,  which  had  always  been  and  still  were  com- 
mon ground  for  the  whole  civilized  world,  seemed  to 
belong  more  specially  to  them.  Most  of  the  banks 
and  stations  received  French  names.  The  discovery 
of  these  regions,  which  was  not  then  claimed  by 
England  on  account  of  the  voyages   of  the  Cabots, 


was  attributed  entirely  to  the  French.  In  the  begin- 
ning of  the  seventeenth  century  that  nation  was 
loudly  praised  for  its  generosity  in  having  allowed 
others  to  share  in  the  Newfoundland  fisheries. 

Even  more  remarkable,  and  conferring  much  higher 
honour  on  the  French  name,  are  the  North  American 
explorations  they  made  during  this  period,  and  their 
attempts  to  colonize  that  vast  region.  Up  to  the 
time  of  Jaques  Cartier,  America  had  been  visited 
and  explored  only  by  navigators  who  considered  it 
as  a  barrier  between  Asia  and  Europe  which  they 
wished  to  force,  or  by  greedy  adventurers  attracted 
by  its  riches.  It  is  with  the  French  that  the  idea 
arose  of  colonizing  the  fertile  wilderness  of  the  north- 
west without  violence  to  its  original  inhabitants  and 
owners.  To  our  regret  it  does  not  belong  to  our 
province  to  dwell  on  these  efforts.  But  it  is  only 
just  to  remark,  that  Cartier,  Roberval,  Coligny,  and 
the  men  he  sent  out  to  prepare  a  home  for  his  perse- 
cuted brethren,  were,  in  liberality  of  ideas  and  in 
elevation  of  purpose,  more  than  a  century  ahead  of 
their  contemporaries  ;  and  that  France  may  here  well 
claim  a  title  to  which  she  has  often  pretended  with 
much  less  right,  namely,  that  of  a  pioneer  in  civiliza- 

In  England  the  influence  of  the  new  discoveries, 
and  of  the  consequent  changes  in  the  roads  of  trade, 
developed  itself  with  remarkable  slowness.  Fifty 
years  after  the  first  transatlantic  voyages  no  one 
would  have  imagined  that  this  island  would  be 
the   principal    heir    to    the    power    and    the   riches 


which  then  crowned  Europe  with  an  entirely  new 
glory,  very  different  from  the  gloom  of  the  preceding 
centuries.  The  prosperity,  the  freedom,  and  the  self- 
reliance  of  the  kingdom  went  on,  however,  steadily 
increasing.  Then  there  came  a  time  when  those 
recent  changes  in  the  commerce  of  the  world  made 
themselves  felt  in  a  disastrous  manner.  Most  of  the 
English  trade  had  always  been  in  the  hands  of  Ger- 
mans and  Italians,  the  former  of  whom  enjoyed 
exorbitant  privileges,  granted  them  at  a  period  when 
it  was  politic  to  attract  them  to  this  country  at  any 
price.  These  privileges  were  still  more  extravagantly 
interpreted  by  them.  The  foreigners  were  insolent 
and  proud.  Yet  all  this  was  long  borne  as  a  neces- 
sary evil.  But  the  new  discoveries  made  the  power 
both  of  the  Hanse  and  of  Italy  decline.  The  Medi- 
terranean, the  German  Ocean,  the  Baltic,  were  no 
longer  the  seas  of  Europe,  and  with  the  transatlantic 
commerce  rose  the  power  of  Spain,  Portugal,  and  of 
the  only  one  of  the  older  commercial  nations  that 
maintained  and  even  increased  its  medieval  pro- 
sperity, namely,  the  Netherlands.  Thus  it  happened 
that  the  advantages  afforded  to  England  by  its  con- 
nexion with  the  Hanse  were  no  longer  adequate  to 
the  sacrifices  made  for  their  sake.  The  English  staple 
articles  often  remained  unsold,  or  at  least  did  not  rise 
in  value  in  due  proportion  to  the  general  rise  of 
prices.  English  shipowners  now  began  to  feel  that 
they  themselves  could  do  better  what  the  foreigners 
did  so  badly,  and  it  required  but  an  opportunity  to 
shake  off  the  liated  yoke.    The  opportunity  was  offered 


to  the  nation  by  the  return  of  Sebastian  Cabot  to  this 
country  in  1548.  He  had  been  for  many  years  in  the 
service  of  Charles  V,  as  pilot-major  of  Spain,  and  had 
there,  as  elsewhere,  met  with  the  ingratitude  which 
seems  to  be  the  eternal  portion  of  the  exile  who 
bestows  benefits  on  the  country  he  makes  his  tem- 
porary home. 

His  successful  efforts  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of  the 
Hanse  Towns,  and  to  rescue  EngUsh  commerce,  form 
part  of  the  history  of  the  search  for  a  north-east  pas- 
sage. To  that  history  a  separate  place  in  the  present 
introduction  has  been  assigned.  AVe  have  here 
noticed  these  movements  on  account  of  their  vast 
influence  towards  the  renewing  of  the  search  for  a 
north-west  passage,  and  on  the  manner  in  wdiich  it 
was  conducted. 

The  events  we  have  alluded  to  seem  to  have  so 
well  prepared  the  minds  for  a  resumption  of  the 
search  for  a  north-west  passage,  that  it  is  impossible  to 
ascertain  with  whom  the  idea  first  arose.  Three  men, 
Frobisher,  Gilbert,  and  Willes,  entertained  it  simul- 
taneously. They  had  each  been  led  to  it  by  a  course 
of  similar  reflections,  based  on  all  the  events  we  have 
narrated  ;  and  it  does  not  appear  that  these  three  men 
had  held  any  communication  before  each  of  them 
had  matured  the  scheme.  They  were  all  encouraged 
by  the  experience  in  arctic  navigation  to  which  the 
search  for  a  north-east  passage  and  the  establish- 
ment and  operations  of  the  Moscovia  Company  had 
led.  They  vvere  all  acquainted  with  the  geographical 
labours  of  the  age,  based,  as  far  as  North  America  is 


concerned,  on  the  explorations  of  the  Cabots,  of  the 
Spaniards,  the  Portuguese,  and  the  French. 

Three  diiFerent  illusions  seem  besides  to  have  ex- 
ercised on  their  minds  a  much  greater  influence  than 
all  the  truth  that  had  come  to  light  during  the  inter- 
val of  forty  years.  The  first  illusion  was  based  on  a  map 
of  Clement  Adams,  an  inaccurate  copy  of  Sebastian 
Cabot's  great  planisphere;  which  copy,  however,  as  far 
as  its  geographical  information  went,  seems  to  have 
been  generally  considered  as  representing  Sebastian 
Cabot's  own  work.  We  shall  have  to  speak  of  this  re- 
markable map.  For  the  present  it  is  sufficient  to  ob- 
serve, that  Sebastian  Cabot  is  there  made  to  indicate  a 
passage  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  beginning  in 
Hudson's  Strait ;  then  leading  off  for  a  short  space 
through  about  the  same  latitude;  but  soon  verging  to 
the  south,  so  as  to  reach  the  Pacific  in  about  40°  north. 
The  second  and  the  third  delusions  were  of  a  similar 
nature.  It  seems  to  have  been  agreed  among  map 
makers  that  America  must  be  an  island ;  that  it 
could  not  possibly  stretch  across  the  pole,  so  as  to 
join  Asia ;  and  that,  therefore,  a  north-west  passage 
must  exist  somewhere.  This  vague  idea  is  expressed, 
on  all  the  delineations  of  the  globe  produced  in  those 
days,  in  that  positive  form  which  maps  necessarily 
assume.  There  is  even  a  certain  similarity  in  the 
outline  and  position  assigned  by  various  maps  to  the 
north-west  passage  ;  and,  what  is  most  singular,  these 
random  guesses  are  not  so  far  wrong  as  might  have 
been  expected.  The  third  illusion  is  very  charac- 
teristic of  the   age.     The    Roman  Catholic  and  the 


Protestant  powers  watched  each  other  with  the  most 
anxious  jealousy.  The  same  jealousy  prevailed  be- 
tween the  different  commercial  nations  as  such.  All 
were  eager  to  find  a  short  way  to  India.  Each  of  them 
was  aware  that  the  others  had  searched  for  it,  and  they 
would  not  believe  in  each  other's  ill  success.  It  is  thus 
that  rumours  sprang  up  of  ships  having  actually  sailed 
through  the  north-west  passage.  The  southern  nations 
attributed  the  feat  to  the  northern,  the  northern  to 
the  southern  nations.  We  find,  a  few  years  later, 
a  celebrated  Spanish  writer  asserting  that  "  the  great 
pirate,  Drake,"  had  accomplished  the  feat.  Much 
more  eff'ect,  however,  had  a  story  told  by  a  clever 
w^ag,  a  friar  named  Urdaneta,  who  described  in  full 
detail  a  voyage  through  the  north-western  strait  per- 
formed by  himself  in  1568.  He  has  been  rewarded 
for  his  impudent  audacity  with  the  honours  of  im- 
mortal fame.  Not  satisfied  with  these  traps  laid 
for  him,  Gilbert,  in  his  blind  eagerness,  misinter- 
preted the  lessons  of  history,  and  attributed  a  voy- 
age in  search  of  a  north-west  passage  to  "  Scol- 
mus  the  Dane."  It  would  lead  us  too  far  were  we 
to  indulge  any  longer  in  an  analysis  of  the  specu- 
lations which  led  to  the  resumption  of  the  great 
search.  We  refer  the  reader  to  Hakluyt's  Collec- 
tion, where  he  will  find  the  treatises  of  Willes  and 
Gilbert,  with  other  similar  materials,  and  especially 
the  voyages  of  Martin  Frobisher. 

It  is  difficult  to  speak  of  these  voyages  with  perfect 
fairness.  Their  importance  consists  much  more  in  the 
impulse  they  gave  than  in  what  they  accomplished. 


This  has  been  so  well  understood  by  the  writers  on 
this  topic,  that  the  originality  of  Martin  Frobisher's 
ideas  has  been  very  greatly  exaggerated.    It  was  for  a 
long  time  a  fashion  to  overlook  the  whole  first  period 
of  the  search  for  a  north-west  passage,  especially  to 
estimate  as  low  as  possible  the  deserts  of  John  and 
Sebastian  Cabot,  and  thus  to  enhance  those  of  Frobisher. 
The  documents  which  recent  researches  have  brought 
to  light  remove  for  ever  this  unfair  judgment.     But 
we  must  not  at  the   same  time  conclude,  that   the 
name  of  Martin  Frobisher  has  to  be  wiped  out  from 
the  list  of  great  navigators.     The  practical  renewal 
of  the  search  for  a  passage  is  no  ordinary  merit.    We 
must  also  remember  that  Frobisher  had  many  dis- 
advantages to  overcome  before  he  obtained,  by  the 
most  unwearied  industry  and  the  most  ardent  con- 
viction, the  patronage  which  he  afterwards  enjoyed. 
It  is  a  matter  of  serious  congratulation,  that  he  suc- 
ceeded in  bringing  all  the  most  eminent  interest  in 
the  country,  political  and  aristocratic,  scientific  and 
commercial,  to   bear  on  this  enterprise,  which  thus 
first  received  its   truly  national   character.     Willes, 
Gilbert,    Stephen    Borrough    (the    celebrated   arctic 
navigator) ;  Dr.  John  Dee,  the  ofiicial  adviser  of  the 
Muscovy  Company  ;   Richard  Ilakluyt,  of  the  Middle 
Temple,  the  cousin  of  the  historian,  Lok,  and  other 
special  men,  assisted  Frobisher  with  geographical  in- 
formation.   The  queen  herself,  and  still  more  the  Earl 
and  the  Countess  of  Warwick,  took  a  lively  interest  in 
the  enterprise.     Commercial  men  provided  the  funds. 
Gentlemen  wore  eager  to  join  the  adventure.    In  none 


of  his  three  expeditions  had  Frobisher  less  than  three 
vessels,  and  in  1571  he  had  fifteen  under  his  orders. 
This  great,  perhaps  too  great,  favour,  must  be  consi- 
dered as  almost  a  disadvantage  for  Frobisher  person- 
ally, though  a  great  advantage  for  the  popularity  of  his 
scheme.  The  vast  responsibility,  the  many  eyes  that 
watched  his  movements,  made  him  more  cautious 
than  was  desirable  for  his  fame.  In  arctic  explora- 
tions at  least,  much  more  has  been  effected  by  modest 
than  by  grand  undertakings,  by  single  small  vessels 
than  by  large  fleets. 

Frobisher  sailed  three  times  to  the  north-west,  in 
1576,  1577,  and  1578.  In  1576  he  steered  straight 
across  the  Atlantic  till  he  came  in  sight  of  Green- 
land. He  then  passed  along  the  southern  and  south- 
western shores  of  that  continent,  and  again  sailing 
westward,  he  reached  the  coast  of  Labrador.  Here 
he  sought  for  the  strait  which  his  charts  indicated, 
and  which  he  at  last  believed  that  he  had  found  in 
63°  8'.  The  charts  of  those  regions  are  still  so  imper- 
fect, that  it  is  difficult  to  follow  him  much  further.  It 
seems,  however,  that  he  entered  an  inlet  or  a  strait, 
proceeded  up  it  for  sixty  leagues  without  being  land- 
locked, but  at  last  found  himself  arrested  by  ice.  It  is 
likely  that  he  soon  comprehended,  what  every  intelli- 
gent arctic  navigator  must  have  felt,  namely,  that  the 
passage,  even  should  it  be  found,  would  prove  useless 
to  commerce.  Little  value  was  in  those  days  attached 
to  mere  geographical  discoveries.  After  the  promises 
he  had  made,  and  the  hopes  he  had  raised,  this  con- 
viction must  have  been  very  painful  for  Frobisher. 


He  was  therefore  very  happy  to  be  able  to  direct  his 
attention  to  other  objects  ;  the  taking  possession  of 
those  barren  regions,  the  collecting  of  curiosities. 
Among  them  he  brought  home  a  stone,  glittering  like 
gold,  in  which  greedy  eyes,  deceived  by  the  love  of 
lucre,  believed  they  saw  the  promise  of  rich  treasures. 
The  gathering  of  this  ore,  which,  after  all,  proved  per- 
fectly worthless,  was  the  only  object,  and  almost  the 
only  result  of  his  two  last  voyages.  In  1578  he  seems, 
however,  by  chance  to  have  entered  Hudson's  Strait; 
"but  anxious,  in  obedience  to  his  instructions,  to  bring 
home  as  much  ore  as  he  could,  he  postponed  the 
search  for  a  passage,  and  has  consequently  incurred 
the  blame  of  writers  who  looked  on  these  matters  from 
the  point  of  view  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Fro- 
bisher's  own  contemporaries  considered  him  as  a  de- 
serving man,  and  his  companions  were  most  truly 
attached  to  him. 

These  voyages  were  singularly  unfortunate  in  con- 
firming prevailing  geographical  mistakes,  as  we  shall 
have  to  notice.  They  also  added  their  own  new  store 
of  error  in  different  ways.  The  situation  of  the  country 
discovered  by  Frobisher,  and  that  of  his  strait,  were 
so  imperfectly  indicated  by  those  who  described  the 
voyages,  that  geographers  became  perfectly  bewil- 
dered. In  the  chart  which  Hudson  used,  Frobisher's 
Strait  lies  across  Greenland,  not  in  America.  These 
singular  doubts  have  exercised  their  influence  even  up 
to  the  present  day  ;  as  for  example,  upon  Karl  von 
Spruner,  the  author  of  t\\o Historical  Atlas.  They  liave, 
however,  no  foundation  in  fact ;  and  the  real  locality 


of  Frobisher's  Strait  is  certainly  where  modern  maps 
place  it.  Another  mistake,  which  caused  Hudson 
some  useless  pains,  is  due,  in  the  first  instance,  to  one 
of  Frobisher's  ships,  that  sailed  home  by  itself,  the 
Biisse  of  Bridgeivater.  An  immense  ice  field  seems  to 
have  floated  out  of  Davis'  Strait  down  to  latitude  bT. 
The  excited  fancy  of  a  passenger  on  board  the  vessel 
mistook  it  for  an  island,  and  the  island  soon  found 
its  place  on  maps  and  charts,  under  the  name  of 
Busse  Island.  Hudson  searched  for  it  with  little 
success,  as  may  be  imagined.  The  small  hurt  these 
mistakes  could  do  was,  however,  entirely  outbalanced 
by  the  beneficial  influence  of  the  correct  informa- 
tion Frobisher  brought  home.  It  was  now  certain, 
that  between  62°  and  63",  on  the  eastern  side  of 
North  America,  a  wide  entrance  existed,  navigable 
for  hundreds  of  miles.  True,  that  passage  was  some- 
times blocked  up  by  ice.  But  this  had  not  yet  been 
ascertained  to  be  its  almost  permanent  state.  A  still 
broader  and  more  navigable  entrance  had  been  found 
between  60°  and  62\  Some  of  Frobisher's  com- 
panions even  recognized  the  great  fact,  that  the  re- 
puted mainland  of  Labrador,  between  61°  and  63°, 
was  merely  a  mass  of  islands,  separated  by  channels, 
some  broad,  some  narrow,  which  led  to  unknown 
seas  in  the  west.  This  information  was  more  than 
sufficient  to  raise  the  most  lively  hopes  of  a  through 
passage,  and  the  most  ardent  aspirations  towards  its 
discovery,  especially  in  an  age  that  may  well  be  said 
to  have  given  birth  to  the  buoyancy  and  elasticity  of 
spirit  by  which  the  English  nation  has  since  become 
so  great. 


The  required  expenditure,  vast  for  the  times,  alone 
prevented  the  track  from  being  followed  up  at  once. 
Frobisher  himself  made  efforts  to  obtain  the  necessary 
means,  and  was  nearly  successful,  owing  especially 
to  the  interest  which  the  great  Francis  Drake  took 
in  the  enterprise.  This  admirable  seaman  offered  to 
tax  to  the  utmost  his  already  shaken  credit,  and  to 
raise  a  thousand  pounds  for  the  expedition.  More 
than  five  thousand  were  expected  from  various  other 
noblemen  and  gentlemen,  of  which  three  thousand 
from  the  famous  Earl  of  Leicester.  But  the  enter- 
prise came  to  nought,  because  it  had  been  projected 
on  too  large  a  scale.  It  is  mentioned  for  the  last 
time  in  1581. 

Equally  without  result  were,  as  it  seems,  the  en- 
deavours of  Adrian  Gylbert,  to  whom  letters-patent 
for  the  search  of  a  north-west  passage  were  granted 
in  February  1583.  He  does  not  appear  to  have 
started  for  his  destination. 

It  was  reserved  for  John  Davis,  one  of  the  greatest 
of  navigators,  to  follow  up  and  develope  the  vague 
indications  of  Frobisher.  Master  John  Davis  sailed 
from  Dartmouth  the  7th  of  June,  1585,  with  two 
small  vessels,  the  SunsJimc,  of  fifty  tons,  the  Jloonshine^ 
of  thirty -five.  His  course  was  north-west.  He  ex- 
pected to  find  no  land  before  he  reached  America. 
But  to  his  surprise  he  struck  the  south-eastern  coast 
of  Greenland,  between  60°  and  61°,  the  20th  of  July. 
We  shall  have  occasion  to  dwell  on  the  singular  mis- 
conceptions which  prevailed  at  the  time  with  regard 
to  that  great  arctic  continent.    These  misconceptions, 


the  growth  of  centuries,  formed  a  curious  mixture  of 
truth  and  error;  and  Frobisher  had  lately  contributed 
to  them  his  own  large  share  of  mistakes.  Davis  was 
justified  in  thinking  that  the  land  he  had  fallen  in  with 
had  been  hitherto  unknown,  and  w^as  his  own  new  dis- 
covery. After  a  short  hesitation  on  the  south-eastern 
side  of  Greenland,  he  rounded  the  southern  point  on 
the  23rd  of  July,  and  then  sailed  for  two  more  days 
up  along  the  south-western  coast.  To  these  southern 
parts  of  Greenland  he  gave  the  graphic  name  of 
Desolation,  a  name  now  attached  to  a  small  portion 
only  of  those  shores.  On  the  25th  he  left  the  newly 
discovered  country,  and  steered  his  former  course  to 
the  north-west,  thus  unconsciously  following  the  bend 
of  the  Greenland  coast,  which  he  had  lost  sight  of. 
After  four  days  sail,  the  29th  of  July  he  was  again 
in  sight  of  land,  under  64°  15'.  His  course  had 
brought  him  to  the  jutting  point  which  forms  the 
northern  boundary  of  Gilbert's  Sound.  That  is  now 
the  least  unknown  portion  of  Greenland.  Gilbert's 
Sound  is  a  large  and  fair  bay,  enclosing  many  islands, 
and  here  among  the  snow  and  ice  of  the  high  north 
some  sunny  nook  may  greet  the  eye  of  the  weary  sailor. 
The  Danish  settlement  of  Godhab,  and  the  Moravian 
colony  of  Nye  Hernhut,  are  situated  in  these  parts. 
They  have  been  visited  by  several  recent  navigators, 
especially  by  Captain  M'Clintock,  and  their  names 
are  now  familiar  to  the  ear.  Here  Davis  held  inter- 
course with  the  Esquimaux,  and  it  is  delightful  to  read 
how  he  employed  the  sweet  medium  of  music  to  gain 
their  friendship.     Davis  left  Gilbert's  Sound  the  1st 


of  August,  having  tarried  two  days.  He  again  steered 
his  former  course  to  the  north-west,  and  thus  crossed 
for  the  first  time  the  strait  that  now  bears  his  name. 
Only  five  days  sail  brought  him  to  the  American 
side,  which  he  reached  in  latitude  66°  40'  the  6th  of 
August.  He  had  arrived  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
that  remarkable  promontory,  by  him  named  Cape 
Walsingham,  where  the  American  coast  makes  so 
sudden  a  turn  to  the  north-west.  Not  finding  an 
inlet  by  which  he  might  follow  a  western  course  and 
reach  the  Pacific,  he  coasted  on  the  American 
side  southward,  in  quest,  probably,  of  Frobisher's 
Strait,  which  he  must  have  expected  to  find  in  lati- 
tude 63°  8',  three  degrees  and  a  half  further  south. 
But  before  he  reached  that  inlet  he  fell  in  with 
another  more  northern  opening,  named  by  him  Cum- 
berland Strait,  and  which  seemed  to  off'er  a  good 
chance  of  a  passage.  He  arrived  at  the  mouth  of 
that  strait  the  11th  of  August,  and  having  explored 
it  for  six  days,  he  met  with  a  cluster  of  islands,  "with 
many  fair  sounds  between,"  and  concluded  by  an 
admirable  course  of  reasoning  that  the  strait  does 
lead  to  the  Pacific.  His  opinion  has  not  yet  been 
disproved,  and  further  exploration  may  show  it  to 
have  been  correct.  The  charts  of  those  regions  are 
still  in  the  highest  degree  unsatisfactory.  We  know 
as  little  as  the  first  discoverers  did,  whether  Fro- 
bisher's and  Cumberland's  Straits  do  or  do  not  com- 
municate with  the  more  western  waters.  In  bare 
justice  to  those  great  men,  the  information  which 
intelligent  whalers  must  have  gained   in   that  long 


interval  might  be  collected  and  inserted  in  the  Admi- 
ralty charts.  After  so  much  has  been  done  for  the 
higher  regions,  something  might  be  done  for  the 
west  of  Davis'  Strait,  and  for  the  channels  that  lead 
into  it.  "  There  are  many  intelligent  whaling  cap- 
tains," says  Captain  M'Clintock,  "  who  possess  much 
valuable  knowledge  of  these  lands  and  seas  ;  and 
even  in  the  terra  incognita  of  Frobisher's  Straits 
whalers  have  wintered,  whilst  our  charts  scarcely 
afford  even  a  vague  idea  of  the  configuration  of  these 
extensive  islands. . .  A  surveying  vessel  would  be 
usefully  employed  for  a  couple  of  summers  in  tracing 
the  general  outline  of  these  possessions  of  Her  Ma- 
jesty." Davis  sailed  homewards  the  24th  of  August. 
He  brought  his  two  frail  barks  safely  home  the  30th 
of  September,  1585. 

Davis  sailed  again  the  7th  of  May,  1586.  He  had 
with  him  four  vessels,  the  Sunshine  and  Moonshine^ 
which  he  had  the  year  before  ;  the  Meermaid^  a  vessel 
of  a  hundred  tons  ;  and  the  North  Star,  a  pinnace  of 
ten  tons  burden.  The  7th  of  May  he  was  south  of 
Iceland  in  60°,  and  despatched  the  Sunshine  and 
North  Star  to  search  between  Greenland  and  Iceland. 
He  himself  proceeded  westward  with  the  3Iecrmaid 
and  Moonshine,  and  reached  the  south  of  Greenland 
the  15th  of  June.  But  he  had  arrived  too  early  in 
the  season.  A  huge  mass  of  ice  encumbered  the 
Greenland  shore.  To  round  it  he  had  to  stand  out 
of  the  strait,  and  to  sail  as  far  south  as  57°.  The 
ice,  at  present  also,  often  forms  regular  fields  and 
packs  out  of  Davis'  Strait,  such  as  he  encountered  in 



the  beginning,  and  the  Busse,  of  Bridgewater,  met 
with  at  the  end  of  summer,  in  latitude  57°.  Having 
rounded  the  pack,  Davis  reached  Gilbert's  Sound  the 
29th  of  June.  Stormy  weather,  and  the  wish  to  be- 
come thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  country,  de- 
tained him  till  the  middle  of  the  month  of  July.  The 
17th  we  meet  him  again  at  sea,  not  far  from  Gil- 
bert's Sound,  but  a  little  to  the  south,  in  63°  8'. 
Davis  had  now  to  encounter  a  new  and  a  fiercer 
struggle  with  the  pack.  A  fortnight's  sail  carried 
him  only  a  few  degrees  farther  north  and  a  very 
small  distance  farther  west.  Many  of  the  sailors  in 
his  larger  vessel  had  probably  never  seen  the  arctic 
regions  before.  Their  courage  fell,  and  at  last  Davis 
met  with  that  obstacle,  worse  than  storm  and  ice,  a 
mutiny  among  his  crew.  Subdued  by  his  imposing 
presence,  his  sailors  did  not  break  out  into  the  ex- 
cesses which  troubled  Weymouth  and  cost  Hudson 
his  life  ;  but  they  represented  in  earnest  language 
that  "  he  might  not,  through  his  over-boldness,  leave 
their  widows  and  little  children  to  give  him  bitter 
curses."  He  obeyed,  and  after  little  more  than  one 
day's  south-eastern  sail  he  reached  land  on  the  Green- 
land shore,  in  latitude  66°  33',  the  1st  of  August. 
He  was  now  constrained  to  send  the  Meermaid  home, 
the  crew  being  unwilling  to  encounter  any  longer 
the  dangers  of  navigation  among  the  ice,  which  are 
appalling  enough  even  for  those  who  have  spent 
many  years  in  those  regions,  and  whose  vessels  are 
specially  fitted  for  this  dangerous  navigation  by  every 
contrivance   that  ingenuity  can   invent.      But  Davis 


was  not  shaken  in  his  purpose.  He  now  entrusted 
himself  to  the  Moonshine^  more  a  fishing  smack  than 
a  ship.  A  few  days  were  spent  in  preparing  her  for 
her  arduous  task,  and  the  5th  she  started  by  herself. 
She  crossed  the  strait  in  nearly  a  due  westerly  direc- 
tion. The  14th  of  August  she  was  near  Cape  AVal- 
singham,  in  latitude  ^^°  19',  on  the  American  side. 
It  was  too  late  for  anything  more  than  a  summary 
search  along  the  coast.  The  rest  of  the  month, 
and  the  first  days  of  September,  were  spent  in  that 
search.  Besides  the  already  known  openings,  namely, 
Cumberland  Strait,  Frobisher's  Strait,  and  Hudson's 
Strait,  two  more  openings  were  found,  Davis  Inlet  in 
56°,  and  Ivudoke  Inlet  in  54°  30'.  Davis  now  had  to 
cross  the  Atlantic  in  his  miserable  craft,  and  he  per- 
formed the  voyage  through  the  equinoctial  gales  in 
little  more  than  three  weeks.  He  reached  England 
again  in  the  beginning  of  October,  1586. 

The  19th  of  June,  1587,  Davis  began  his  third 
north-western  voyage  with  three  vessels,  one  of  which 
was  the  Sunshine^  always  his  faithful  companion.  He 
had  besides  brought  out,  in  frame,  a  pinnace,  intended 
for  exploration  in  shallow  water.  After  he  had 
reached  Gilbert's  Sound,  the  16th  of  June,  he  was 
about  to  set  up  the  pinnace,  when  the  Esquimaux 
of  the  neighbourhood,  seeing  the  many  fine  pieces 
of  iron  which  were  used  as  nails  and  spikes,  could 
not  resist  the  temptation  of  tearing  the  whole  fabric 
to  pieces  to  obtain  those  treasures.  This  singular 
race  exhibited  from  the  very  first  the  same  cha- 
racteristics which  have  now  become  so  familiar  to 


arctic  explorers.  The  cheerfulness  and  good  nature 
of  the  Esquimaux  are  praised  by  those  who  first  came 
in  contact  with  them,  and  some  of  these  early  mari- 
ners put  these  qualities  in  contrast  with  the  fierceness 
and  the  gloom  of  the  Indian  warriors.  Still  such 
depredations  as  those  here  noted  too  often  occur, 
proving  that  low  standard  of  morality  which  belongs 
to  the  savage.  These  occurrences,  and  the  partial 
restoration  of  the  pinnace,  delayed  Davis  till  the  21st 
of  June.  From  that  day  to  the  30th  of  the  same 
month  he  sailed  to  the  north  along  the  Greenland 
shore,  and  arrived  on  the  30th  of  June,  1587,  in  lati- 
tude 72°  12',  nearly  four  degrees  farther  north  than 
any  one  had  been  before  him  in  that  sea.  He 
found  to  the  north  "  no  ice,  but  a  great  sea,  free, 
large,  very  salt  and  very  blue,"  and  "  it  seemed  most 
manifest  that  the  passage  was  free  and  without  im- 
pediment toward  the  north."  Northern  gales  and 
the  wish  to  proceed  to  the  west  prevented  his  sailing 
farther  in  this  northern  direction,  or  he  would  have 
forestalled  some  of  his  most  distinguished  follow- 
ers. BaflEin's  Bay  would  now  bear  the  name  of  John 
Davis.  A  few  days  before,  when  he  was  ofi"  the  Green- 
land coast  in  latitude  67°,  he  believed  that  he  saw  the 
American  shore.  But  he  was  evidently  deceived.  The 
distance  is  two  hundred  miles,  and  the  feat  is  impos- 
sible. None  of  the  phenomena  of  the  arctic  regions 
can  render  it  likely.  What  Davis  really  saw  was 
the  almost  solid  ice  field,  witli  which  he  had  soon  to 
engage  in  a  most  desperate  struggle.  He  never 
reached  the  latitude  of  67°  on  the  American  side,  and 


was  therefore  unable  to  correct  his  mistake.     To  this 
mistake  Davis'  Strait  probably  owes  its  name — a  name 
singularly  inappropriate  for  a  passage  of  such  im- 
mense width.    Davis  now  tried  to  sail  westward  with- 
out giving  up  the  high  latitude  he  had  reached.    But 
this  proved  impossible.     He  met  with   the   eternal 
enemy  of  arctic  exploration,  the  ice.     In  spite  of  this 
obstacle  he  advanced,  on  the  1st  of  July,  forty  four 
miles    in  nearly  a  western  direction,  deflecting  but 
slightly  to  the  south.     But  he  was  obliged  to  give  up 
that  advantage.     Westerly  and  north-westerly  winds 
drove  the  ice  straight  against  him.    He  had  to  retreat 
to  the  Greenland   coast.     The  13th  of  July  he  was 
in  about  the  same  place  as  he  had  been  sixteen  or 
seventeen  days  before,  in  latitude  67°  50 ,  off"  Green- 
land.    Now  he   found  the   sea   sufficiently  open   to 
proceed  at  least  in  a  south-westerly  direction.     He 
crossed  the  strait  in  five  days,  from  the  14th  to  the 
17th  of  July.     On  the  17tli  he  was  off"  the  American 
shore,  in  latitude  65°  30'.     Remaining  in  that  neigh- 
bourhood he  reached,  the  19th,  Mount  Raleigh,  the 
20th,  the  mouth  of  Cumberland  Strait.     From  the 
20th   to   the   23rd   he  explored   Cumberland  Strait, 
hoping  to  find  there  the  passage.     But  he  met  with 
a  solid  barrier  of  ice,  and  had  to  return.    This  voyage 
out  of  the  strait  w^as  partly  impeded  by  calms,  and  re- 
quired six  more  days,  to  the  29th  of  July.     They  now 
sailed  to  the  south,  along  the  American  side  of  Davis' 
Strait,  and  passed  the  30th  across  the  mouth  of  Fro- 
bisher's  Strait,  the  31st  of  July  and  the  1st  of  August 
across  the  mouth  of  tludson's  Strait.     "  Which  inlet 


or  gulfe  this  afternoone  (31st)  and  in  the  night  (31st 
• — 1st  of  August)  we  passed  over,  where,  to  our  great 
admiration,  we  saw  the  sea  falling  down  into  the 
gulfe  with  a  mighty  overfall  and  roaring,  and  with 
divers  circular  motions  like  whirlpools,  in  such  sort 
as  forcible  streams  pass  through  the  arches  of 
bridges."  His  further  progress  down  to  52°  40'  offers 
no  new  geographical  interest.  Davis  reached  home 
the  15th  of  September,  1587. 

After  his  return  he  expressed  the  liveliest  hope  of 
finding  a  passage  to  the  north,  beyond  the  latitude  of 
73°.  But  the  attack  of  the  Armada  in  1588,  and  the 
death  of  Walsingham,  which  occurred  soon  after- 
wards, deprived  him  of  the  opportunity  to  follow  up 
his  discoveries. 

Davis'  journals  are  the  only  ones  of  all  those  left 
by  early  north-western  explorers,  where,  with  a  little 
attention,  every  point  can  be  clearly  made  out.  Had 
they,  like  the  confused  descriptions  of  Frobisher's 
voyages,  been  published  immediately  after  the  navi- 
gator's return,  he  would  soon  have  found  a  successor. 
They  appeared  in  print  in  1599,  and  in  1601  George 
Weymouth  offered  to  the  East  India  Company  to 
undertake  for  them  a  north-western  expedition.  So 
confident  was  he  of  success,  that  in  case  of  failure  he 
waived  all  claim  to  pay  or  remuneration. 

Weymouth  sailed  the  2nd  of  May,  1602.  He 
reached  the  south  of  Greenland  the  18th  of  June, 
crossed  Davis'  Strait  in  a  westerly  and  north-westerly 
direction,  and  arrived  the  28th  off  the  American 
shore,  in  latitude  63°  53'.     Weymouth  now  sailed  to 


the  north,  hoping  to  find  the  open  water  indicated 
by  Davis,  and  resolved  to  winter  between  68'  and 
70'  shonld  it  be  reqnired.  He  had  arrived  in  hxti- 
tnde  68°  53',  when  a  mutiny  broke  out  among  his 
crew,  who  refused  to  advance  any  further.  Wey- 
mouth had  committed  the  mistake  of  accepting  the 
companionship  of  a  clergyman  named  John  Cart- 
wright,  who  possessed  the  reputation  of  being  fami- 
liar with  geographical  matters,  and  who  gained  great 
influence  over  the  crew.  The  presumption  and 
cowardice  of  this  man  have  blighted  Weymouth's 
fame.  Unable  to  proceed  as  he  judged  best,  Wey- 
mouth had  to  retrace  his  steps.  The  25th  of  July  he 
arrived  at  Hatton's  Headland,  in  61°  40',  the  north- 
ern entrance  to  Hudson's  Bay.  According  to  his 
own  words,  he  sailed  "  an  hundred  leagues  west  and 
by  south"  into  the  strait.  There  must  be  either  a 
slight  exaggeration  in  the  distance,  or  the  statement 
as  regards  the  course  must  be  slightly  incorrect.  The 
latter  is,  indeed,  the  case  ;  this  the  journal  clearly 
shows.  But  there  is  no  reason  to  pass  on  Weymouth 
the  severe  verdict,  that  he  iwetends  to  have  done  a  thing 
which  is  impossible;  a  verdict  first  pronounced  by  Fox, 
whose  acquaintance  with  the  south  of  Hudson's  Strait 
was  very  imperfect ;  then  confirmed  by  Sir  John  Bar- 
row, who  probably  did  not  take  the  trouble  to  look 
into  a  map,  and  then  repeated  by  others.  That  Wey- 
mouth really  sailed  a  considerable  distance  into  Hud- 
son's Strait  does  not  allow  of  a  doubt,  nor  is  it  doubtful 
that  he  "lighted  Hudson  into  the  strait,"  as  Fox,  with 
greater  justice,  expresses  it.  Weymouth's  later  pro- 
ceedings are  not  of  any  geographical  interest. 


After  Weymouth,  and  before  Hudson,  only  one 
more  voyage  in  search  of  a  north-west  passage  was 
undertaken.  It  was  performed  by  John  Knight,  in 
1606.     It  led  to  no  result  whatever. 

We  have  now  to  go  back  a  period  of  more  than 
half  a  century,  and  to  speak  of  the  opening  and 
progress  of  the  search  for  a  north-east  passage, 
down  to  the  time  when  Hudson  was  engaged  in 
the  realization  of  this  idea.  We  have  already  re- 
peatedly had  occasion  to  allude  to  this  matter,  and 
especially  to  point  out  the  principal  circumstances 
which  afforded  Sebastian  Cabot  the  opportunity 
again  to  exert  himself  in  behalf  of  English  com- 
merce. On  a  former  page  of  the  present  introduc- 
tion we  have  narrated  the  first  events  in  Sebastian 
Cabot's  life.  There  we  left  him.  It  will,  perhaps, 
be  best  to  give  in  a  few  lines  a  summary  of  his 
career,  until  he  finally  fixed  his  residence  in  England. 
We  have  seen  that  he  arrived  in  this  country  with 
his  father;  that  in  1497  he  found  North  America ; 
that  in  1498  he  began  the  search  for  a  north-west 
passage,  and  probably  discovered  Hudson's  Strait. 
From  1498  to  1512  his  movements  are  uncertain.  In 
1512  he  entered  the  Spanish  service,  became  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  and  was  to  under- 
take voyages  for  the  Spaniards.  Preparations  were 
made  for  an  expedition  in  spring  1516.  But  the  politi- 
cal changes  which  took  place  at  the  time  prevented  it, 
and  Cabot  again  went  to  England.  He  undertook  a 
second  voyage  in  search  of  a  north-west  passage,  pro- 
bably in  1517,  and  then  discovered  Davis'  Strait,  up 


to  67°  30'.  After  his  return  Cardinal  Wolsey  wished 
to  employ  him.  The  negociations  led  to  nothing,  and 
he  again  returned  to  Spain,  resuming  his  old  dignity 
and  becoming  in  addition  pilot-major.  In  1523,  tired 
as  it  seems  of  the  Spanish  service,  he  secretly  made 
overtures  to  Venice.  Though  very  anxious  to  serve 
that  city,  which  he  considered  as  his  home,  insur- 
mountable difficulties  preveijted  his  doing  so,  and 
he  remained  the  pilot-major  of  Spain.  In  1526  he 
undertook,  for  the  Spanish  crown,  an  expedition  to 
the  Moluccas  ;  but  he  only  reached  the  La  Plata 
river,  where  he  remained  for  five  years  exploring  the 
surrounding  country.  From  1531  to  his  final  return 
to  England,  no  voyages  of  his  are  on  record,  nor  does 
he  seem  to  have  performed  any  during  that  time. 
In  1548  he  arrived  in  England.  Edward  VI,  a 
prince  of  great  promise,  who,  in  spite  of  his  youth, 
fully  comprehended  that  England,  to  become  a  great 
power,  must  have  its  fair  portion  of  the  world's  com- 
merce, very  gladly  received  Sebastian  Cabot  into  his 
service  and  granted  him  a  salary,  liberal  for  those 
days,  of  £166. 

When  Cabot,  in  1522  and  1523,  made  overtures 
to  the  Venetian  government,  it  was  his  intention  to 
point  out  to  them  what  he  then  believed  to  be  by  far 
the  most  advantageous  route  to  the  Indies.  All  the 
roads  to  India  which  are  followed  at  the  present  day 
were  then  considered  the  special  properties  of  Spain 
and  Portugal ;  and  these  two  powers,  the  most  com- 
manding in  Europe,  had  the  means  and  the  will  to 
defend  that  property.    The  scheme  of  the  north-west 


passage  had  probably  been  given  up  by  Cabot  as 
hopeless,  at  least  in  a  commercial  point  of  view.  But 
there  yet  remained  one  chance  of  a  short  way  to 
eastern  Asia,  namely,  by  the  north-east.  Even  now, 
knowing,  as  we  do,  the  great  northern  elevation 
of  the  coast  of  Siberia,  the  shortest  line  across  sea 
that  we  could  draw  from  any  part  of  Europe  to 
China  would  pass  by  Nova  Zembla,  and  would  lead 
us  to  the  north-east.  But  those  north-eastern  parts 
were  absolutely  unknown  to  Cabot.  Misinterpreting 
some  passages  in  Pliny,  Cornelius  Nepos,  and  other 
ancient  writers,  then  the  only  available  sources  of  in- 
formation with  regard  to  the  north-east,  Sebastian 
Cabot  concluded  the  distance  from  Europe  to  China 
by  that  route  to  be  much  shorter  than  it  really  is. 
He  was,  moreover,  convinced  that  the  north-eastern 
seas  were  not  only  navigable,  but  had,  in  fact,  been 
navigated  by  the  ancients.  On  these  erroneous  assump- 
tions, he  founded  the  plan  of  searching  for  a  route  to 
China  by  the  north-east.  His  wish  thus  to  benefit 
Venice  remained,  however,  a  jmim  dcsidcrium.  The 
Venetian  ambassador  Contarini,  with  whom  he  en- 
tered into  negociations,  plainly  told  him  that  Venice 
could  not  venture  to  make  opposition  to  the  Spanish 
and  Portuguese  commerce,  because  these  powers 
commanded  the  Strait  of  Gibraltar,  and  could  pre- 
vent both  the  departure  and  the  return  of  the  Vene- 
tian vessels  should  they  attempt  any  such  under- 
taking. Cabot,  therefore,  stored  up  the  idea  in  his 
mind.  It  Avas  after  his  return  to  England  that  the 
necessities    of    English    commerce,    which    we    have 


already  described,  offered  him  an  opportunity  of 
carrying  out  his  favourite  phm  :  if  not  for  Venice, 
at  least  for  a  country  "which  he  viewed  Avith  less 
repugnance  than  he  must  have  harboured  towards 

The  commercial  association  to  which  his  scheme 
gave  rise,  that  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers,  has 
passed  through  a  most  brilliant  career  and  is  still  in 
existence.  Their  earliest  proceedings,  and  those  of 
the  Dutch  who  followed  them,  have  met  with  more 
attention  from  geographical  scholars  than  perhaps 
any  other  similar  subject  has  done.  We  jDOssess  espe- 
cially two  excellent  works,  one  by  Dr.  Von  Hamel, 
the  other  by  Dr.  Beke  :  the  latter  among  the  collections 
of  the  Hakluyt  Society.  There  is  now  hardly  left  room 
for  any  new  investigations.  It  will  therefore  be  easy 
for  us  to  do  what  we  shall  attempt  in  the  next  few 
pages,  namely,  to  point  out  how  the  way  which  Hud- 
son followed  in  his  first  voyages  had  been  prepared 
by  his  predecessors. 

The  first  north-eastern  expedition  which  was  sent 
out  by  the  Company  of  Merchant  Adventurers  sailed 
from  Ratcliff,  the  10th  of  May,  1553.  It  consisted 
of  three  ships,  all  with  equally  auspicious  names, 
the  Bona  Esperanza,  Bona  Confidential  and  Edward 
Bonaventure.  But  the  names  of  the  two  first  ships 
were  sadly  to  be  belied.  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby, 
captain-general  of  the  fleet,  was  driven  with  these 
two  ships  far  out  to  sea,  and  at  length  put  into  a 
small  haven  on  the  coast  of  Lapland,  near  the  mouth 
of  the  river  Warsina,  where  the  entire  crews  of  both 


vessels,  amounting  in  all  to  seventy  souls,  perished 
from  cold  and  hunger. 

Before  meeting  with  his  untimely  end,  Willoughby, 
on  the  14th  of  August,  "  descried  land,  which  land 
(he  says  in  a  note  found  written  in  one  of  the  two 
ships)  we  bore  with  all,  hoising  out  our  boat  to  dis- 
cover what  land  it  might  be ;  and  the  boat  could  not 
come  to  land,  the  water  was  so  shoale,  where  was 
very  much  ice  also,  but  there  was  no  similitude  of 
habitations  ;  and  this  land  lyeth  from  Seynam  east 
and  by  north  160  leagues,  being  in  latitude  72  de- 
grees. Then  we  plyed  to  the  northward."  Dr.  Beke, 
whom  we  have  literally  followed  in  this  description 
of  Willoughby's  voyage,  goes  on  to  show  that  the 
land  discovered  by  Willoughby  was  a  part  of  Nova 
Zembla,  now  called  the  Goose  Coast.  For  a  long 
time  English  geographers  contended  that  Willoughby 
had  discovered  Spitzbergen.  This  most  indefensible 
theory  has  found  its  way  into  Purchas'  notes  to 
Hudson's  voyages.  We  shall  speak  of  its  origin  in 
our  geographical  review. 

Richard  Chancellor,  pilot-major  of  Willoughby's 
fleet,  was  far  more  fortunate  than  his  hapless  chief.  In 
the  third  vessel,  the  Edtvard  Bonaventurc,  commanded 
by  Stephen  Burrough,  he  succeeded  in  entering  the 
Bay  of  St.  Nicholas,  since  better  known  as  the  White 
Sea,  and  on  the  24th  of  August,  1553,  reached  in 
safety  the  western  mouth  of  the  Dwina,  wlicnce  he 
proceeded  overland  to  the  court  of  the  Emperor  of 
Muscovy.  The  result  was  the  foundation  of  the  com- 
mercial and  political  relations  between  England  and 


Russia,  which  have  subsisted  with  but  brief  inter- 
ruptions up  to  the  present  day. 

Shortly  after  Chancellor  liad  brought  his  section 
of  Willoughby's  expedition  to  so  successful  an  issue, 
the  Company  of  Merchant  Adventurers,  by  whom 
the  three  ships  had  been  fitted  out,  received  a  charter 
of  incorporation,  bearing  date  February  6th,  1  and  2 
Ph.  and  Mar.  (1554-1555)  ;  and  subsequently,  in  the 
eighth  year  of  Queen  Elizabeth  (1566),  they  obtained 
an  act  of  Parliament,  in  which  they  are  styled  "  the 
Fellowship  of  English  Merchants  for  Discovery  of 
New  Trades,"  a  title  under  which  they  still  continue 
incorporated,  though  they  are  better  known  by  the 
designation  of  the  "  Muscovy"  or  "  Russia  Company." 

It  is  not  here  the  phice  to  discuss  the  general  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Russia  Company,  important  though 
they  be,  and  highly  deserving  of  being  made  the  sub- 
ject of  special  investigation  All  that  we  have  to  do 
is  to  notice  the  expeditions  which  were  undertaken 
under  the  auspices  of  that  company,  for  the  purpose 
of  exploring  the  seas  bounding  the  Russian  empire 
on  the  north,  with  a  view  to  the  discovery  of  a  north- 
east passage  to  China. 

Of  these  expeditions,  the  first  was  that  of  Stephen 
Burrough,  who  had,  in  1555,  been  the  master  of 
Richard  Chancellor's  ship,  the  Edward  Bonaventure^ 
and  who  was,  in  1556,  dispatched  in  the  pinnace 
Searchthrift^  to  make  discovery  towards  the  river  Ob. 

Dr.  Beke,  whom  we  have  again  literally  followed 
for  the  whole  of  the  preceding  page,  now  goes  on  to 
describe  in  detail  the  voyage  of  the  Scarchthrlft.    But 


this  expedition  is  of  much  less  importance  for  our 
subject  than  for  his.  The  following  summary  is  suf- 
ficient for  our  purpose.  Burrough  left  Gravesend 
the  23rd  of  April,  passed  the  North  Cape  the  23rd  of 
May,  reached  Kola  the  9th  of  June  ;  and  then  pro- 
ceeded, in  company  with  some  native  boats,  to  explore 
Nova  Zcmbla.  For  the  sake  of  greater  clearness,  it 
is,  perhaps,  best  to  observe,  that  Nova  Zembla,  or 
Novaya  Zemlya,  is  a  group  of  islands  in  shape  of  a 
crescent.  The  crescent  has  on  its  outer  (western) 
side  the  Spitzbergen  Sea,  on  its  inner  (eastern)  side 
the  Sea  of  Kara,  and  forms  the  boundary  between 
those  two  seas.  The  southern  end  of  the  crescent 
bends  towards  the  mouth  of  the  river  Petchora.  The 
northern  extremity  points  towards  Cape  Taimyr. 
This  northern  extremity  is  in  latitude  77°,  and  in 
nearly  the  same  longitude  with  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Oby.  The  Nova  Zembla  group  consists  of  four 
larger  and  several  smaller  islands.  The  names  of  the 
larger  ones  are,  according  to  Dr.  Beke's  nomencla- 
ture, Vaigats  for  the  most  southern,^  Novaya  Zemlya 
Proper  for  the  next,  Matthew's  Land  for  the  fol- 
lowing, and  Liitke  and  Barents'  Land  for  the  most 
northern.  These  islands  are  separated  from  each 
other  by  straits,  more  or  less  narrow.  The  ex- 
ploration of  the  islands,  and  the  discovery  of  the 
straits  between  them,  is  the  principal  point  of  in- 
terest in  most  of  the  early  north-eastern  voyages  ; 
for  the  Nova  Zembla  group  forms  a  natural  barrier 

^  Dr.  Bcke  does  not  consider  Vaigats  as  part  of  Nova  Zembla, 
but  Mr,  Scorosby  docs. 


upon  which  the  navigator  must  strike  when  he  wislies 
to  penetrate  to  China  by  a  north-easterly  route,  and 
his  first  efforts  must  be  towards  the  crossing  of  this 
barrier.  All  the  seamen  of  whom  we  have  to  speak 
were  obliged  to  make  that  attempt.  The  first  of 
them,  AVilloughby,  merely  touched  Nova  Zcmbla. 
Others,  like  Brunei  and  Hudson,  made  useless  efforts 
to  penetrate  through  frozen  straits  and  bays,  and  then 
returned.  The  most  successful  navigators  discovered 
the  open  passages  between  the  islands,  and  the  bold- 
est of  all,  WilHam  Barents,  sailed  along  the  western 
side  of  the  whole  group,  rounded  its  northern  point, 
and  wintered  on  the  north-eastern  shore.  But  even 
those  who  were  fortunate  enough  to  penetrate  beyond 
Nova  Zembla  and  into  the  Sea  of  Kara,  made  after- 
wards but  little  progress.  That  sea  is,  by  Polar  cur- 
rents, continually  filled  with  close  packed  ice.  Only 
two  or  three  ships  are  known  to  have  penetrated 
through  it  and  to  have  reached  the  mouth  of  the 
Oby.  The  Russians  themselves,  though  at  home  in 
those  waters,  and  of  notorious  courage  and  expe- 
rience in  this  kind  of  navigation,  have  as  yet  been 
unable  to  explore  the  whole  east  coast  of  Nova  Zembla. 
Stephen  Burrough's  north-eastern  explorations  be- 
gan, as  we  have  said,  the  9th  of  June,  1556.  Nothing 
memorable  happened  to  him  before  the  25th  of  July, 
when  he  discovered  a  small  island  between  the  main- 
land of  Russia,  and  Vaigats,  the  most  southern  of  the 
four  larger  Nova  Zembla  islands.  His  new  discovery 
was  called  St.  James's  Island.  Then  sailing  to  the 
north,  he  found  Vaigats  the  31st  of  July.  He  coasted 


along  the  western  side  of  Vaigats,  and  the  3rd  of 
August  he  reached  its  northern  point.  The  4th,  he 
sailed  through  the  strait  betAveen  Vaigats  and  Nova 
Zerabla  Proper,  which  is  therefore  called  Burrough's 
Strait.  He  had  now  entered  the  Kara  Sea.  But  there 
his  success  ended.  He  could  not  advance  against  the 
ice,  and  had  to  return  the  5th  of  August,  1556.  He 
arrived  at  Archangel  the  11th  of  September,  1556. 

A  long  time  elapsed  before  the  search  was  renewed. 
The  Muscovy  Company  had  so  unexpected  a  success 
in  the  country  they  were  trading  with,  that  they 
found  full  employment  and  a  satisfactory  reward  for 
their  labours.  Their  agents  also  learned  in  Russia 
that  an  overland  route  to  China  existed,  and  carefully 
noted  down  its  different  stages  and  stations.  All  this 
diverted  their  minds  from  the  purpose  for  which  the 
company  had  originally  been  established.  Still  the 
search  for  a  north-east  passage  was  not  entirely  given 
up.  In  1568  a  commission  was  issued  to  three  ser- 
vants of  the  company  who  were  then  in  Russia, 
Bassendine,  Woodcock,  and  Browne,  to  search  to  the 
east  and  to  the  w^est  of  Nova  Zcmbla.  Nothing  is 
known  of  the  success  of  this  expedition,  nor  even 
vs^hether  it  started.  Twelve  years  elapsed  before  the 
next  expedition  was  undertaken  of  which  we  have 
any  record. 

The  31st  of  May,  1580,  Arthur  Bet  and  Charles 
Jackman,  two  captains  in  the  service  of  the  Muscovy 
Company,  started  from  Harwich,  in  two  small  barks, 
of  forty  and  twenty  tons  burden.  Having  sailed  toge- 
ther as  far  as  Wardhuus  (Lapland  coast),  Pet  and 


Jackman  separated  the  24th  of  June,  appointhig  the 
island  of  Vaigats  as  their  meeting  place.  Pet  reached, 
on  the  4th  of  July,  Nova  Zembla  Proper,  in  latitude 
71°  38'.  He  then  sailed  to  the  south,  and  was,  on  the 
10th  of  July,  off  Vaigats  Island.  There  he  remained 
till  the  14th.  He  then  tried  for  a  passage  by  the 
north  of  Vaigats,  but  failed  to  discover  the  strait 
which  Burrough  had  found.  He  now  steered  to  the 
south-west,  and  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Petchora 
on  the  17th.  Thence  he  started  again  to  the  east. 
He  kept  close  to  the  Russian  shore,  and  discovered 
the  strait  between  Vaigats  and  the  mainland,  which 
is  therefore  called  Pet  Strait.  The  19th  of  July,  Pet 
was  in  the  Kara  Sea.  But  the  pack  was  again  as 
close  as  it  had  been  in  Burrough's  time,  and  it  was 
impossible  to  move  through  it.  After  five  days  of 
vain  struggle  with  that  obstinate  enemy,  Pet  was 
joined  by  his  companion,  Jackman,  who  had  also 
found  his  way  into  the  Sea  of  Kara.  The  two  barks, 
of  forty  and  twenty  tons,  now  united  their  efforts, 
and  tried  to  force  their  way  onward  to  China.  Three 
more  days  were  spent  in  this  vain  labour.  On  the  28th 
of  July  Pet  and  Jackman  resolved  to  return  to  Vaigats, 
and  then  to  deliberate  on  their  future  proceedings. 
But  they  were  now  in  the  middle  of  the  pack,  some 
of  the  floes  of  which  were  so  large  that  their  boun- 
dary could  not  be  seen.  It  required  the  unremitting 
labours  of  seventeen  anxious  days  to  carry  them  back 
the  small  distance  they  had  advanced  into  the  Sea  of 
Kara.  They  reached  Vaigats  on  the  15th  of  August, 
and  had  passed  back  through  Pet  Strait  by  the  20th 


of  the  same  month.  Pet  reached  home  on  the  26th 
of  December,  Jackman  wintered  in  Norway,  and 
perished  on  his  homeward  voyage  the  following  spring. 

This  is  the  last  well  authenticated  English  voyage 
in  search  of  a  north-east  passage,  anterior  to  those  of 
Hudson  in  1607  and  1608.  There  is,  however,  strong 
reason  to  believe,  that  before  the  year  1584  an  Eng- 
lish vessel  actually  sailed  through  the  Kara  Sea 
and  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Oby,  where  she  suf- 
fered shipwreck.  The  crew  are  said  to  have  been 
slain  by  the  natives,  who  thought  them  to  be  robbers. 
The  agents  of  the  Muscovy  Company  also  obtained 
some  extremely  interesting  information  with  regard 
to  the  routes  usually  followed  by  the  Russians  from 
the  Petchora  to  the  Oby,  both  along  the  Russian 
shore  and  across  Nova  Zembla ;  and  their  hope 
of  a  passage  was  maintained,  in  spite  of  repeated 

No  actual  attempt  of  theirs  is,  however,  on  record, 
between  1584  and  1607.  But  almost  at  the  very 
time  when  the  long  lapse  of  their  efforts  in  this 
direction  begins,  another  nation  appears  on  the  scene, 
namely,  the  Dutch.  This  nation  was  destined  to  be, 
for  two  hundred  years,  the  rival  of  England's  mari- 
time power,  and  their  rivalry  first  began  in  the  frozen 
seas  off  Nova  Zembla.  The  explorations  which  they 
made  there  at  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century 
are  still,  and  very  justly,  reckoned  among  the  national 
glories  of  the  Dutch.  Other  nations  have  not  failed  to 
acknowledge  their  title  to  universal  admiration.  The 
lluklnyt  Society,  in  especial,  has  devoted  to  them  one 


of  its  most  remarkable  volumes.  These  explorations 
were  the  principal  lights  on  Hudson's  way  to  the 
north-east,  and  we  must  therefore  again  dwell  upon 
them,  although  they  have  been  so  thoroughly  inves- 
tigated by  Dr.  Beke  in  the  work  repeatedly  referred 

We  have,  on  a  former  page,  spoken  of  the  tide  of 
emigration  from  the  southern  provinces  of  the  Nether- 
lands, caused  by  Alba's  persecutions.  We  have  also 
said  that  many  of  the  most  vigorous  elements  of  that 
stream,  after  having  been  scattered  over  all  parts  of 
Europe,  gathered  again  and  settled  in  the  northern 
provinces,  especially  in  Holland  and  Zealand,  when 
these  parts  became  free  from  the  Spanish  yoke.  One 
of  the  men  who  thus  left  Belgium,  strayed  far  abroad, 
and  afterwards  went  to  Holland,  was  Oliver  Brunei, 
a  native  of  Brussels,  whom  we  meet,  in  1580,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  river  Petchora,  bent  on  the  search  for 
a  north-east  passage. 

Alba's  persecutions  began  in  1567  and  lasted  till 
1573.  During  the  same  period,  and  for  several  years 
afterwards,  the  frontier  provinces  of  Russia  and  Swe- 
den were  desolated  by  the  fierce  contentions  between 
those  two  empires.  The  Swedes  called  to  their  flags 
a  number  of  foreigners,  mostly,  or  perhaps  all,  Pro- 
testants. Scotch  and  Germans  they  were  said  to  be, 
but  under  these  names  there  were  also  comprised 
adventurers  from  other  countries.  Among  these 
probably  was  Oliver  Brunei.  He  was  made  a  prisoner 
by  the  Russians,  and  had,  in  1580,  been  for  several 
years  in  the  service  of  two  Russian  merchants,  the 


one  called  Yakow,  the  other  Anikyi.  A  Swedish 
shipwright,  probably  also  a  prisoner,  was  likewise 
in  the  service  of  these  Russians.  At  that  time  the 
factors  of  the  English  Muscovy  Company  were  con- 
tinually making  inquiries  about  the  roads  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Oby,  and  beyond  it  to  Cathay.  This 
roused  the  attention  of  the  Russians,  and  the  two 
merchants  whom  we  have  named  hurried  to  follow 
the  example  as  soon  as  the  opportunity  offered. 
They  employed  the  skilful  prisoners  to  construct  and 
navigate  for  them  two  vessels,  fit  for  sailing  in  shal- 
low water.  Oliver  Brunei,  a  man,  as  it  seems,  of  no 
very  high  scientific  attainments,  but  of  good  powers 
of  observation,  explored  the  whole  coast  of  Russia, 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Petchora  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Oby.  He  also  went  to  Vaigats  and  to  Nova  Zembla 
Proper.  Having  thus  made  himself  useful  to  his 
masters,  he  was  sent  by  them  to  Antwerp  to  hire  a 
number  of  clever  sailors  for  further  exploration  of 
the  north-eastern  route.  On  this  journey  he  arrived, 
in  February,  1581,  on  the  island  of  Oesel,  in  the  gulf 
of  Livonia.  In  Arensburg,  the  capital  of  that  island, 
there  lived  a  man  called  John  Balak,  who  was  learned 
in  geography.  Balak,  much  interested  by  Brunei's 
account,  requested  him  to  call  on  Gerard  Mercator, 
the  great  geographer,  a  Belgian  by  birth,  who  was 
living  at  Duisburg,  in  Cleves.  Mercator  had  left  his 
home  much  before  Alba's  time  ;  but  already  well 
aware  that  his  liberal  opinions  in  matters  of  religion 
(lie  was  nominally  a  Roman  Catholic,  but  had  singu- 
lar notions  of  his  own)  would  expose  him  to  danger. 


The  letter  of  introduction  which  Brunei  received 
from  Balak  was  afterwards  communicated  by  Merca- 
tor  to  Richard  Hakluyt,  in  whose  collection  it  is  to 
be  found. 

It  is  not  clear  whether  Brunei  ever  went  to  An- 
twerp for  his  employers.  He  may  not  have  known, 
when  he  left  Russia,  that  Alexander  of  Parma  had 
recently  made  an  end  to  the  reign  of  the  friends  of 
independence  in  Belgium,  and'  that  it  would,  perhaps, 
be  hazardous  to  return  there.  However  this  may  be, 
we  afterwards  find  Brunei  connected  with  the  town  of 
Enchuysen,  in  West  Friesland.^  He  undertook  a 
voyage  to  the  river  Petchora,  in  a  vessel  from  Enc- 
huysen, After  having  collected  much  valuable 
merchandize,  he  lost  his  ship,  and  perhaps  his  life,  in 
the  mouth  of  the  river. 

The  town  of  Enchuysen  thus  became  engaged  in 
the  north-eastern  scheme.  This  town  chanced  to 
possess  at  the  time  a  number  of  distinguished  men, 
who  required  but  an  impulse  to  engage  their  ideas 
in  this  new  direction.  Among  these  were  Jacob 
Valck,  the  treasurer  of  the  town;  Dr.  Francis  Maelson, 
the  syndic  of  West  Friesland,  a  man  of  much  geo- 
graphical learning  ;  Cornelis  Corneliszoon  Nai,  also 
called  Menscheter,  or  Anthropophagus,  a  seaman  of 
considerable  experience  ;  and  several  other  seamen, 
whom  we  shall  have  occasion  to  notice.  Distinguished 
before  all  his  fellow  citizens  was  Jan  Huighen  van 
Linschoten,  whose  great  work  on  the  East  Indies  is 

^  West  Friesland  borders  on  Holland,  and  forms  part  of  the 
same  province  ;  it  may  almost  be  considered  as  a  part  of  Holland, 


still  a  standard  book  in  public  and  private  libraries. 
Linschoten  lived  for  years  in  tbe  Portuguese  posses- 
sions in  the  east,  and  made  himself  thoroughly  ac- 
quainted with  their  resources.  He,  better  than  any 
one  else,  was  able  to  understand  how  great  an  advan- 
tage it  would  be  for  any  country  to  enter  into  com- 
mercial connection  with  those  opulent  regions. 

The  northern  provinces  of  the  Netherlands,  so 
small  a  spot  on  the  map  of  Europe,  had  at  that  time 
much  more  than  their  own  share  of  energy,  intelli- 
gence, and  riches.  The  exiles  from  Belgium  and 
other  refugees  were  crowded  together  in  their  new 
home,  and  were  anxiously  seeking  a  vent  for  their 
pent  up  energies.  Such  a  vent  the  north-eastern 
scheme  aiforded.  In  the  chief  towns  of  Holland  and 
Zealand  two  men  arose,  both  Belgian  emigrants,  who 
led  the  minds  of  their  fellow  citizens  towards  these 
ideas.  Balthasar  de  Moucheron,  an  Antwerp  mer- 
chant, settled  in  Middelburg,  the  capital  of  Zealand, 
had  long  been  trading  with  Russia.  The  route  to 
the  White  Sea  was  familiar  to  his  captains  and  pilots. 
The  above-mentioned  Enchuysen  sailors  were  all  in 
his  service.  He  also  communicated  with  Maelson 
and  Valck,  and  between  these  men  the  plan  of  a 
north-eastern  expedition  was  brought  to  maturity. 
At  Amsterdam  there  lived  the  celebrated  geographer 
Peter  Plancius,  the  very  centre  of  the  Belgian  emi- 
gration, an  ardent  Calvinist  preacher  and  divine,  and 
one  of  the  great  geographical  scholars  of  the  age. 
He,  before  all  others,  formed  with  deliberate  inten- 
tion the  design   of  crippling  the  Spanish  power  by 


rival  commerce,  and  for  that  purpose  he  founded  at 
Amsterdam  a  school  of  navigation,  in  which  the 
heroes  of  the  northern  and  of  the  first  eastern  voy- 
ages of  the  Dutch  acquired  the  greater  part  of  their 
theoretical  knowledge.  The  most  distinguished 
among  his  pupils  were  Willem  Barents  and  Jacob 
van  Heemskerk,  the  Davis  and  the  Drake  of  Holland. 
It  was  in  the  year  1594  that  these  movements 
yielded  their  first  great  result.  Moucheron  and  his 
Enchuysen  friends  fitted  out  two  vessels,  the  Stvcm, 
from  Ter  Ver,  in  Zealand  ;  the  Mercuri/,  from  En- 
chuysen. Both  were  commanded  by  Enchuysen  men; 
the  Swan,  by  Cornelis  Nai,  who  had  as  under-pilot 
Pieter  Strickbolle.  With  them  went,  as  Mouche- 
ron's  commercial  agent,  Francois  de  la  Dale,  a  rela- 
tive of  Moucheron,  who  had  resided  several  years 
in  Russia  ;  and  as  interpreter  a  Slavonian,  named 
Splindler,  who  had  been  studying  at  Leyden.  The 
Mercury  was  commanded  by  Brant  Tetgales,  with 
Claes  Cornelizoon  as  mate,  both  of  Enchuysen.  Jan 
Huyghen  van  Linschoten  accompanied  them  as 
"  commis,"^  or  coopman,  filling,  on  board  the  Mer~ 

^  The  signification  of  this  word  seems  not  to  be  generally  under- 
stood. Even  Dr.  Beke  has  been  somewhat  unjust  towards  Hul- 
sius,  because  he  supposes  him  to  have  translated  it  very  incorrectly. 
The  title  commis,  and  the  identical  one  of  coopman,  is  generally 
translated  supercargo.  This  is  correct  enough  in  one  sense,  though 
very  incorrect  in  another.  The  functions  of  a  commis  were  prin- 
cipally commercial,  but  his  position  was  Infinitely  superior  to  that 
of  a  supercargo  of  the  present  day.  When  ships  were  sent  out  to 
open  commercial  intercourse  with  foreign  nations,  the  men  who  were 
specially  charged  with  these  negociations  held  necessarily  a  high  rank 


curij^  the  same  position  which  De  la  Dale  held  on 
board  the  Swan.  Peter  Plancius  and  his  friends  at 
Amsterdam  roused  the  public  spirit  in  that  city,  and 
the  Amsterdammers  likewise  fitted  out  a  vessel  for 
the  north-eastern  search,  under  the  command  of 
Plancius'  pupil,  Willem  Barents. 

The  vessels  under  the  two  Enchuysen  men,  and 
that  from  Amsterdam,  sailed  together  from  home 
and  returned  home  together  ;  still  the  two  expedi- 
tions may  almost  be  considered  as  distinct,  so  different 
were  the  plans  which  they  followed.  Maelson  and  his 
friends  seem  to  have  been  intent  on  adopting  in 
every  respect  the  indications  of  Oliver  Brunei.  They 
instructed  the  two  Enchuysen  captains  to  sail  through 
Pet  Strait,  between  the  mainland  of  Russia  and  Vai- 
gats ;  then  along  the  coast  of  the  Sea  of  Kara,  and 

in  the  expedition.  Generally  they  had  full  powers  from  their  govern- 
ment, and  were  diplomatic  as  well  as  commercial  agents.  They 
■were  neither  the  subordinates  of  the  skipper,  nor  absolutely  his 
superiors.  Each  disposed  of  the  resources  of  the  ship  for  the 
special  business  with  which  he  was  entrusted ;  the  skipper  on  sea, 
the  commis  in  port.  The  noble  nature  of  the  men  employed  on 
the  arctic  expeditions  prevented  the  else  almost  unavoidable  con- 
flicts between  these  two  kinds  of  authority.  Linschoten  and  Tet- 
gales,  Nai  and  De  la  Dale,  Heemskerk  and  Barents,  always  agreed. 
But  during  the  voyage  where  Cornells  Houtman  was  conwtis  on 
board  the  Hollandia,  there  was  a  long  series  of  struggles  be- 
tween the  two  authorities.  Cornelis  Houtman  was  at  last,  by 
general  consent,  made  captain  of  the  whole  fleet.  This  fact,  with 
which  Hulsius  was  acquainted,  seems  to  have  induced  him  to 
translate  Linschotcn's  title  of  commis  by  Obcrster  ;  a  translation 
which  is  not  quite  correct  when  applied  to  Linschoten,  but  not  by 
any  means  so  erroneous  as  Dr.  Bcke  seems  to  think. 


then  to  the  Oby.  Plancius,  on  the  other  hand, 
must  have  known  that  the  English  had  repeat- 
edly tried  that  road  without  success.  He  consi- 
dered it  as  impracticable,  and  his  pupil  was  in- 
structed to  sail  along  the  Nova  Zembla  group,  then 
to  round  it  by  the  north-east,  and  thus  to  reach 
Cathay.  Each  party  followed  its  own  instructions. 
They  all  sailed  together  to  Kilduyn,  on  the  Lapland 
coast,  where  they  separated.  The  Enchuysen  captains 
then  took  their  course  through  Pet  Strait,  which  they 
named  Nassau  Strait,  as  if  it  had  been  a  new  discovery 
of  their  own.  They  now  found  even  the  strait  pestered 
with  ice,  and  had  some  difficulty  in  penetrating  through 
it.  Still  greater  were  their  difficulties  in  the  Sea  of 
Kara.  After  a  vain  attempt  to  follow  their  instructions 
literally  and  to  keep  the  coast  in  sight,  they  had  to 
return  to  the  strait.  Thence  they  afterwards  started 
again,  induced  by  the  promising  aspect  of  the  ice, 
and  in  fact  succeeded  in  crossing  the  Sea  of  Kara 
in  a  north-easterly  direction.  They  mistook  Kara 
Bay  for  the  mouth  of  the  river  Oby,  and  tried  to 
convince  themselves  and  others  that  they  had  sailed 
beyond  that  river.  Satisfied  with  that  imaginary  result, 
and  unable  to  penetrate  any  further,  they  returned. 
Near  the  Russian  coast  they  met  Willem  Barents,  who 
had  also  followed  his  instructions.  He  had  sailed  along 
the  whole  of  the  Nova  Zembla  group,  had  rounded 
its  north-eastern  point,  and  had  reached  a  cluster  of 
islands,  called  by  him  the  Orange  Islands,  off  the 
north-eastern  extremity.  This  exploit  has  never  been 
repeated,  except  afterwards  by  Barents  himself.    The 


northern  and  north-eastern  parts  of  Nova  Zembla  are 
yet  laid  down  from  his  surveys.  Still,  when  the  two 
parties  arrived  at  home,  it  was  to  the  men  from 
Enchuysen  that  the  greater  success  was  attributed ; 
simply  because  they  advocated  their  claims  more 
loudly  and  more  eloquently,  and  because  Linschoten, 
Nai,  and  their  friends,  possessed  much  more  weight 
than  Plancius  and  his  pupils,  who  were  sneered  at 
as  theorists. 

The  reports  brought  home  by  the  Zeeland  and 
Enchuysen  ships  caused  a  general  commotion  through- 
out the  country.  It  was  now  thought  certain,  that 
China  could  be  reached  by  a  north-eastern  route  ;  and 
a  much  larger  venture  was  made  than  the  former 
one.  Seven  ships  were  fitted  out,  with  the  assistance 
of  the  government ;  two  from  Amsterdam,  two  from 
Zealand,  two  from  Enchuysen,  one  from  Rotterdam. 
The  command  of  the  whole  fleet  was  entrusted  to 
Nai.  Barents  commanded  the  two  Amsterdam  ves- 
sels. The  ships  sailed  by  the  same  route,  which  had 
so  often  been  followed  without  success.  They  entered 
the  Kara  Sea  through  Vaigats  Straits.  After  a 
protracted  struggle  with  the  ice,  they  were  obliged  to 
return  without  even  having  made  any  new  discoveries. 

Moucheron  and  the  Enchuysen  men  now  wisely 
gave  up  the  scheme,  as  one  which  could  not  produce 
any  satisfactory  result.  But  the  hopes  of  the  nation 
had  been  too  much  roused  to  die  away  at  once.  Plan- 
cius, at  Amsterdam,  especially,  thought  that  a  fair 
trial  had  not  been  given  to  his  plan  of  sailing  much 
farther  north  than  the  Enchuysen  and  Zealand  men 


had  done.  Barents  was  of  the  same  opinion.  Their 
friends  at  Amsterdam  supported  them,  perhaps  in 
some  degree  from  opposition  to  Enchuysen  and  Mid- 
delburg.  But  the  government  were  unwilling  again 
to  risk  the  resources  of  a  new  and  dangerously  placed 
community,  and  refused  to  grant  them  any  assist- 
ance. They  afforded  them,  however,  some  encourage- 
ment in  a  new  manner,  which  has  since  been  success- 
fully imitated  in  England.  Large  rewards  were  pro- 
mised to  any  vessel  that  would  accomplish  the  voyage 
to  China  by  the  north-east.  This  was  sufficient  to 
induce  moneyed  men  to  risk  their  property,  sailors  to 
risk  their  lives,  on  this  adventure. 

Two  vessels  were  fitted  out  at  Amsterdam,  the  one 
under  Jacob  van  Heemskerk  and  Willem  Barents, 
the  other  under  John  Cornelis  Hyp.  Both  vessels  left 
Amsterdam  the  10th  of  May,  1596.  In  the  begin- 
ning of  June,  shortly  after  they  had  passed  the  North 
Cape,  disputes  arose  between  R.yp  and  Barents.  Ryp 
would  not  sail  towards  the  north  point  of  Nova  Zem- 
bla,  but  kept  a  more  north-western  course ;  perhaps 
with  the  intention  of  steering  straight  across  the 
North  Pole,  perhaps  merely  from  opposition  to 
Barents.  Barents  followed  Ryp,  and  their  course 
brought  them  to  Bear  Island,  in  latitude  74°  80', 
longitude  18°  40',  which  they  discovered  on  the  9th  of 
June.  Their  voyage  from  the  9th  to  the  30th  is  not 
very  clearly  indicated  in  the  logbook.  Indeed,  as  it  is 
there  described  it  is  impossible.  According  to  Dr. 
Beke's  and  Mr.  Peterman's  interpretation,  they  sailed 
round   Spitzbergen    from    south-east   to    north-west, 


then  to  the  west,  and  at  last  back  to  Bear  Island 
from  north-west  to  south-east.  This  feat  seems  highly 
improbable,  and  no  one  but  these  enthusiastic  ad- 
mirers of  Barents  ever  imagined  it.  According  to 
the  opinion  of  all  other  writers,  Barents  and  Ryp 
explored  merely  the  western  side  of  Spitzbergen  up 
to  its  most  northern  point,  and  perhaps  a  very  small 
part  of  the  northern  shore.  Then  they  returned  to 
Bear  Island.  This  view  of  the  case  is  borne  out  by 
the  almost  contemporary  map  of  Hondius,  which 
forms  part  of  the  present  collection. 

Hondius'  map  was  specially  intended  as  an  illustra- 
tion of  the  voyage  under  review.  Its  statements 
were,  at  least  tacitly,  accepted  as  correct  by  Plancius 
and  others,  who  had  means  of  knowing  the  facts  of 
the  case.^  After  their  return  to  Bear  Island,  the  1st 
of  July,  Ryp  and  Barents  separated  ;  Ryp  to  renew 
the  search  from  the  north-west  of  Spitzbergen  east- 
ward, Barents  to  round  the  northern  point  of  Nova 
Zembla,  as  he  was  ordered  to  do ;  of  Ryp's  fur- 
ther proceedings,  no  satisfactory  account  remains. 
Barents  succeeded,  on  the  15th  of  August,  in  round- 
ing the  north-point,  and  in  sailing  a  short  distance  to 
the  south-east.     But  the  ice  of  the  Kara  Sea  soon 

'  See  the  map  :  Tabula  Geogr.  in  qua  admirnnd(e  naviffationis 
cursus  et  recw'sus  desujnatur.  The  admiranda  navhjatio  is  Barents' 
third  voyage,  the  course  of  which  is  indicated  on  the  map.  The 
work  in  which  the  map  first  appeared,  Pontanus'  Description  of 
Amstej-dam,  was  first  published  in  1611;  a  Dutch  translation, 
witli  the  same  maps,  appeared  in  1614.  Pontanus  himself  had  paid 
very  considerable  attention  to  northern  discoveries,  and  was  one 
of  the  most  strenuous  advocates  of  the  north-eastern  passage. 


arrested  his  progress.  On  the  26th  of  August,  he 
had  to  seek  refuge  on  the  north-eastern  coast  of 
Nova  Zembha  ;  and  unable  either  to  advance  or  to 
return  through  the  ice,  he  was  obliged  to  winter  in 
this  dreary  region.  Entirely  unprepared  for  so  highly 
dangerous  an  undertaking,  both  he  and  his  crew  had 
to  undergo  the  severest  sufferings,  to  which  Barents 
succumbed  the  20th  of  June,  1597.  The  return 
voyage  of  the  crew  under  the  abk  command  of  Jacob 
Heemskerk,  is  a  deservedly  celebrated  adventure, 
which,  however,  offers  no  new  fact  of  geographical 

No  more  north-eastern  expeditions  were  under- 
taken before  the  year  1607.  The  history  both  of 
the  north-western  and  north-eastern  search  has  thus 
been  brought  down  to  Hudson's  time.  We  have 
now  to  sum  up  the  result  of  all  these  expeditions, 
and  to  see  when  and  by  whom  the  various  coasts  had 
been  discovered  and  explored.  Afterwards  we  shall 
have  to  inquire  how  the  geographical  results  gained 
by  these  voyages  presented  themselves  to  the  minds 
of  Hudson  and  of  his  contemporaries.  The  voyages 
which  we  have  recorded  were  nearly  all  directed  to 
the  arctic  regions.  In  summing  them  up,  we  shall 
have  to  wander  half  round  the  North  Pole.  It  seems 
best  to  begin  where  our  review  of  the  voyages  ended, 
namely,  on  the  north-eastern  extremity  of  Europe. 

The  Nova  Zembla  group  and  the  adjoining  waters 
had  formed  the  scene  of  frequent  voyages.  Some  of 
the  mariners  had  penetrated  into  the  Sea  of  Kara, 
and  had  fought  glorious  battles  against  its  redoubt- 


able  icefields.  Oliver  Brunei  had,  about  1580,  even 
passed  beyond  the  Kara  Sea,  exploring  the  Rus- 
sian shore  on  the  land  side,  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Petchora  to  the  mouth  of  the  Oby.  A  still  more 
extraordinary  feat  is  recorded  of  an  English  vessel, 
which,  about  the  same  period,  performed  the  voyage 
from  the  Petchora  to  the  Oby  by  sea.  The  eastern 
shore  of  the  Kara  Sea  had,  besides,  been  touched  by 
the  Enchuysen  and  Zeeland  vessels  of  the  first  Dutch 
expedition  in  1594.  These  are  the  explorations  in 
the  southern  and  south-eastern  part  of  the  Kara  Sea. 
Its  northern,  or  rather  north-western,  part  had  been 
entered  in  1594,  and  still  farther  in  1596,  by  William 
Barents.  Thus  a  part  of  the  south-eastern  and  of 
the  north-eastern  shores  of  Nova  Zembla  had  been 
visited.  The  remaining  part  of  the  east  coast  had 
never  been  touched  by  Europeans.  The  only  navi- 
gable strait  between  the  islands,  that  between  Nova 
Zembla  Proper  and  Vaigats,  had  been  discovered  by 
Burrough  in  1556.  The  strait  between  Vaigats  and 
the  Russian  coast  had  become  perfectly  familiar  both 
to  the  English  and  the  Dutch.  It  had  been  disco- 
vered by  Pet  and  Jackman  in  1580,  and  about  the 
same  time  by  Brunei.  Nine  Dutch  vessels  passed 
through  it  in  1594  and  1595.  Some  vague  know- 
ledge of  other  straits  and  bays  had  also  been  acquired, 
mostly  by  indirect  information.  The  west  coast 
of  Nova  Zembla  had  been  visited,  in  its  northern 
part,  by  Burrough  and  Pet,  in  its  southern  part  by 
Barents,  who  had  also  rounded  the  northern  point, 
and  had,  as  already  stated,  entered  the  Kara  Sea  by 


the  north-east.     He  had  there  discovered  the  Orange 
Islands,  off  the  north-cast  coast  of  Nova  Zembla. 

The  whole  Russian  coast,  along  the  Spitzbergen 
and  White  Sea,  had  frequently  been  visited.  Kolguev 
Island,  west  of  the  Petchora,  had  been  touched  by- 
most  of  the  eastward  bound  mariners.  The  group  of 
inhospitable  islands  on  the  boundary  line  of  eternal 
ice,  between  80°  and  76°,  which  we  call  Spitsbergen, 
had  been  found  in  1596,  and  the  western  shores  of 
the  two  western  islands  had  been  explored.  In  the 
same  year,  1596,  Bear  Island,  south  of  the  western 
islands  of  the  Spitzbergen  group,  had  been  touched 
on  its  western,  and  again  on  its  eastern  side. 

Iceland,  the  next  country  we  fall  in  with,  had  been 
colonized  by  the  ancient  Scandinavians.  In  more 
recent  times,  it  had  very  frequently  been  visited  by 
Englishmen  and  other  mariners  from  the  south, 
though  the  expeditions  which  we  have  narrated  had 
not  touched  it,  because  it  lies  out  of  the  track  both 
of  the  north-western  and  the  north-eastern  search. 
Two  vessels,  dispatched  on  this  special  service  by 
Davis  in  1586,  had  sought  for  a  passage  to  the  North 
Pole  between  Iceland  and  Greenland,  and  had  thus 
sailed  along  the  east  side  of  the  great  arctic  con- 
tinent. They  had,  however,  not  touched  Greenland 

Greenland  had  been  colonized,  on  its  eastern  side, 
by  the  Scandinavians.  These  colonies  had  been  lost, 
and  their  inhabitants  had  perhaps  not  even  left 
any  descendants.  They  seem  to  have  been  visited 
by  John  of  Kolno,   in   1476,  and   in   the   sixteenth 


century  by  their  bishops  and  by  Blefkenius.  No 
recent  navigator  had  touched  any  part  of  the  east- 
ern shore,  except  near  the  southern  point.  John 
Davis  explored  the  south-eastern  coast  of  Green- 
land, between  60°  and  61°.  He  also  rounded  the 
southern  point,  and  sailed  up  along  the  western  side 
to  about  61°.  This  portion  of  the  west  coast  had  also 
been  touched  by  Frobisher,  ten  years  before  Davis. 
Between  61°  and  64°  the  west  coast  had  never  been 
seen  since  the  time  of  the  Scandinavians.  From  64° 
up  to  73°  it  had  been  surveyed  by  Davis  in  1585, 
1586,  and  1587. 

Davis  Strait  had  first  been  crossed  by  the  ancient 
Scandinavians,  at  a  very  remote  period.  It  had  again 
been  discovered  by  Sebastian  Cabot  in  1517.  The 
American  side  of  Davis'  Strait  was  known  to  the 
Scandinavians.  Cabot  also  found  it  when  he  entered 
the  strait  in  1517.  The  shore  between  64°  and 
67°  30'  is  laid  down  upon  his  map.  Davis  had 
reached  nearly  the  same  latitude,  at  least  within  a 
degree.  He  had  also  explored  the  whole  American 
coast  down  to  52°,  had  entered  three  of  the  inlets: 
Cumberland  Inlet  in  63° ;  Davis'  Inlet  in  bQ)" ;  Ivuc- 
toke  Inlet  in  54°  30' ;  he  had  also  surveyed  the 
mouths  of  Frobisher's  and  of  Hudson's  Straits. 

FroUshers  Strait  and  the  surrounding  islands  had 
been  found  by  the  seaman  whose  name  the  strait  bears. 

Hudson  s  Strait  had  been  discovered  by  Sebastian 
Cabot  in  1498.  The  Portuguese  had  sailed  through 
it  and  had  become  acquainted  with  part  of  Hudson's 
Bay  between   1558  and  1569.     In   1577  Frobisher 


had  by  chance  entered  the  strait.  In  1602  Wey- 
mouth had  sailed  nearly  a  hundred  leagues  into  it, 
from  Hatton's  Headland  to  the  neighbourhood  of 
Hope's  Advance  Bay. 

The  whole  cast  coast  of  North  America  from  38° 
north  to  the  mouth  of  Hudson's  Strait,  had  been 
surveyed  by  Sebastian  Cabot  in  1498,  and  part  of 
it  before,  in  1497,  by  his  father  and  him.  Others 
had  rediscovered  various  parts.  Thus  the  east  of 
Newfoundland  had  been  explored  by  Cortereal  in 
1501  ;  the  south  coast,  by  some  fishers  from  Nor- 
mandy and  Brittany  in  1504  and  1508.  The  mouth 
of  the  St.  Lawrence  had  also  been  visited  by  Corte- 
real and  by  these  French  mariners.  The  river,  nearly 
up  to  the  lakes,  and  all  the  surrounding  country,  had 
been  thoroughly  explored  by  Jacques  Cartier  in  1534 
and  1535,  and  afterwards  by  Roberval  and  Cartier. 

The  sandbanks  near  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Latv- 
rence^  and  the  fishing  stations  along  the  Newfound- 
land coast,  were  frequented  by  the  English,  Portu- 
guese, French,  and  Spaniards.  From  the  mouth  of 
the  St.  Lawrence  down  to  38°  of  latitude  various 
navigators  had  explored  the  coasts.  Verazzano,  in 
1524,  sailed  from  latitude  34°  to  latitude  50°,  always 
along  the  shore.  Gomez,  in  1525,  explored  the  coast 
of  Rhode  Island,  New  York,  and  New  Jersey.  Both 
Verazzano  and  Gomez  found  the  mouth  of  Hudson 
River.  The  Spaniards  afterwards  sailed  along  that 
shore,  and  marked  some  of  its  principal  points  as  con- 
venient stations.  Two  of  the  islands  along  the  same 
coast  were  also  found  ;  Martha's  Vineyard  (which  the 


ancient  Scandinavians  are  also  said  to  have  visited) 
by  Verazzano  ;  Nantucket  by  the  Spaniards. 

It  does  not  belong  to  our  purpose  to  proceed  any 
further.  But  we  may  observe,  that  on  the  west  side 
of  North  America,  the  whole  coast,  from  the  isthmus 
up  to  45°,  had  been  explored  by  the  Spaniards.  It 
had  also  been  satisfactorily  ascertained  that  no  strait 
or  passage  across  America  exists,  between  the  Strait 
of  Magellan  and  the  regions  of  which  we  have  spoken. 

When  thus  reviewing  the  labours  of  the  early 
navigators,  we  may  well  admire  the  activity  that  had 
been  displayed  during  the  first  century  of  modern 
exploration.  We  must  not,  however,  suppose  that 
these  navigators  had  acquired  a  complete  knowledge 
of  the  conformation  of  the  coasts  explored  by  them, 
and  had  communicated  this  knowledge  to  their  con- 
temporaries, making  it  the  common  property  of  the 
civilized  world.  Had  they  been  able  and  willing  to 
do  this,  little  would  have  been  left  for  after  times  to 
accomplish.  But  their  method  and  means  of  obser- 
vation were  very  different  from  those  which  have 
since  been  developed,  and  the  narrow  and  selfish  ten- 
dencies of  the  age  led  to  secresy  and  isolation.  The 
immediate  results  which  they  themselves  obtained, 
though  doubtless  of  the  very  greatest  importance,  were 
not  nearly  so  satisfactory  as  would  be  imagined  by  any 
one  not  acquainted  with  the  state  of  science  in  those 
times.  The  principal  obstacle  against  which  all  the 
early  geographers  had  to  struggle,  was  the  impossi- 
bility of  observing  longitudes.  This  difficulty  has 
not  even  yet  been  completely  conquered,  and  we  find 


in  this  respect  very  considerable  discrepancies  between 
the  surveys  of  different  navigators  of  the  present  day. 
But  in  those  times  longitudes  were  hardly  calculated 
at  all.  Many  journals  of  early  voyages,  those  of 
Hudson  among  others,  do  not  contain  a  single  indi- 
cation of  longitudes.  Davis  made  one  or  two  calcu- 
lations of  this  kind  ;  yet  even  he  committed  such 
mistakes,  that  he  was  wrong  by  at  least  ten  degrees. 
The  nearest  approach  to  correct  longitudes  is  to  be 
found  in  some  of  Sebastian  Cabot's  surveys.  He 
himself  affirmed  that  these  calculations  were  based 
on  his  observations  of  the  variation  of  the  needle ; 
but  his  assertion  can  hardly  be  strictly  true.  His  ex- 
perience, great  though  it  was,  cannot  have  furnished 
him  with  a  sufficient  number  of  facts  to  base  upon 
them  complete  and  satisfactory  conclusions  with  re- 
gard to  this  absorbing  question.  As  regards  his  sys- 
tem itself,  he  has  left  a  few  vague  indications,  which 
prove  that  he  had  observed  the  dip  of  the  needle  as 
well  as  its  variation,  and  had  tried  to  account  for  both. 
But  how  the  system  which  he  had  formed  could  enable 
him  to  calculate  the  longitude  of  the  mouth  of  Hud- 
son's Strait  correctly,  within  one  or  two  degrees,  as  he 
has  done,  cannot  well  be  explained.  Perhaps  this 
correctness  was  obtained  merely  by  chance. 

However  this  may  be,  Cabot  certainly  did  not  im- 
part any  such  knowledge  to  others,  and  even  now  the 
navigator  is  unable  to  ascertain  longitudes  by  the 
variation  and  dip  of  the  needle.  As  regards  lati- 
tudes, the  system  of  calculating  them  is  so  simple, 
that  we  find  nearly  correct  observations  made  in  the 


very  earliest  times.  Still  the  imperfect  state  of  the 
instruments  which  the  early  navigators  made  use  of 
caused  mistakes  of  several  minutes  to  be  committed  in 
perhaps  every  instance.  Errors  even  of  half  a  degree 
can  be  distinctly  proved.  Besides,  in  the  high  lati- 
tudes, it  was  often  for  days  impossible  to  make  any 
observations,  on  account  of  the  almost  permanent 
clouds  and  fogs.  Then  we  have  only  the  dead  reckon- 
ing left,  which  is  perfectly  unreliable  in  a  region  noted 
for  its  strong,  varying,  and  often  unaccountable  cur- 
rents. These  were  not  the  only  obstacles  to  correct 
geographical  knowledge.  The  modern  discoveries 
could  only  be  regarded  as  improvements  upon  the 
ancient  stock  of  information.  The  vague  indications 
of  classic  and  mediaeval  writers  had,  as  we  have  above 
stated,  been  made  the  foundation  for  geographical  sys- 
tems, for  maps  and  charts,  in  which  as  implicit  faith 
was  placed,  in  spite  of  mutual  contradictions,  as  we 
now  place  in  our  best  surveys.  These  medicEval  de- 
lineations could  not  fail  to  exercise  their  influence  on 
modern  geography.  There  are  also  to  be  found,  on 
the  maps  of  the  sixteenth  century,  such  territories  as 
the  Island  of  Demons^  and  other  fantastic  lands.  From 
all  these  discordant  elements,  and  under  these  dis- 
advantages, the  maps  that  were  current  in  Hudson's 
time  had  been  made  up.  Before  we  enter  upon  our 
review  of  these  delineations,  we  must  state  who  were 
the  men  to  whom  they  are  due. 

The  modern  system  of  map  making  may  be  said 
to  have  originated  in  Belgium,  about  the  year  1550. 
Jt  is  a  combination  of  two  different  methods,  both  of 


"vvliich  had  sprung  up  during  the  memorable  period 
"vvhich  forms  the  transition  from  the  middle  ages  to 
the  modern  era.  The  intellectual  movement  of  that 
epoch  had,  among  other  new  births,  also  produced  the 
first  majjs  and  the  first  charts.  These  two  kinds  of 
geographical  delineations  were,  in  the  beginning,  as 
different  from  each  other  as  they  both  differed  from 
the  rude  geographical  drawings  of  the  middle  ages. 
The  maps  were  the  work  of  landsmen,  the  charts  almost 
exclusively  of  seamen.^  There  were  also  other  con- 
siderable differences  between  the  maps  and  charts. 
The  maps  answered  purposes  somewhat  similar  to 
those  for  which  maps  of  towns  are  now  designed.  They 
were  confined  to  limited  tracts  of  country,  and  were 
intended  to  show  the  relative  positions  of  well-known 
cities,  villages,  rivers,  and  mountains.  Degrees  of 
latitude  and  longitude  were  not  strictly  needed,  and 
w-ere  also  not  to  be  found  in  them.  They  were  all 
isolated  productions,  without  any  connexion  or  har- 
mony among  them.  These  maps  had  already  be- 
come very  numerous ;  in  1570  nearly  a  hundred  had 
been  engraved  ;  many  more  were  then  probably  in 
manuscript.  The  charts,  on  the  contrary,  embraced 
an  immense  expanse  of  sea  and  land.  Few  of  them 
could  be  the  isolated  productions  of  single  geogra- 
phers, for  they  necessarily  were  based  on  collections 
of  various  materials.  In  Portugal  and  Spain,  the 
two  principal  countries  to  which  we  owe  the  import- 
ant early  charts,  the  profession  of  making  them  was 

^  This  observation,  and  some  of  the  following  details,  are  due 
to  M.  Lelewel's  Geographie  du  Moyen  Age. 


a  privilege  confined  to  a  few  highly  placed  indivi- 
duals, who  were  bound  to  secresy.  They  received 
from  the  arriving  explorers  such  new  communica- 
tions as  might  serve  to  correct  the  charts,  and  they 
made  admirable  use  of  their  opportunities.  Such  men 
as  Da  la  Cosa,  Sebastian  Cabot,  E-ibeiro,  Homem,  are 
among  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  chart  makers. 
Their  position  was  similar  to  that  now  held  by  the 
hydrographers  to  the  European  and  American  admi- 
ralties. In  France  the  position  of  chart  maker  seems 
not  to  have  been  an  official  one ;  yet  there  are  also 
some  great  names  among  those  of  the  French  who 
followed  this  occupation.^  These  hydrographers  of 
the  sixteenth  century  were  mostly  seamen.  Their 
works  consist  principally  of  two  kinds,  planispheres, 
and  the  so-called  portolani.  Both  of  them  were  still, 
in  many  parts,  based  upon  the  system  of  Ptolemy, 
of  which  they  professed  to  be  improvements.  The 
planispheres  were  laid  down  upon  somewhat  uncer- 
tain principles  of  projection.  The  same  may  be  said 
of  the  portolani,  which  corresponded  in  their  charac- 
ter, and  even,  in  some  respects,  in  their  execution, 
with  the  sea  atlases  which  the  Dutch  produced  in 
the  seventeenth  century.  The  portolani  consist  of 
several  charts,  the  first  of  which  generally  are  plani- 
spheres. Afterwards  follow  charts  of  single  coun- 
tries, or  of  tracts  of  coast.     Sometimes  the  soundings 

'  The  French  charts  have  the  merit  of  uniting  the  information 
furnished  by  various  nations.  They  are,  perhaps,  more  important 
than  any  other  class  as  sources  for  the  history  of  geography.  Some 
interesting  facts  witli  regard  to  early  French  charts  are  to  be  found 
in  Mr.  Major's  recent  work  on  Australia. 


are  given.  A  history  of  geographical  science  may  be 
traced  by  the  comparison  of  these  charts,  which  ex- 
ercised considerable  influence  upon  each  other.  Most 
important  in  that  respect  are  two  delineations,  of 
which  we  may  be  allowed  to  speak  in  some  detail. 
The  first  of  them  is  the  planisphere  of  Diego  Ribeiro, 
geographer  to  Charles  V.  This  great  work  furnished 
the  foundation  for  nearly  all  the  later  delineations 
of  America.  It  was  composed  in  1529;  an  earlier 
draught  of  1527  is  also  in  existence;  but  there  the 
outline  of  the  New  World  is  much  less  correct.  In 
all  the  early  charts  which  we  have  been  able  to  com- 
pare with  that  of  Hibeiro,^  America  is  either  copied 
from  it,  with  or  without  improvements,  or  at  least 
large  sections  from  Ribeiro  are  inserted.  This  is 
especially  the  case  with  regard  to  the  neighbourhood 
of  Hudson's  River,  a  region  laid  down  by  Ribeiro 
from  Estevan  Gomez'  survey,  and  which  has  been 
copied  from  him  by  all  the  early  map  makers  whose 
works  w^e  have  been  able  to  confront  with  his  plani- 
sphere, with  the  only  exception  of  Lok,  whose  out- 
line of  the  same  region  is  taken  from  a  manuscript 
chart  of  Verazzano. 

The  other  chart  we  were  going  to  speak  of,  that  of 
Sebastian  Cabot,  is  also  a  planisphere.  It  was  first 
published  in  1544,  with  a  text  in  Latin  and  Spanish; 
afterwards  again  in  1549,  with  a  reprint  of  the  Latin 
text.  Much  later,  probably  after  Cabot's  death,  a 
copy  was  made  by  Clement  Adams,  in  which  the 

'  We  have  not  been  able  to  compare  Sebastian  Cabot's  map 
Avith  it. 


Latin  text  is  corrupted,  and  a  simple  and  not  inele- 
gant style  turned  into  a  bombastic  and  unbearable 
one.  If  we  can  at  all  trust  the  descriptions  given  of 
some  parts  of  that  chart  by  Willes  and  Gilbert,  the 
chart  itself  must  likewise  have  been  altered,  for 
their  details  are  in  flat  contradiction  with  the  1544 
edition,  a  copy  of  which  is  preserved  in  Paris.  These 
alterations  exercised  a  very  considerable  influence  on 
the  scheme  of  the  north-western  search,  as  we  have 
had  occasion  to  notice.  The  charts^  almost  without 
exception,  and  especially  those  of  Ribeiro  and  Cabot, 
have  both  latitudes  and  longitudes.  Little  reliance 
can  be  placed  in  the  longitudes. 

It  was  by  a  combination  of  the  early  maps  and  the 
early  charts,  that  some  Belgian  scholars  of  the  six- 
teenth century  founded  the  modern  system  of  map 
making.  Placed,  as  they  were,  in  the  centre  of  trade, 
and  in  a  country  eminent  both  in  art  and  industry, 
they  were  best  able  to  undertake  this  mission.  The 
first  notable  man  who  distinguished  himself  in  this 
manner  was  the  Frisian  Gemma,  who  passed  nearly 
the  whole  of  his  life  in  Belgium.  His  works  are, 
however,  of  no  importance  for  our  subject.  Far 
more  celebrated  and  of  real  importance  for  us,  are 
his  two  great  successors,  Gerard  Mercator  and  Abra- 
ham Ortelius,  whose  method,  like  that  of  Gemma, 
consisted  in  the  combination  and  arrangement  of  the 
various  geographical  materials  which  they  procured 
from  all  parts  of  Europe,  paying  an  equal  attention 
to  charts  and  to  maps.  The  works  of  OrtcHus  and 
Mercator  that  come  under  our  consideration,  are  the 


great  planisphere,  In  mum  navigantium,  published  by 
Mercator  in  1569,  and  the  maps  of  America  and 
Asia,  which  form  part  of  Ortelius'  Orhis  terrarum. 
first  published  in  1570.  Of  these  we  shall  presently 
have  occasion  to  speak.  We  must,  however,  first 
conclude  our  observations  on  the  maps  and  charts 
available  when  Hudson  sailed,  by  mentioning  the 
last  and  most  important  class.  Hudson's  imme- 
diate predecessors  in  the  arctic  search,  Frobisher, 
Davis,  Linschoten  and  Barents,  had,  during  their 
voyages,  not  only  made  the  usual  written  notes,  but 
had  also  made  draughts  of  the  coasts  they  had  ex- 
plored. Frobisher's  draught  had  been  published 
with  one  of  the  accounts  of  his  voyage.  Davis' 
sketch  had  been  inserted  in  the  celebrated  Molyneux 
globe,  which  is  mentioned  by  Hakluyt,  and  of  which 
there  is  still  a  copy  in  existence  in  the  library  of  the 
Middle  Temple.  Linschoten's  illustrations  of  Vai- 
gats  Strait  and  southern  Nova  Zembla  adorned  his 
descriptions  of  the  two  first  arctic  voyages  of  the 
Dutch.  Barents'  chart  of  Nova  Zembla  appeared  in 
the  account  of  his  voyages,  and  he  seems  also  to  have 
left  a  sketch  of  Spitzbergen,  which  Hondius  after- 
wards made  use  of. 

Having  now  become  familiar  with  the  geographical 
delineations  at  Hudson's  disposal,  we  are  able  to  ex- 
amine them  as  it  were  with  his  own  eyes,  and  to  see 
what  he  found  in  them.  In  doing  so  we  shall  avail 
ourselves  of  the  two  charts  in  the  present  work, 
the  one  of  which  was  drawn  by  Jodocus  Hondius  in 
1611,  the  other  by  Hudson  himself  in  1610  and  1611. 


They  do  not  embrace  all  the  coasts  which  we  shall 
have  to  travel  over,  and  we  must,  for  the  rest,  refer  the 
reader  to  other  sources.  As  far  as  the  two  charts  do 
reach,  they  furnish  a  true  and  plastic  expression  of 
Hudson's  geographical  notions. 

Hudson's  ideas,  as  far  at  least  as  they  are  known, 
were  all  concentrated  on  the  search  for  a  short  north- 
ern route  to  China.  If  we,  therefore,  wish  to  identify 
ourselves  with  him  in  examining  the  geographical 
delineations  that  were  at  his  disposal,  we  must,  in 
doing  so,  always  keep  in  view  the  chances  of  a  north- 
eastern or  north-western  passage,  which  these  maps 
and  charts  seemed  to  promise.  AVe  must  principally 
bear  in  mind  that  both  the  north-eastern  and  the 
north-western  passage  are  in  reality  impracticable, 
and  that  only  mistaken  notions  with  regard  to  the 
conformation  of  the  arctic  shores  could  lead  to  hopes 
of  realizing  these  schemes. 

When  we  compare  the  chart  of  Hondius  in  our 
collection  with  a  modern  map,  we  find  nowhere 
greater  discrepancies  than  in  the  nortli-east.  These 
discrepancies  are  the  worthier  of  notice,  as  they  ex- 
actly represent  Hudson's  mistakes,  and  explain  why 
he  tliought  the  north-eastern  passage  possible.  Hon- 
dius' delineation  of  those  parts  is  so  erroneous,  that 
a  minute  comparison  with  a  modern  map  could  not 
be  seriously  undertaken.  The  two  most  striking 
errors  are,  however,  these.  He  places,  in  latitude 
73°,  a  promontory  called  Cape  Tahln^  for  the  exist- 
ence of  which,  according  to  Hondius'  statement, 
Pliny  is  the  only  authority.     Hondius  adds,  that  the 


real  situation  of  Cape  Tabin  is  unknown,  and  that 
its  existence  is  improbable.  "  According  to  the  most 
recent  information,"  says  he,  "  that  has  been  brought 
from  China,  it  seems  Hkely  that  Asia  does  not  reach 
farther  northward  than  to  the  fiftieth  degree  of  lati- 
tude." Now,  in  reality,  there  are  two  capes  close  to 
each  other  in  the  region  where  Cape  Tabin  is  here 
placed,  namely.  Cape  Taimur,  about  75°  30',  and  Cape 
Severo-Yostochnoi,  about  78°.  .The  whole  north  coast 
of  Siberia,  with  the  only  exception  of  its  most  east- 
ern part,  lies  above  the  seventieth  degree  of  latitude. 
So  there  is  in  Hondius'  estimates  a  mistake  of  twenty- 
eight  degrees  as  regards  the  most  northern  point,  and 
a  mistake  of  twenty  degrees  as  regards  the  general 
line  of  coast  of  Siberia. 

Hudson's  mistakes  with  respect  to  these  regions 
were  perhaps  not  so  exaggerated.  His  ideas  were 
most  probably  in  conformity  with  those  of  Mercator 
and  Ortelius,  who  place  Cape  Tabin  even  farther 
north  than  Cape  Taimur  really  lies.  Beyond  Cape 
Tabin  there  is,  however,  even  in  their  maps,  no 
serious  obstacle  for  an  eastward  bound  vessel.  The 
coast  slopes  rapidly  southwards  to  Japan  and  China, 
and  the  whole  difficulty  of  the  north-eastern  passage 
seems  therefore  conquered  when  once  Cape  Tabin  is 
passed.  This  notion,  which  is  almost  as  erroneous 
as  that  which  Hondius  entertained,  was  undoubtedly 
shared  by  Hudson.^ 

The  second  glaring  mistake  consists  in  the  erro- 

'  Hudson  calls  Cape  Tahin  the  North  Cape  of  Tartary ;  Ortelius 
calls  it  Promontorium  Svythicum.     See  p.  36,  note  1. 


neous  situation  of  the  mouth  of  the  Ohij.  This  river 
was  generally  considered  as  a  kind  of  first  stage  in 
the  north-eastern  search,  and  to  reach  or  pass  it  was 
justly  thought  a  great  achievement.  Now  Linschoten 
and  his  companions  had  spread  the  erroneous  notion 
that  the  mouth  of  the  Oby  is  situated  in  the  bottom  of 
Kara  Bay,  at  a  small  distance  from  the  south  of 
Nova  Zembla.  The  mouth  of  the  Oby  seemed,  there- 
fore, to  be  in  a  recess,  which  need  not  be  touched  by 
the  navigator  on  his  way  to  the  east.  This  error  has 
been  adopted  by  Hondius.  Hudson  also  shared  it, 
as  appears  clearly  from  an  observation  in  the  de- 
scription of  his  second  voyage.^ 

The  place  where  the  Oby  empties  itself  into  the 
Arctic  Ocean  lies,  however,  in  reality  three  or  four 
degrees  eastward  from  the  Sea  of  Kara,  and  five  de- 
grees farther  north  than  the  bottom  of  that  sea.  It 
is  separated  from  the  Kara  Sea  by  a  peninsula,  which 
none  of  the  early  navigators  was  able  to  double,  al- 
though many  attempted  it.  One  of  the  most  difficult 
parts  of  the  road  to  the  east  was  thus  suppressed  in 
the  intelligence  which  Hudson  received.  Had  he 
known  how  much  the  geographers  were  mistaken  with 
regard  to  these  two  points,  he  would  scarcely  have 
wasted  so  much  of  his  energies  on  his  hopeless  under- 

We  now  leave  the  extreme  east  of  Hondius'  map 
and  proceed  westward.  We  arrive  at  the  northern 
shore  of  Russia^  the  outline  of  which  Hondius  seems 
to  have  borrowed  from  Ortclius,  who  again  had  ob- 

'  P.  36,  the  passage  to  which  note  1  refers. 


tained  it  from  one  of  the  early  maps  we  have  been 
speaking  of.  This  outline,  though  of  course  faulty, 
is  yet  far  from  being  so  incorrect  as  to  give  rise  to 
serious  errors.  Hudson,  moreover,  never  visited  this 

To  the  north  of  the  Russian  coast  we  perceive,  on 
Hondius'  chart,  the  Nova  Zemhla  group.  We  have 
already  called  attention  to  the  fact,  that  the  ice  in  the 
Sea  of  Kara  had  prevented  the  exploration  of  the 
greater  part  of  the  east  coast  of  Nova  Zembla.  This 
explains  the  want  of  a  coast  line  on  that  side.^  There 
are,  besides,  some  other  momentous  defects  in  this 
delineation,  which  is  a  reduced  copy  of  the  above- 
mentioned  chart  of  Nova  Zembla  left  by  Willem 
Barents.  The  principal  defect  is  that  Nova  Zembla 
appears  as  one  island,  not  as  a  group  of  islands  with 
straits  between  them.  The  frozen  straits  north  and 
south  of  Matthew's  Land  are  not  even  indicated. 
Burrough's  Strait  appears  as  a  bay  (St.  Laurent's 
Bay.)  On  the  other  hand  a  real  bay,  that  of  Kostin 
Shar  (here  called  Kostintsarck)  looks  like  a  partly 
explored  strait.  -  If  we  would  understand  Hudson's 
second  voyage,  we  must  not  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that 
he  used  this  outline  of  the  Nova  Zembla  coast,  which 
had  found  its  way  not  only  into  the  most  approved 
Dutch,  but  also  into  the  most  accredited  English 
geographical  draughts,  such  as,  for  instance,  the  cele- 
brated Molyneux  globe.  It  appeared  to  Hudson  that 
there  were  only  three  chances  of  passing  Nova  Zem- 
bla, namely,  by  the  north,  by  the  south,  and,  perhaps^ 
^  This  coast  line  has  not  even  yet  been  completed. 


through  Kostin  Shar.  Knowing  how  often  the  at- 
tempts in  the  two  former  directions  had  failed,  he 
tried  a  search  in  the  third  direction,  and  then  found 
Barents'  mistake.  "We  may,  perhaps,  here  say  that,  in 
pointing  out  the  errors  of  Barents  which  misled  Hud- 
son, we  do  not  intend  to  blame  the  great  Dutch  navi- 
gator. The  mistakes  were  unavoidable,  as  must  be 
seen  by  any  one  who  has  read  the  narrative  of  his 
voyages  ;  and  it  is  not  certain  whether  the  chart 
which  we  have  been  commenting  upon  is  the  work 
of  Barents  or  that  of  De  Veer. 

Proceeding  farther  to  the  west,  on  Hondius'  chart 
we  fall  in  with  two  islands,  Matsfjn,  in  75°,  and 
Willouglibif  s  Land^  in  72°.  Neither  of  these  islands 
has  a  real  existence.  They  are,  as  it  were,  delu- 
sive duplicates  of  Matthew's  Land  and  Nova  Zem- 
bla  proper,  two  of  the  islands  of  the  Nova  Zembla 
group.  These  duplicates  owe  their  origin  to  a 
delusion,  which  the  impossibility  of  calculating  longi- 
tudes necessarily  engendered.  It  was,  in  fact,  un- 
avoidable, that  sometimes,  at  least,  the  same  coast 
should  appear  twice  in  the  same  map,  once  farther 
east,  once  farther  west,  though  in  the  same  latitude. 
For  how  could  it  be  proved  that  two  points,  both  under 
nearly  the  same  degree,  that  had  been  touched  by 
two  different  vessels,  really  belonged  to  the  same 
shore  \  Matsyn  Island  is  thus  nothing  more  than  a 
western  repetition,  a  DopjJclgangcr^  as  Germans  would 
say,  of  Matthew's  Land.  The  latitude  is  identical, 
so  is  also  the  name.  Matsyn  is  a  corruption  of  the 
Kussian  Malhiiyshiii  (Matthew's).    It  does  not  clearly 


appear  when  Matsyn  Island  was  first  introduced  into 
maps  and  charts. 

Willoiighhi/'s  Land  is  even  with  greater  certainty  to 
be  considered  a  kind  of  western  duplicate  of  Nova 
Zembla  Proper.  This  has  been  proved  over  and  over 
again  by  recent  writers,  the  most  satisfactorily  by 
Mr.  Rundall.^  On  the  chart  which  Hudson  used 
during  his  second  voyage,  Willoughby's  Land  seems 
to  have  been  laid  down  in  tlie  same  latitude  as  it  is 
here,  but  somewhat  nearer  to  the  coast  of  Nova  Zem- 
bla. Hudson  had  some  doubts  with  regard  to  the 
correctness  of  this  information,  but  he  was  certainly 
very  far  from  imagining  how  extraordinary  a  theory 
would  soon  spring  up,  to  be  made  use  of  in  a  note  to 
his  words  in  the  printed  copy  of  his  journal.  "  Wil- 
loughby's Land,"  says  Purchas  in  his  note,  "  a  con- 
ceit of  cardmakers,  it  seeming  to  be  no  other  than 
Newland."^  Purchas  is  as  much  mistaken  as  the 
cardmakers.  The  idea  that  the  country  discovered  by 
Willoughby  in  1553  is  Newland  (Spitzbergen),  did 
not,  however,  originate  with  Purchas.  Its  origin 
must  be  placed  between  the  years  1608  and  1613. 
At  the  time  of  Hudson's  second  voyage,  in  1608,  a 
notion  similar  to  the  one  expressed  on  Hondius' 
chart  still  prevailed  in  England.  In  1613  the  new 
notion  that  Willoughby  had  discovered  Spitzbergen 
had  already  become  the  foundation  of  the  claim  of 
the  Muscovy  Company  to  the  exclusive  right  of  fish- 

1  Introduction  to  his  Voyages  to  the  North -ivest,  edited  for  the 
Hakluyt  Society,  pp.  i-viii. 

-  P.  40,  and  marginal  note  to  the  same  page,  Newland  is  Spitz- 


ing  along  the  Spitzbergen  coast.  The  precise  date 
when  the  discovery  was  invented  seems  to  have  been 
the  year  1612,  and  its  inventor^  a  man  named  Daniel, 
perhaps  (?)  the  poet  and  historian,  Samuel  Daniel. 

To  the  west  of  the  Russian  coast  we  find  on  Hon- 
dius'  chart  the  northern  parts  of  Scandinavia.  No 
better  proof  of  the  progress  which  geography  had 
already  made  could  possibly  be  offered.  This  nearly 
correct  outline  is  a  combination  of  various  sources, 
maps  and  charts.     The  following  points  on  the  shore 

^  Willoughby's  pretended  discovery  was  got  up  to  furnish  a 
sufficient  ground  for  the  English  claim  to  the  exclusive  possession 
of  the  Spitzbergen  fisheries.  The  abundance  of  morses  and  whales 
near  Spitzbergen  bad  been  first  pointed  out  by  Hudson  in  1607. 
Three  years  afterwards,  in  1610,  Poole  went  there  to  fish  for 
morses.  In  the  following  year,  1611,  Edge  founded  the  whale 
fisheries.  In  1612  the  Dutch  made  their  appearance  at  these 
fisheries  to  have  their  share  in  them.  In  1613  the  English  Mus- 
covy Company  obtained  a  royal  charter  excluding  all  others,  natives 
and  foreigners,  from  the  Spitzbergen  fisheries,  on  the  ground  of 
Willoughby's  pretended  discovery.  There  is  every  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  the  discovery  had  been  invented  for  the  occasion.  The 
following  circumstance  points  to  Daniel  as  the  inventor.  In  the 
celebrated  Dutch  collection  of  voyages.  Begin  ende  Voorfgang  von 
de  Oost  Indische  Compagnie,  there  is  a  copy  of  a  map  of  Spitz- 
bergen by  Daniel,  published  in  London  in  1612.  Now  the  Dutch 
writers,  Hessel  Gerritz  and  Peter  Plancius,  replied  in  1613  to  some 
English  work  where  the  discovery  of  Spitzbergen  by  Willoughby 
Avas  maintained ;  and  it  is  therefore  but  natural  to  suppose,  that 
the  map  of  Spitzbergen  of  1612,  and  the  book  or  writing  replied 
to  by  the  Dutch,  had  both  the  same  author,  namely,  Daniel.  How- 
soever this  may  be,  it  is  certain  that  the  idea  originated  between 
Hudson's  second  voyage  (1608)  and  1613.  Samuel  Daniel  died 
in  1619.  He  is  not  known  to  have  written  about  Spitzbergen,  nor 
about  any  similar  subject. 


deserve  particular  notice  :  Wardhuys  (AVardhuus)  in 
Lapland  ;  the  North  Kien  and  North  Cape,  the  two 
most  northern  points ;  Sanien,  an  island  in  latitude 
69°,  which  is  here  placed  in  latitude  70'  (it  is  gene- 
rally called  Seynam  by  the  early  navigators) ;  Loifoct, 
one  of  the  group  of  islands  which  we  now  call  Lof- 
foden  Islands,  probably  from  a  generalization  of  the 
name,  which  at  first  belonged  only  to  one  of  them. 
All  these  places  are  mentioned  in  Hudson's  log- 

North  of  Scandinavia  we  find  Bear  Island,  and  to 
the  north  of  Bear  Island,  Nieuland  (Spitzbergen). 
Bear  Island,  or  t'Beeren  Island,  as  it  is  here  called, 
was  discovered  by  Barents  in  1590,  and  visited  by 
Stephen  Bennett  in  1603.  Bennett,  claiming  a  new 
discovery,  gave  it  a  new  name,  and  called  it  Cherie's 
Island,  after  his  patron,  Francis  Cherie.  Under  the 
latter  name  it  is  known  to  Hudson. 

The  relative  position  of  Bear  Island  and  Spitzbergen 
is  faulty.  Bear  Island  ought  to  have  been  farther  east. 
The  error  has  arisen  from  a  mistake  made  by  Barents 
and  Ryp  in  estimating  the  course  they  were  sailing. 
The  same  mistake  has  also  found  its  way  into  the  de- 
scription of  their  voyage,  and  has  induced  Dr.  Beke 
and  Mr.  Petermann  to  ascribe  to  them  the  circumna- 
vigation of  Spitzbergen. 

The  delineation  of  Spitzbergen  on  Hondius'  map  is, 
for  our  purpose,  the  most  important  part  of  it,  and  for  a 
double  reason.  A  number  of  passages  in  the  logbook 
of  Hudson's  first  voyage,  prove  that  he  made  use  of 
a  chart  of  Spitzbergen.    The  country  had,  up  to  1607, 



been  visited  only  once,  namely,  by  Barents  and  Ryp 
in  1596 ;  and  we  have  therefore  cause  to  think  that 
there  existed  but  one  chart  of  it,  and  that  Hudson's 
chart  must  have  been  like  the  one  M'hich  Hondius 
has  copied.  The  second  point  of  interest  is  still 
stronger.  Some  of  Hudson's  own  discoveries  have 
been  introduced  into  this  part  of  Hondius'  map  ; 
namely,  Colin's  Cape,  Hakluyt's  Headland,  part  of 
the  northern  shore  of  Spitzbergen,  and  the  great  ice 
barrier  between  Spitzbergen  and  Greenland.  There 
is  so  much  vagueness  and  error  in  the  way  in  which 
the  information  received  from  Hudson  has  been  em- 
bodied in  the  map,  that  the  communication  between 
him  and  Hondius  must  have  been  merely  oral.  The 
outline  itself  embraces  but  the  western  and  part 
of  the  northern  shore  of  Spitzbergen.  It  is  correct 
enough  in  its  general  features,  but  sadly  defective  in 
its  details.  Charles'  Island,  the  western  foreland, 
seems  to  form  part  of  the  mainland.  The  strait  be- 
tween the  two  lands  is  represented  as  a  bay.  These 
two  principal  mistakes  had  alone  a  considerable  influ- 
ence on  Hudson's  explorations.  It  would  be  an 
ungrateful  task  to  dwell  on  the  numerous  minor  defi- 

In  the  south-western  corner  of  Hondius'  chart  we 
find  Denmark^  Holland,  part  of  England  and  Scotland, 
the  Shetland  and  the  Faroer  Islands.  They  are  all 
drawn  with  approximative  accuracy.  The  ftiults 
which  do  exist  in  their  position  and  outlines  had  no 
influence  on  Hudson's  movements. 

We   now   arrive   at   the   north-western   border   of 


Hondius'  chart.  The  same  coasts  that  we  find  there 
are  also  drawn  on  the  chart  of  Henry  Hudson.  Hud- 
son's chart  is  only  by  a  few  months  later  than  the 
one  of  Hondius,  and  yet  the  improvements  are  very 
great.  They  are  mostly  due  to  Hudson's  last  voyage, 
during  which  the  chart  was  laid  down.  Nowhere, 
indeed,  were  improvements  more  urgently  needed. 
Hondius'  draught  of  these  north-western  parts  is 
combined  from  the  most  incongruous  materials.  It 
represents,  however,  the  geographical  dogma  of  the 
age,  and  agrees  with  the  notions  which  Hudson  him- 
self entertained  before  his  own  explorations  procured 
him  better  insight.  It  is  impossible  to  understand 
the  meaning  of  these  indications,  and  their  influence 
on  Henry  Hudson,  without  throwing  a  cursory  glance 
over  the  past  history  of  the  geography  of  those  regions. 
This  history  is  so  curious  that  it  deserves,  on  its  own 
account,  the  reader's  attention. 

We  have  before  observed  that  many  arctic  shores 
had  been  visited  by  the  ancient  Scandinavians,  and 
that  colonies  had  been  founded  in  Iceland  and  Green- 
land. The  Iceland  colony  still  exists.  The  Green- 
land settlements,  however,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
sreat  arctic  continent  have  not  been  visited  for  cen- 
turies,  and  the  last  descendants  of  the  ancient  colo- 
nists are  likely  to  have  perished  many  long  years  ago. 
Still  there  is  some  exaggeration  in  the  prevailing 
opinion,  that  no  communication  between  those  parts 
and  the  rest  of  Europe  has  taken  place  since  the  end 
of  the  fourteenth  century.  There  is  reason  to  think 
that  down  to  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century 


the  shore  of  East  Greenland  was  occasionally  visited 
by  the  Scandinavians.  The  testimony  which  tends 
to  prove  these  occasional  visits  has  the  appearance  of 
being  reliable.  That  intercourse  was  entirely  limited 
to  Scandinavians.  The  rest  of  Europe  was  little 
acquainted  with  the  existence  of  the  arctic  coun- 
tries, and  it  is  only  in  much  later  times  that 
accurate  accounts  of  the  early  northern  discoveries 
were  introduced  into  the  general  stock  of  European 
knowledge.  But  these  great  facts  could  not,  even 
during  the  middle  ages,  remain  entirely  hidden. 
Various  rumours  respecting  Greenland  reached  the 
south  of  Europe  before  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury. Their  influence  on  the  geographical  deline- 
ations of  the  arctic  regions  and  on  early  expedi- 
tions was  very  considerable.  By  far  the  most  im- 
portant geographical  communication  of  this  kind  is 
the  celebrated  chart  which  was  jiublished  with  the 
account  of  the  voyage  of  the  brothers  Zeni.  Every 
reader  of  geographical  researches  knows  that,  in 
1558,  a  small  volume  was  published  in  Venice,  con- 
taining a  most  romantic  narrative  of  the  voyage  of 
two  Venetian  brothers,  belonging  to  the  great  Zeni 
family.  They  are  reported  to  have  visited,  in  1887, 
several  arctic  countries,  among  which  Frisland^  En- 
groneland^  Iceland,  and  Estoiiland  are  the  most  notable. 
This  curious  book  was,  as  we  have  said,  accompanied 
by  a  chart,  on  which  the  above-mentioned  countries 
were  drawn.  The  original  of  that  chart  was  in  ex- 
istence at  a  recent  period,  and  it  is  certain  that  it 
was  an  old  portolano  belonging  to  the  Zeno  archives. 


On  its  origin,  as  well  as  that  of  the  book,  and  the 
authenticity  of  both,  various  conflicting  opinions 
have  been  advanced,  and  defended  with  very  consi- 
derable learning  and  ingenuity.  No  very  satisfactory 
result  has  as  yet  been  obtained.  For  our  purpose 
this  question  of  authenticity  is  entirely  unavailing. 
"What,  however,  deserves  our  most  serious  considera- 
tion is  this.  The  Zeni  chart,  whether  authentic  or 
not,  exhibits  a  far  better  outline  of  Greenland  and 
Iceland  than  any  other  known  map  published  or 
drawn  before  1558. 

The  Zeni  chart  was  of  Scandinavian  origin.  It 
has  never  been,  and,  indeed,  cannot  be,  considered 
as  a  mere  fiction.  Of  this  the  reader  of  the  present 
volume  has  the  proof  before  his  eyes.  Nearly  the  whole 
north-western  part  of  Hondius'  map  is  exacthj  copied 
from  the  chart  of  the  Zeni.  On  comparing,  especially 
the  outline  of  Greenland  with  a  modern  map  of  that 
country,  the  reader  will  be  struck  with  surprise  at 
the  accuracy  of  the  ancient  delineation.  If  the  Zeni 
chart  be  really  a  work  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
the  delineation  of  Greenland  upon  it  can,  without 
hesitation,  be  pronounced  the  best  geographical 
drawing  that  was  then  in  existence.  AVhen  examin- 
ing this  remarkable  production,  we  are  strongly  re- 
minded of  the  narratives  of  modern  explorers,  in 
which  the  wonderful  capacity  of  the  Esquimaux  for 
tracing  the  courses  of  rivers  and  the  lines  of  a  coast 
is  extolled.  To  this  source  we  probably  owe,  of 
course  indirectly,  the  outline  of  Greenland  on  the 
Zeno  chart.     This  outline  has  been  found  sufficientlv 


accurate  to  serve  as  a  basis  for  later  improvements, 
and  on  it  all  modern  maps  of  the  country  are  founded. 
Some  parts  of  the  east  coast  are  even  now  drawn  on 
all  maps  from  the  medigeval  survey,  having  never 
since  been  approached.  But  the  old  Zeni  chart  seems 
to  have  been  a  compilation  made  up  from  materials 
of  very  unequal  value.  The  outline  of  Iceland  is  in- 
ferior to  that  of  Greenland.  Frisland  is  so  strangely 
drawn,  that  only  the  name  of  the  country  and  of 
some  places  upon  it,  and  the  fact  that  no  other 
country  can  be  meant,  have  led  geographers  to  iden- 
tify it  with  the  Faroer  Islands.  The  relative  posi- 
tion of  these  countries,  and  their  position  also  with 
relation  to  Scandinavia,  Britain,  and  Iceland,  is  ex- 
tremely defective.  When  the  Zeni  chart  was  pub- 
lished, degrees  of  longitude  and  latitude  were  to  be 
found  upon  it.  They  had  not  been  on  the  original, 
and  had,  according  to  the  opinion  of  a  most  compe- 
tent judge,  Mr.  Lelewel,  been  but  recently  introduced. 
These  degrees  added  very  considerably  to  the  errors  of 
the  chart.  The  influence  of  the  new  source  of  mistake 
was,  however,  less  strong  in  some  parts,  stronger  iu 
others.  Iceland  is  but  one  degree  too  far  north. 
Frisland,  however,  is  entirely  out  of  its  place.  The 
southern  point  of  Greenland  is  in  latitude  65°,  instead  of 
latitude  60°.  This  last  mistake  has  had  such  singular 
consequences  that  too  much  attention  cannot  be  paid 
to  it. 

The  chart  of  the  Zeni,  such  as  it  was,  was  received 
as  perfectly  authentic  by  all  contemporary  geogra- 
phers.    Ortelius  and  Mercator  made  use  of  it.     It  is 


also  expressly  stated  that  Frobisher  took  it  with  him 
on  his  north-western  voyages.  He  was,  by  means  of 
this  chart,  led  into  great  mistakes.  He  fell  in  with 
Greenland,  the  4th  of  July,  1577,  and  the  20th  of 
June,  1578,  both  times  under  about  61°.  Having  but 
the  Zeni  chart  to  guide  him,  he  could  not  suppose 
that  the  country  was  Greenland.  He  mistook  it  for 
Frisland,  and  put  down,  in  1577,  after  four  days 
exploration,  that  the  coast  and  the  chart  agreed  very 
well.  This  he  further  confirmed  the  next  year,  and 
Frisland  had  in  this  manner  acquired  a  legitimate 

Davis  also  fell  in  with  Greenland  in  61°.  He  at 
once  recognized  that  this  was  not  Frisland.  But 
having  no  reason  to  think  that  this  country,  which 
was  several  degrees  farther  south  than  the  Engrone- 
land  of  the  Zeni  chart,  was  really  identical  with  it, 
he  considered  it  as  his  own  new  discovery,  and  called 
it  Desolation.  We  have  seen,  in  the  narrative  of  his 
voyage,  that  his  course  along  the  Greenland  shore 
was  always  nearly  the  same.  He  first  approached 
the  coast  near  the  southern  promontory,  then  left  it, 
and  again  approached  it  under  64°.  He  seems  never 
to  have  been  conscious  of  the  continuity  of  coast 
between  the  62nd  and  64th  degree.  He  therefore 
considered  Desolation  as  an  Island  south  of  Grone- 

Another  source  of  mistakes,  furnished  by  the 
vagueness  of  Frobisher's  accounts,  enabled  Davis  to 
give  the  finishing  stroke  to  this  singular  web  of 
errors.     The  finished  picture  has  been  copied  into 


accurate  to  serve  as  a  basis  for  later  improvements, 
and  on  it  all  modern  maps  of  the  country  are  founded. 
Some  parts  of  the  east  coast  are  even  now  drawn  on 
all  maps  from  the  mediseval  survey,  having  never 
since  been  approached.  But  the  old  Zeni  chart  seems 
to  have  been  a  compilation  made  up  from  materials 
of  very  unequal  value.  The  outline  of  Iceland  is  in- 
ferior to  that  of  Greenland.  Frisland  is  so  strangely 
drawn,  that  only  the  name  of  the  country  and  of 
some  places  upon  it,  and  the  fact  that  no  other 
country  can  be  meant,  have  led  geographers  to  iden- 
tify it  with  the  Faroer  Islands.  The  relative  posi- 
tion of  these  countries,  and  their  position  also  with 
relation  to  Scandinavia,  Britain,  and  Iceland,  is  ex- 
tremely defective.  When  the  Zeni  chart  was  pub- 
lished, degrees  of  longitude  and  latitude  were  to  be 
found  upon  it.  They  had  not  been  on  the  original, 
and  had,  according  to  the  opinion  of  a  most  compe- 
tent judge,  Mr.  Lelewel,  been  but  recently  introduced. 
These  degrees  added  very  considerably  to  the  errors  of 
the  chart.  The  influence  of  the  new  source  of  mistake 
was,  however,  less  strong  in  some  parts,  stronger  iu 
others.  Iceland  is  but  one  degree  too  far  north. 
Frisland,  however,  is  entirely  out  of  its  place.  The 
southern  'point  of  Greenland  is  in  latitude  65°,  instead  of 
latitude  60°.  This  last  mistake  has  had  such  singular 
consequences  that  too  much  attention  cannot  be  paid 
to  it. 

The  chart  of  the  Zeni,  such  as  it  was,  was  received 
as  perfectly  authentic  by  all  contemporary  geogra- 
phers.    Ortelius  and  Mercator  made  use  of  it.     It  is 


also  expressly  stated  that  Frobisher  took  it  with  him 
on  his  north-western  voyages.  He  was,  by  means  of 
this  chart,  led  into  great  mistakes.  He  fell  in  with 
Greenland,  the  4th  of  July,  1577,  and  the  20th  of 
June,  1578,  both  times  under  about  61°.  Having  but 
the  Zeni  chart  to  guide  him,  he  could  not  suppose 
that  the  country  was  Greenland.  He  mistook  it  for 
Frisland^  and  put  down,  in  1577,  after  four  days 
exploration,  that  the  coast  and  the  chart  agreed  very 
well.  This  he  further  confirmed  the  next  year,  and 
Frisland  had  in  this  manner  acquired  a  legitimate 

Davis  also  fell  in  with  Greenland  in  61°.  He  at 
once  recognized  that  this  was  not  Frisland.  But 
having  no  reason  to  think  that  this  country,  which 
was  several  degrees  farther  south  than  the  Engrone- 
land  of  the  Zeni  chart,  was  really  identical  with  it, 
he  considered  it  as  his  own  new  discovery,  and  called 
it  Desolation.  We  have  seen,  in  the  narrative  of  his 
voyage,  that  his  course  along  the  Greenland  shore 
was  always  nearly  the  same.  He  first  approached 
the  coast  near  the  southern  promontory,  then  left  it, 
and  again  approached  it  under  64°.  He  seems  never 
to  have  been  conscious  of  the  continuity  of  coast 
between  the  62nd  and  64th  degree.  He  therefore 
considered  Desolation  as  an  Island  south  of  Grone- 

Another  source  of  mistakes,  furnished  by  the 
vagueness  of  Frobisher's  accounts,  enabled  Davis  to 
give  the  finishing  stroke  to  this  singular  web  of 
errors.     The  finished  picture  has  been  copied  into 


Hondius'  chart  from  the  great  Molyneux  globe,  where 
it  was  first  drawn  by  Davis.  On  both  delineations 
we  find,  to  the  south  of  Groneland,  a  strait,  and  to  the 
south  of  that  strait  the  Island  of  Desolation.  The 
strait  is  called  Frobisher's  Fret,  and  on  both  sides  of 
it  are  marked  the  places  which  Frobisher  had  ex- 
plored. So  Frobisher's  Strait  had  been  carried  to 
Greenland,  and  was  now  leading  from  the  Atlantic 
into  Davis'  Strait.^  This  egregious  mistake  had  been 
committed  by  one  of  the  greatest  arctic  explorers. 
Can  it  be  wondered  at  that  Hudson,  when  sailing 
along  the  east  coast  of  Greenland  in  63°  N.,  believed 
himself  to  be  athwart  Frobisher's  Strait  X 

This,  then,  is  the  shape  in  which  Greenland  ap- 
peared. Between  60°  and  62°  the  Island  of  Desola- 
tion ;  between  62°  and  63°  Frobisher's  Strait,  leading 
from  the  Atlantic  to  Davis'  Strait ;  from  63°  to  75°, 
the  Engroneland  of  the  Zeni.  Close  to  Engroneland, 
Iceland.  West  of  Desolation,  Frisland.  We  have 
here  again  the  same  country  (South  Greenland)  laid 
down  twice,  from  modern  exploration  alone ;  as 
Frisland  from  Frobisher's,  as  Desolation  from  Davis' 
survey.  South  Greenland,  moreover,  appears  a  third 
time  as  the  south  of  Engroneland,  from  the  misunder- 
stood medieeval  survey  of  the  Scandinavians. 

We  must  now  again  refer  to  the  Zeni  chart. 
Hondius   has  not  copied  the  whole   of  it.      In   the 

^  There  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  real  locality  of  Frobisher's 
Strait,  which  is  where  modern  majis  place  it.  Every  doubt  must 
be  removed  by  a  comparison  of  Best's  delineation  of  the  strait  with 
Ortclius'  map  of  America. 


original  delineation, the  coast  of  Engroneland  stretches 
far  eastward,  to  those  regions  where  Hudson's  ice  bar- 
rier and  where  the  Spitzbergen  islands  are  situated. 
The  discoverers  of  Spitzbergen  w^ere  thus  induced  to 
think  that  theirs  was  no  new  discovery  ;  but  that  they 
had  simply  touched  a  part  of  the  Greenland  or  Engrone- 
land which  they  found  indicated  on  their  charts.  Ac- 
cordingly, they  called  these  coasts  Greenland.  Hudson, 
who  made  use  of  a  Dutch  chart  of  Spitzbergen,  pre- 
served the  appellations,  which  soon  became  general ; 
though  two  other  names  were  also  received,  vSpitz- 
bergen  and  Newland,  or  King  James  his  Newland. 
The  two  former  names,  Greenland  and  Spitzbergen, 
are  still  applied  to  the  group.  As  to  the  real,  or 
western  Greenland,  Hudson  designates  it  by  a  name 
nearly  identical  with  the  Engroneland  of  the  Zeni 
map.  He  calls  it  Groneland.  We  cannot  understand 
his  logbooks  without  bearing  in  mind  that  this  Grone- 
land is  Greenland ;  whilst  his  Greenland  is  Spitz- 

To  the  south-east  of  Frisland,  we  meet  on  Hudson's 
chart  Bus  Island^  the  offspring  of  an  illusion  different 
from  those  which  have  occupied  us  so  long.  The 
Busse  of  Bridgewater,  one  of  Frobisher's  ships,  had 
met  in  latitude  57°  one  of  the  immense  icefields  which 
annually  drift  out  of  Davis'  Strait.  Mistaking  it  for 
an  island,  they  had  given  it  the  name  of  Busse 
island.  For  this  country  both  Hudson  and  John 
Knight  sought  in  vain. 

When  we  round  the  southern  point  of  Greenland 
and  arrive  on  the  western  side,  we  pass  from  illusions, 


conjectures,  and  misunderstandings,  to  good,  though 
perhaps  not  yet  entirely  accurate,  knowledge.  The 
southern  part  of  Greenland,  up  to  61°;  and,  again, 
the  west  coast  between  64°  and  73°,  had  been  explored 
by  Davis,  and  drawn  by  him  for  the  Molyneux  globe. 
From  this  globe,  or  from  other  copies  of  Davis'  survey, 
the  outline  of  these  shores  had  passed  into  all  good 
maps  and  charts.  These  shores  appeared  to  Hudson  in 
the  almost  correct  shape  which  Davis  had  given  them. 
The  same  maybe  said  with  regard  to  the  American  side 
of  Davis'  Strait,  from  66°  southwards.  The  mouths 
of  the  inlets,  and  the  configuration  of  Cumberland 
Strait,  especially,  are  drawn  with  great  accuracy 
on  the  Molyneux  globe.  Hudson's  Strait,  which 
Hudson  had  then  not  yet  explored,  is  by  Davis  called 
The  furious  overfall ;  an  allusion  to  the  currents  in  its 
mouth,  which  he  likens  to  streams  of  water,  violently 
rushing  through  the  arches  of  a  bridge.  Frobisher's 
Strait  is  called  Lumley's  Inlet;  for  Davis  thought 
that  the  real  Strait  of  Martin  Frobisher  cut  off 
Desolation  from  Greenland.  Both  these  names,  The 
furious  overfall,  and  Lumley's  Inlet,  are  to  be  found  in 
Hudson's  logbooks. 

We  would  now  gladly  pass  over  all  the  other 
maps  and  charts  of  these  regions  which  were  at 
Hudson's  disposal.  But  we  must  allude  to  two  of 
them,  which  undoubtedly  exercised  some  influence 
on  his  thoughts,  namely,  Cabot's  planisphere  and 
Ortelius'  America.  Of  neither  of  these  could  we  give 
a  full  idea  by  mere  description.  But  the  leading 
features  can  easily  be  described.     Two  points  are  to 


be  noticed  in  Ortelius'  map  of  America.  The  first  is 
the  great  fact  which  we  have  repeatedly  mentioned 
— the  fact  that  Hudson  s  Bay  is  dratvn  upon  that 
map, — very  imperfectly,  it  is  true,  but  still  clearly 
enough  to  convince  contemporaries  of  its  existence 
and  later  times  of  its  anterior  exploration.  It  is 
called  by  Ortelius  Baia  dos  Medaos.  Out  of  it  leads, 
to  the  northward,  into  a  broad  western  passage,  a 
wide  strait  or  stream,  called  Rio  de  Tormenta.  The 
passage  itself  runs  out  into  the  Pacific,  very  nearly 
under  the  same  degree  where  the  western  mouth  of 
the  real  north-west  passage  is  situated.  This,  how- 
ever, has  its  origin  in  a  singularly  happy  guess.  No 
vessel  had  ever  approached  so  high  a  latitude.  AVe 
may,  perhaps,  also  mention  that  Grocland,  the 
Greenland  of  John  of  Kolno,  is,  by  Ortelius,  drawn 
as  an  island  in  the  north-west  passage. 

As  to  Cabot's  planisphere,  two  facts  only  need  be 
mentioned.  Part  of  the  western  shore  of  Davis' 
Strait  was  drawn  upon  it,  even  up  to  a  higher  lati- 
tude than  Davis  himself  had  reached  on  the  Ameri- 
can side  of  his  strait.  Further,  it  appears  that  in  the 
adulterated  copy  of  Cabot's  map,  which  Clement 
Adams  had  caused  to  be  engraved,  Hudson's  Strait 
was  indicated  as  a  passage  across  America,  opening 
into  the  Pacific  under  about  40°  or  45°.  One  of  these 
adulterated  maps  was,  in  Hudson's  time,  hung  up 
in  Whitehall  Gallery.  It  had  been  seen  there  in 
Elizabeth's  reign  by  Hakluyt,  and  was  afterwards 
inspected  by  Purchas.  Attention  had  so  frequently 
been  drawn  to  this  celebrated  planisphere,  by  Gil- 


bert,  Haklayt,  and  others,  that  a  man  like  Hudson 
would  not  lose  the  opportunity  of  examining  it. 

The  coasts  oT  Lahrador,  Neivfoundland^  Canada^ 
Nova  Scotia,  and  Netv  Brunswick  were,  on  the  maps 
and  charts  of  this  period,  laid  down  from  Portuguese 
and  French  surveys.  The  importance  of  these  shores 
consisted  alone  in  the  codfisheries.  Great  attention 
was  therefore  paid  to  the  sandbanks  and  shoals, 
many  of  which  had  French  names.  The  term  of  Neiu- 
foundland  (Terre  Neuve,  Terra  Nova)  was  somewhat 
vaguely  applied  to  most  of  these  fisheries.  Juet, 
Hudson's  companion  in  the  third  voyage,  applies  it 
to  a  part  of  coast  as  far  south  as  43°  20'. 

The  New  England  shore  was  drawn  by  Ortelius 
from  a  very  imperfect  Spanish  delineation,  into  which 
some  French  materials  had  been  introduced,  alto- 
gether a  most  unsatisfactory  combination.  Hudson 
does  not  seem  to  have  had  a  better  chart  at  his  dis- 
posal, although  Juet,  his  companion,  makes  mention 
of  Gosnold's  voyage  (1602),  The  very  terms  in  which 
he  speaks  of  it  prove  how  vague  was  his  knowledge. 
Finally,  as  regards  the  shores  in  the  immediate  neigh- 
bourhood of  Hudson's  river,  we  have  repeatedly 
stated  that  they  had  been  drawn  by  Estevan  Gomez, 
copied  by  Ribero,  and,  from  Ribero,  with  additions 
by  other  geographers.  From  such  a  copy,  probably 
from  a  French  compilation,  Ortelius'  outline  of  the 
region  is  taken.  This  process  of  copying  from  copies, 
which  is  known  to  be  dangerous  to  pictures,  could 
not  fail  to  exercise  a  bad  infiuence  on  geographical 
drawings  ;  especially  at  that   period,  where  all   the 


methods  of  mapmaking  were  yet  in  their  infancy. 
Such  is,  in  fact,  the  case  here.  The  neighbourhood 
of  Hudson's  river  on  Ortelius'  map  is  in  outline,  lati- 
tude and  longitude  so  incorrect,  that  it  requires  the 
comparison  with  the  sources  and  a  knowledge  of  its 
history  to  convince  us  that  it  is  based  on  a  careful 
survey.  It  could  offer  no  assistance  to  the  navigator 
who  proceeded  to  these  coasts,  and  the  whole  labour 
of  exploration  had  again  to  be  undergone. 

Hudson  seems  to  have  had  at  his  disposal  another 
chart  of  the  same  region,  which  is  not  by  any  means 
of  greater  accuracy,  though  also,  and  more  directly, 
based  on  an  original  survey.  In  Hakluyt's  Divers 
Voyages,  is  to  be  found  a  planisphere,  drawn  by 
Michael  Lok,  the  well  known  geographer,  who  aided 
Frobisher  with  money  and  advice.  This  planisphere 
is  partly  based  on  the  explorations  of  Verazzano, 
whose  original  chart  of  these  coasts  had  fallen  into 
Lok's  hands.  Verazzano  had  been  in  England  after 
his  great  voyage  of  discovery ;  and  is  supposed  to 
have  joined  the  two  vessels  sent  out  from  here  in 
1527,  as  we  have  had  occasion  to  observe.  A  copy 
of  Lok's  planisphere  is  to  be  found  in  Mr.  J.  Winter 
Jones'  edition  of  Hakluyt's  Divers  Voyages. 

Lok's  chart  has  one  very  remarkable  feature.  The 
continent  of  America  appears,  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Hudson's  river,  as  a  mere  strip  of  land,  on  the  other 
side  of  which  the  broad  Pacific  opens.  Had  Lok 
heard  of  the  great  Canadian  lakes,  or  had  such 
information  even  reached  Verazzano  \  This  singular 
notion,  wliatever  its  origin  may  have  been,  seems  to 


have  led  to  Hudson's  voyage  along  these  shores,  and 
to  the  discovery  of  Hudson's  river. 

We  have  now  concluded  the  geographical  review 
of  the  coasts  which  Hudson  visited,  and  have  shown 
how  they  appeared  to  him  and  to  his  contemporaries, 
before  his  own  explorations  increased  the  stock  of 
knowledge,  and  rectified  some  of  the  numerous  errors. 
We  have  only  two  more  observations  to  add  to  this 
part  of  our  subject. 

The  continuity  of  the  American  coast  from  35°  N. 
down  to  the  strait  of  Magellan,  was  an  undoubted 
and  long  established  fact.  The  search  for  a  strait 
must,  therefore,  be  confined  to  the  parts  north  of  35° 
on  the  eastern  side.  On  the  western  side  an  accurate 
search  had  been  made  by  the  Spaniards,  up  to  45° 
N.,  and  no  strait  from  west  to  east  had  been  dis- 
covered. A  vague  rumour  was  current,  that  some- 
where in  the  north  the  A  merican  and  the  Asiatic  shore 
are  separated  merely  by  a  strait.  This  notion,  which 
later  explorations  have  confirmed,  had  its  origin  in  a 
misinterpretation  of  a  passage  of  Marco  Polo.  The 
celebrated  Strait  of  Anian,  which  has  been  identified 
with  the  real  strait  of  Cook  and  Behring,  was  originally 
a  mere  delusion.  It  was  placed  much  too  far  south- 
ward ;  and  the  Spanish  explorations  along  the 
western  coast  of  North  America,  caused  Hondius  to 
doubt  whether  there  really  was  a  Strait  of  Anian. 
Some  geographers,  however,  (Frobisher  among  them), 
entertained  the  very  curious  notion  that  the  arctic 
parts  of  America  formed  a  continuation  of  Asia,  so 
that  the  Pacific  ran   out  into  a  bay  on  its  nortliern 


side.  Frobisher  and  his  companions  thought,  that 
Frobisher's  Strait,  which  they  identified  with  the 
Strait  of  Anian,  divided  America  from  Europe. 

In  the  foregoing  pages  of  this  introduction,  such 
explanations  have  been  furnished  to  the  reader  as 
will  enable  him  to  estimate  the  value  of  the  journals 
in  which  Hudson's  doings  are  recorded.  An  attempt 
has  also  been  made  to  explain  the  antiquated 
geographical  terms  and  notions  which  are  to  be  found 
in  these  journals,  so  as  to  render  them  fully  in- 
telligible to  the  student  of  the  present  day.  We 
might  then  consider  our  task  as  performed.  But 
the  fragmentary  nature  of  the  intelligence  which  we 
have  collected,  makes  it  binding  upon  us  to  assist 
the  reader  in  arranging  these  fragments,  and  to  clear 
away  for  him  the  difficulties  which  may  arise  from 
their  mutual  contradictions.  We  have,  besides, 
some  minor  points  to  examine,  and  to  gather  those 
few  biographical  details  which  are  scattered  here  and 
there  in  our  sources.  These  are  the  objects  to  which 
the  last  pages  of  our  introduction  will  be  devoted. 
To  give  some  kind  of  unity  to  these  various  inquiries, 
we  are  going  to  connect  them  as  much  as  possible 
with  Hudson's  life.  Still  we  would  request  the 
reader  not  to  mistake  these  last  pages  for  an  intended 
biography  of  Henry  Hudson. 

The  records  which  we  have  collected  embrace 
Hudson's  career,  from  the  19th  of  April,  1607,  four 
days  previous  to  his  departure  on  the  first  north- 
eastern voyage,  to  the  21st  of  June,  1611,  when  he 
was  exposed  in  an  open  skiff  on  the  inland  sea  which 


he  had  explored.  His  ultimate  fate,  concerning 
which  but  too  little  doubt  can  exist,  has  not  been 
witnessed  by  human  beings  that  lived  to  relate  it. 
We  know  still  less  of  his  birth  than  of  his  death. 
His  doings  before  the  19th  of  April,  1607,  his  family 
connections,  his  social  position,  are  equally  unknown 
to  us.  Of  his  private  life  we  learn  but  one  fact, 
namely,  that  a  son  of  his,  a  boy  named  John,  accom- 
panied him  on  his  voyages  and  died  with  him  the 
same  cruel  death.  The  name  which  he  has  made 
illustrious  is  not  uncommon  either  among  the  higher 
or  the  lower  classes  of  this  country.  Though  not  borne 
by  any  one  of  the  great  territorial  families,  it  belongs 
to  a  number  of  persons  of  good  estate,  especially  in 
the  northern  counties.  There  are  clergymen  of  the 
name  of  Hudson  in  almost  every  county  in  England. 
We  have  no  means  of  knowing  whether  Henry  Hud- 
son himself  was  a  gentleman  by  nature  only,  or  also 
by  birth.  He  is  repeatedly  called  "  JNIaster  Henry 
Hudson"  in  the  logbooks  ;  this  would  mean  as  much 
as  "  Henry  Hudson,  Esquire,"  does  in  our  days,  were 
it  used  of  any  one  but  a  seaman.  But  in  Hudson's 
case  it  may,  and  probably  does,  mean  "Captain  Henry 
Hudson."  The  whole  question  is,  however,  so  trivial, 
that  it  is  scarcely  worth  the  space  we  have  devoted 
to  it,  and  it  need  not  even  be  regretted  that  our  sources 
leave  it  without  an  answer. 

When  we  say  that  no  event  of  Hudson's  career, 
before  the  year  1607,  is  known,  we  put  entirely 
aside  the  testimony  of  Adrian  van  der  Donck.  This 
author  relates  some  events  of  our   navigator's  life, 


Avhich,  if  they  were  true,  must  have  taken  place 
before  1607 ;  namely,  a  prolonged  residence  in  Hol- 
land, and  several  years  service  on  board  Dutch  vessels. 
But  we  have  above  shown  that  Van  der  Donck's 
account  contains  a  whole  tissue  of  idle  inventions, 
put  forward  to  prove  the  Dutch  title  to  New  Nether- 
land,  and  that  the  notice  here  alluded  to  is  probably 
among  the  number  of  these  inventions. 

Hudson's  first  real  appearance  on  the  scene  is  in 
1607.  The  position  in  which  we  first  meet  him  was  a 
most  honourable  one.  He  was,  in  1607,  a  captain  in 
the  service  of  the  Muscovy  Company,  an  association 
distinguished  by  the  high  aims  it  pursued,  the 
services  it  had  rendered  to  the  country,  and  the 
eminence  of  the  men  who  commanded  its  vessels. 
This  company  still  bore  the  stamp  impressed  upon  it 
by  Sebastian  Cabot.  The  evils  against  which  the  aid 
of  Cabot's  genius  had  once  been  invoked,  had  indeed 
long  since  been  removed.  There  was  now  no  fear  of 
the  privileges  of  the  Hanse,  nor  any  languor  in 
English  commerce.  The  vast  enterprise  of  the 
Muscovy  Company  itself,  and  other  similar  under- 
takings for  w^hich  that  company  had  served  as  the 
model,  were  carrying  England  rapidly  forward  in  that 
glorious  career,  in  which  she  was  destined  to  outstrip 
all  other  nations.  The  company  had  wisely  adhered 
to  Cabot's  precepts.  All  their  enterprise  was  still 
directed  towards  that  quarter  of  the  globe  with  which 
the  name  of  Cabot  is  so  intimately  bound  up,  namely, 
the  north.  They  had  not  even  renounced  the  idea 
of  finding  a  short  northern  route  to  China,  although 


the  ample  returns  of  the  East  India  Company  which 
traded  by  the  ordinary  route,  rendered  that  discovery 
less  urgently  desirable  than  it  had  been  in  Cabot's 

The  Muscovy  Company  had  also  remained  faithful 
to  the  new  method  which  Sebastian  Cabot  had,  for 
their  benefit,  introduced  into  the  science  of  naviga- 
tion. The  logbook^  the  most  admirable  of  all  the 
inventions  for  the  furtherance  of  that  science,  owed 
its  origin  and  development  to  the  Muscovy  Com- 
pany. How  greatly  navigation  and  geography  are  in- 
debted to  them  for  this  service,  appears  clearly  when 
we  compare  Verazzano's  account  of  his  voyage  to 
Hudson's  river,  with  Juet's  journal  of  Hudson's 
expedition  to  the  same  coasts.  We  observe  Yerazzano, 
a  man  of  great  talent,  making  painful  efforts  to 
convey  a  clear  meaning,  and  succeeding  but  in- 
differently ;  whilst  Juet,  a  man  of  ordinary  abilities, 
furnishes  us  with  an  account  in  which  every  step  can 
be  clearly  traced.  Nor  is  Verazzano's  failure,  or 
Juet's  success,  at  all  isolated.  Verazzano's  narrative 
is  very  nearly  the  best  maritime  record  of  its  period ; 
whilst  Juet's  journal  is  in  every  respect  surpassed  by 
many  anterior  logbooks.  The  difference  between 
Juet  and  Verazzano,  as  far  as  it  is  to  the  disadvantage 
of  the  latter,  consists  not  in  their  respective  talent, 
but  in  the  methods  they  made  use  of.  Juet's  journal 
is  modelled  on  the  logbooks  of  his  predecessors,  such 
as  Barents,  Davis,  and  others  ;  and  these  men  are 
followers  of  Willoughby,  Chancellor,  Burrough,  Pet, 
and  Jackman,   and  other  captains   of  the    Muscovy 


Company.  The  captains  of  the  company  again  were 
but  carrying  out  one  of  the  commands  contained  in 
the  instructions  given  to  Willoughby  and  Chancel- 
lor by  Sebastian  Cabot,^  the  real  originator  of  the 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  features  in  these  log- 
books of  the  Muscovy  Company  was  the  attention 
paid  to  magnetic  variations.  This  kind  of  research 
was  first  of  all  systematically  pursued  by  the  Mus- 
covy Company,  and  doubtless  at  Cabot's  instigation, 
although  no  positive  proof  of  this  fact  has  been  pre- 

We  have  made  the  preceding  statements  in  order 
to  place  Hudson's  journals  in  their  true  light.  These 
journals  are  very  remarkable.  Yet  it  would  be  unfair 
to  exaggerate,  at  the  expense  of  others,  Hudson's 
merit  in  writing  them.  Were  we  to  look  at  Hud- 
son's journals  separately,  and  not  in  connexion 
with  other  logbooks  of  the  same  period  and  of  the 
same    company,    we    might    consider    them    as    still 

^  "  Item,  that  the  marchants  and  other  skilful  persons  in  writing 
shall  daily  write,  describe,  and  put  in  memoire  the  navigation  of 
every  day  and  night,  with  the  points  and  observations  of  the  lands, 
tides,  elements,  altitude  of  the  sunne,  course  of  the  moon  and 
starres,  and  the  same  so  noted  by  the  order  of  the  master  and 
pilot  of  every  ship  to  be  put  in  writing,  the  captains  generall 
assembling  the  masters  together  once  every  week  (if  winde  and 
weather  shall  serve)  to  conferre  all  the  observations  and  notes  of 
the  said  ships,  to  the  intent  it  may  appear  wherein  the  notes  do 
agree,  and  wherein  they  dissent,  and  upon  good  debatement,  deli- 
beration, and  conclusion,  determined  to  put  the  same  into  a  common 
ledger,  to  remain  as  record  for  the  company." — CahoC s  Instruc- 
tions, §  7.     Hakluyt  i,  p.  226. 


greater  achievements  than  they  really  are.  They 
contain,  in  fact,  no  original  feature.  It  is  only  by 
mistake  that  the  first  observations  of  the  dip  and 
variation  of  the  needle,  at  least  among  arctic  navi- 
gators, have  been  attributed  to  Hudson.  Such  obser- 
vations are  to  be  found  in  Cabot's  chart,  in  the  log- 
books of  the  men  who  followed  his  instructions,  and 
also  in  the  papers  of  those  who  imitated  his  follow- 
ers. The  system  of  Hudson's  logbooks  seems  to  have 
been  adopted  in  obedience  to  a  standing  order  of  the 
Muscovy  Company.  It  is  not,  however,  our  inten- 
tion to  depreciate  these  writings  of  our  navigator. 
They  possess  every  merit  except  that  of  originality, 
and  are  perfect  models  of  their  kind. 

Another  peculiar  feature  of  the  logbooks  of  the 
Muscovy  Company  was  the  great  number  of  observa- 
tions of  the  heavenly  bodies  made  by  their  captains. 
In  this  respect  Hudson  offers  a  very  bright  example, 
and  we  might  therefore  expect  a  very  great  accu- 
racy in  his  latitudes.  But  such  accuracy  is  not  to 
be  found.  This  is  owing,  not  to  any  want  of  care 
on  his  part,  but  to  the  imperfection  of  the  instru- 
ments he  made  use  of.  It  would  be  easy  to  describe 
these  instruments  in  detail.  There  was  published  in 
London,  in  the  very  year  when  Hudson  first  started, 
a  mariner's  manual,  by  the  celebrated  John  Davis. 
In  that  extremely  remarkable  volume  we  find,  not 
only  descriptions  of  all  the  mariners'  instruments 
and  explicit  directions  for  their  use,  but  also  wood- 
cut figures  illustrating  tliem,  such  as  have  been 
introduced    into    popular    manuals    of    the    present 


day.  The  reason  why  we  have  refrained  from  giving 
extracts  from  that  volume  is  obvious.  Our  intro- 
duction already  exceeds  the  usual  limits,  and  that 
subject  does  not  strictly  belong  to  it.  We  must 
therefore  refer  the  reader  to  Davis'  work,  a  copy  of 
which  is  in  the  British  Museum  Library. 

As  to  the  accuracy  or  want  of  accuracy  in  Hud- 
son's observations,  it  is  in  most  cases  impossible  to 
test  it.  Most  of  the  shores  which  he  visited,  such,  for 
instance,  as  Nova  Zembla,  Spitzbergen,  Jan  Mayen, 
Greenland,  Hudson's  Strait  and  Bay,  are  even  now 
very  imperfectly  known.  Even  now  errors  of  several 
minutes  with  respect  to  almost  every  part  of  these 
shores  may,  with  too  good  reason,  be  suspected  in 
the  charts.  We  therefore  lack  the  most  important 
of  all  the  means  of  testing  the  accuracy  of  anterior 
statements.  A  still  greater  difficulty  is  that  nearly 
all  the  points  mentioned  by  Hudson  are  for  us  little 
better  than  mere  names.  The  Islands  of  God's  Mercij^ 
Hold  with  Hope^  Hakluyfs  Headland^  and  other  names 
given  by  Hudson,  are  still  to  be  found  on  the  maps 
and  charts ;  but  whether  the  places  so  named  by 
him  and  those  now  called  so  are  really  identical, 
cannot  be  established  by  any  satisfactory  evidence. 

It  is,  moreover,  certain,  that  some  of  Hudson's  lati- 
tudes which  we  can  check  are  wrong.  Such  is  the 
case  with  regard  to  the  most  northern  and  most 
southern  part  of  Spitzbergen,  with  regard  to  Cape 
Farewell  and  Cape  Wolstenholme.  The  errors  which 
must  have  been  made  in  these  instances  amount  to  at 
least  seven  or  eight  minutes  in  each  case.    These  posi- 


tive  proofs  of  incorrectness  must  render  us  suspicious 
even  where  such  positive  proofs  are  wanting.  When 
we  add  to  this  the  entire  absence  of  longitudes  in 
Hudson's  journals,  the  deceptive  influence  exercised 
on  the  dead  reckoning  by  the  varying  currents  of 
the  arctic  regions,  and  the  want  of  good  modern 
charts,  it  becomes  obvious  that  it  would  be  a  mere 
delusion  were  we  to  trace  Hudson's  course  with  pre- 
ciseness,  and  to  point  out  as  certain  the  latitude  and 
longitude  of  every  locality  mentioned  by  him. 

We  have,  on  this  account,  been  extremely  sparing 
with  geographical  notes  to  the  text  of  Hudson's 
journals.  The  precise  localities  mentioned  by  him 
seem  to  us  dubious  in  almost  every  instance,  and  it 
would  scarcely  have  been  right  to  enter  into  long 
discussions,  with  the  conclusion  that,  after  all,  we 
are  not  able  to  settle  the  matter.  It  is  not  our  in- 
tention to  commit,  in  these  last  pages,  the  mistake 
that  we  have  tried  to  avoid  in  our  notes  ;  and  we 
shall  here  refrain  from  this  kind  of  discussion,  except 
in  a  few  isolated  instances.  In  defence  of  the  some- 
what exceptional  course  we  are  thus  pursuing,  we  may 
perhaps  be  allowed  to  state  it  as  our  opinion,  that 
the  importance  of  a  navigator's  career  consists,  not  so 
much  in  the  coasts  he  touched,  as  in  the  new  know- 
ledge acquired  and  conveyed  by  him. 

Many  great  men  attempted,  before  and  after  Hud- 
son, to  solve  the  problem  of  a  short  northern  route 
to  China.  But  he  surpasses  all  his  predecessors  and 
all  his  followers  in  the  variety  of  means  he  employed 
to  obtain  that  great  end.     This  variety  of  devices 


within  a  narrow  scope,  the  very  test  of  an  ener- 
getic mind,  was  perhaps  in  part  due  to  his  singular 
and  exceptional  situation.  Each  of  his  predecessors 
had  confined  his  efforts  to  only  one  direction,  trying 
the  chances  that  might  be  offered  within  a  com- 
paratively limited  area,  and  these  chances  had  thus 
been  reduced  to  a  small  number  of  seeming  proba- 
bilities. The  probabilities  would  have  appeared  still 
fewer,  had  the  explorations  been  made  and  chronicled 
with  modern  accuracy.  As  it  was,  there  remained  in 
every  direction  some  delusive  hopes,  which  it  still 
required  a  renewed  search  to  dispel.  One  of  Hud- 
son's many  great  merits  consists  in  having  proved 
several  of  these  delusions  to  be  what  they  were,  and 
thus  to  have  further  limited  the  area  of  the  search 
for  a  short  road  to  China.  The  efforts  of  all  those 
after  him,  like  those  of  each  of  his  predecessors,  were 
then  more  confined  than  his  own.  Hudson  himself 
tried  within  the  last  few  years  of  his  life,  first  the 
way  across  the  North  Pole,  then  the  way  by  the  north 
of  Spitzbergen  eastwards  ;  he  attempted  to  penetrate 
through  the  Nova  Zembla  group,  and  having  failed 
to  do  so,  undertook  another  expedition  to  the  same 
quarter.  He  afterwards  tried  to  cross  what  seemed 
a  narrow  isthmus,  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific, 
in  latitude  40°.  He  at  last  sailed  far  westward 
through  his  strait  and  bay,  and  perished  in  the  midst 
of  his  hopes  and  plans.  It  is  curious  that  he  missed 
the  only  real  chance,  namely,  the  way  through  Davis' 
Strait  and  Baffin's  Bay.  But,  if  we  may  conclude 
from  what  he  had  done  up  to  his  death,  it  is  proba- 


ble  enough  that  he  wouhl  not  have  left  that  way 
untried  had  he  lived  longer.  He  was  one  of  those 
men  who,  whether  successful  or  not,  will  not  leave  to 
any  one  after  them  the  right  to  boast  of  having 
accomplished  what  they  had  despaired  of. 

Hudson's  first  attempt  was  to  sail  across  the  North 
Pole,  a  plan  started  in  1527  by  Robert  Tliorne,  but 
not  yet  acted  upon  by  any  one  during  the  eighty 
years  that  had  since  passed.  The  voyage  to  which 
this  idea  gave  rise  is  well  described  in  Playse's  log- 
book, where  the  reader  will  find  all  its  details.  A 
short  summary  of  the  main  points  may,  however, 
prove  useful. 

Hudson  left  London  the  23rd  of  April,  1607,  with 
the  intention  of  sailing  across  the  North  Pole  to 
China  and  Japan.  His  course  carried  him  to  the 
Shetland  Islands.  Thence  he  sailed  to  the  north- 
west, passing,  as  it  seems,  close  by  Iceland  without 
perceiving  it.  He  arrived  on  the  13th  of  June  off 
the  Greenland  coast,  in  latitude  67°  30',  doubting 
whether  the  land  he  saw  was  an  island,  or  the  En- 
groneland,  or  Groneland  of  the  Zeni.  To  this  ques- 
tion he  had  received  no  satisfactory  answer,  even 
after  six  days'  stay  in  that  neighbourhood.  It  does 
not  appear  how  great  was  his  distance  from  the  coast 
during  these  six  days ;  but  he  certainly  never  landed. 
To  a  prominent  cape,  and  to  a  mountain  near  it,  he 
gave  the  names  of  Young's  Cape  and  Mount  of  God's 
Mercy.  These  are,  for  us,  nothing  more  than  mere 
names.  The  coast  of  Greenland  in  67°  30'  has  never 
been  well  explored,  and  Hudson's  own  indication  is 


vague  in  the  extreme.  Hudson  himself  continued  to 
be  in  doubt  as  to  the  real  nature  of  the  coast  near 
him.  He  even  thought  it  possible  that  it  might  be 
an  island,  at  the  north-eastern  point  of  which  he 
had  arrived.  He  was  thus  exposed  to  an  error  very 
similar  to  the  one  committed  by  Davis,  who  con- 
sidered the  south  of  Greenland  as  an  undiscovered 
island.  Hudson's  farther  course  along  the  east  coast 
of  Greenland  also  offered  striking  analogies  with  Davis' 
explorations  along  the  western  shore.  Davis  had 
lost  sight  of  the  coast,  had  unconsciously  followed 
its  bend,  and  had  again  fallen  in  with  it. 

In  a  like  manner  Hudson  now  left  the  Greenland 
shore  with  the  intention  of  steering  to  Spitzbergen  ; 
and  his  north-eastern  course  brought  him,  after  two 
days  sailing,  on  the  21st  June,  1607,  again  to  the 
Greenland  coast,  which  on  its  eastern  side  trends  to 
the  north-east,  as  on  its  western  side  it  trends  to  the 
north-west.  He  again  reached  the  Greenland  coast 
in  latitude  73°,  and  called  his  new  discovery  Hold 
with  Hope^  a  name  still  to  be  found  on  maps  of  the 
arctic  regions,  although  it  would  be  impossible  to 
point  out  the  exact  locality  to  which  it  was  first 

Following  his  north-eastern  direction  Hudson  tried, 
during  the  last  days  of  June,  to  sail  northwards,  wher- 
ever he  might  be  able  to  do  so.  But  he  seems  to 
have  been  prevented  from  progressing  towards  the 
pole  by  the  well-known  ice  barrier  between  Green- 
land and  Spitzbergen,  which  has  been  so  well  de- 
scribed   by    Dr.    Scoresby.      This    barrier  generally 


forms  at  that  time  of  the  year  an  undulating  line 
between  the  74th  and  80th  degrees  of  latitude,  reach- 
ing farthest  to  the  south  near  the  Greenland  coast, 
and  being  nearest  to  the  pole  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Spitzbergen.  Hudson  was  the  first  modern  navi- 
gator who  sailed  along  this  barrier.  His  logbook 
does  not,  however,  contain  a  sufficient  number  of 
data  to  enable  us  to  trace  the  line  of  the  ice  as  it  was 
in  June  1607. 

"When  Hudson  was  approaching  the  Spitzbergen 
coast,  he  looked  out  for  a  cape,  discovered  by  Barents, 
and  called  by  him  Vogel  Hoeck,  a  point  which  was, 
as  it  seems,  indicated  on  the  chart  used  by  Hudson.^ 
This  point  is  probably  identical  with  the  Vogel  Hoeck 
of  the  later  and  more  accurate  maps  of  the  country, 
though  such  identities  of  name  are  not  always  suffi- 
cient proofs  of  identity  of  place.  It  would  be  inter- 
esting to  settle  this  question,  but  this  cannot  be  done 
from  the  materials  now  in  existence. 

Supposing  that  identity  to  exist,  we  find  Hud- 
son on  the  28th  of  June,  1607,  near  the  western 
point  of  Charles'  Island. ^  For  the  Vogel  Hoeck  of 
the  later  Dutch  maps  is  the  same  cape  which  Dr. 
Scoresby  calls  Fair  Foreland,  and  which  he   places, 

*  Vogel  Ilocck  is  expressly  mentioned  by  Hudson  as  the  point 
he  Mas  looking  out  for.  The  point  is  also  to  be  found  on  Hon- 
dius'  chart.  The  locality  where  the  Vogel  Hock  of  later  maps 
(English  charts  call  it  Fair  Foreland)  is  situated,  namely,  the 
north-west  point  of  Charles'  Islands,  seems  in  every  respect  to 
agree  with  what  we  know  of  the  Vogel  Hoeck  of  Barents. 

*  Charles'  Island  is  the  most  western  of  the  forelands  by  which 
the  mainland  of  Spitzbergen  is  surrounded. 

INTRODUCTION.  clxxxvii 

according  to  his  own  survey,  in  78°  53'  N.,  9'  17'  E. 
The  last  two  days  of  June  were  spent  off  the  coast  of 
Charles  Island.  From  the  1st  to  the  6th  of  June, 
Hudson  seems  to  have  sailed  backwards  and  forwards 
in  the  Foreland  Fiord,  between  Charles'  Island  and 
the  mainland  of  Spitzbergen.  This  at  least  is  the  most 
consistent  result  that  can  be  derived  from  his  notes, 
in  which  every  kind  of  vagueness  is  accumulated. 
The  chart  he  used  was  very  imperfect,  he  was  con- 
tending with  ice  and  fog,  and  his  observations  of 
latitude,  though  there  are  three  in  five  days,  are  not 
thoroughly  reliable.  But  in  spite  of  these  drawbacks, 
the  above  mentioned  course  seems  to  be  marked  out 
with  sufficient  certainty  and  clearness.  Hudson  then 
sailed  into  the  Foreland  Fiord  on  its  northern  side, 
the  1st  of  July,  and  left  it,  on  its  southern  side,  the 
6th  of  the  same  month,  having  passed  the  intervening 
six  days  in  the  Fiord.  From  the  9th  to  the  11th  of 
June,  Hudson  sailed  back,  on  the  opposite,  or  outward 
side  of  Charles' Island,  the  distance  he  had  sailed  within 
the  Fiord.  He  continued  this  northern  course  on  the 
12th,  and  arrived  on  the  13th,  off  the  north-eastern 
part  of  Spitzbergen  ;  that  part  of  the  country,  to 
which  Barents  and  his  companions  had  more  parti- 
cularly applied  the  name  of  Nieidand,  or  the  land  under 
80  degrees.  From  the  13th  to  the  15th  of  July,  Hud- 
son sailed  eastwards  along  the  northern  coast,  explor- 
ing some  of  its  fiords,  islands  and  harbours,  and  giving 
the  names  of  Hakluyt's  Headland,  Colin's  Cape,  and 
Whale  Bay,  to  three  localities.  Of  these  names  the 
first  only  has  been  preserved  on  charts.      Whether 


the  point  now  so  called,  and  the  one  so  named  by 
Hudson,  are  absolutely  identical,  cannot  be  shown 
from  the  existing  evidence.  It  does  not  appear 
whether  any  of  the  sailors  who  accompanied  Hudson 
afterwards  revisited  Spitzbergen,  and  then  recognised 
the  points  marked  out  by  him.  This  would  be  the 
only  satisfactory  manner  of  establishing  such  an 
identity  of  place,  as  latitudes,  longitudes,  and  dead 
reckoning,  as  well  as  the  charts  based  upon  them,  are 
all  equally  deceptive. 

The  23rd  of  July,  Hudson  was  by  observation  in 
latitude  80°  23',  the  highest  observation  ever  made 
by  him.  After  two  more  days  of  north-eastern  sail- 
ing, he  reckoned  himself  to  be  in  latitude  81°.  Much 
doubt  has,  with  good  reason,  been  thrown  on  this 
assertion  of  Henry  Hudson.  The  localities  which  he 
described  do  not  bear  it  out,  and  considerable  mis- 
takes are  likely  to  have  occurred  to  a  man  judging  by 
his  dead  reckoning  only,  without  knowing  the 
currents  that  set  in  those  parts.  Sir  Edward  Parry 
vainly  tried,  in  this  very  region,  to  make  head 
against  a  violent  north-easterly  current,  which 
eventually  frustrated  his  boat- sledge  expedition 
towards  the  North  Pole. 

This  current  may  have  deceived  our  navigator.  On 
the  16th  he  believed  that  he  saw  land, "trending  north 
in  our  sight,  by  means  of  the  clearness  of  the  weather, 
stretching  far  into  82°,  and  by  the  bowing  or 
shewing  of  the  skie  much  further."  It  is  unfortunately 
now  impossible  to  say  how  far  he  was  right  or  wrong- 
in  these  estimates;   nor  to  point  out  the  exact  spot  he 


reached,  and  it  would  lead  to  nothing  were  we  to  build 
some  futile  theory  on  the  loose  evidence  at  our  dis- 
posal. Hudson's  own  conclusion  was :  "  that  between 
78  degrees  and  a  half  and  82  degrees  by  this  way, 
there  is  no  passage";  a  conclusion  which  is  practically 
correct,  though  geographically  somewhat  exaggerated. 

He  returned  westwards  on  the  1 6th  of  July,  was 
tlie  same  day  near  Collin's  Cape,  and  seems  to  have 
rounded  the  north-eastern  peninsula  of  Spitzbergen 
the  following  or  the  next  day.  The  20th  of  July,  he 
had  already  sailed  some  distance  down  the  west  coast, 
and  was  entering  Bell  Sound,  in  latitude  77°  26', 
which  he  explored.  From  the  one-and-twentieth  to 
the  five-and-twentieth,  Hudson  seems  to  have 
hesitated,  and  to  have  been  uncertain  about  his 
future  movements.  We  find  him  steering  in  various 
directions  without  any  apparent  object ;  nor  can  this 
be  wondered  at,  considering  how  new  Spitzbergen 
was  to  him.  The  chart  he  had  with  him  indicated 
scarcely  more  than  the  mere  existence  of  these 
remarkable  islands. 

On  the  five-and-twentieth  we  find  Hudson  near 
the  west  coast,  in  78°.  He  then  again  sailed  north- 
wards, and  was  on  the  seven- and-twentieth  near 
Collin's  Cape,  one  of  the  points  of  the  north  coast, 
discovered  by  him  ten  or  eleven  days  before.  The 
same  day  he  again  returned  to  the  south  ;  having  first 
ascertained  that  the  ice  barrier  between  Spitzbergen 
and  Greenland  was  as  firm  as  it  had  been  in  June. 
Otherwise  he  would  have  tried  to  pass  through  it,  and 
to  return  home  by  the  north  of  Greenland,  through 


Davis'  Strait.  The  latter  plan  proves  his  ignorance 
of  the  real  conformation  of  Greenland  ;  a  fact  upon 
which  we  have  already  had  ample  occasion  to  dwell. 

Thus  hemmed  in  on  three  sides,  he  was  again 
obliged  to  return  to  the  south.  He  sailed  southwards 
along  the  whole  west  coast  of  the  group ;  from  80° 
to  76°  30',  during  the  last  days  of  July.  Having  been 
on  the  28th,  by  observation,  in  latitude  76°  36*, 
Hudson  accounted  himself,  on  the  thirtieth,  in  lati- 
tude 76°.  He  tells  us,  however,  at  the  same  time, 
that  he  was  then  near  the  coast,  which  he  describes 
as  mountainous.  Now  Spitzbergen  does  not  reach 
down  farther  than  to  76°  30',  and  Hudson's  latitude 
was  therefore  faulty.  This  error  was  certainly  in 
part  due  to  the  currents  to  which  we  have  alluded. 
Yet  it  cannot  have  entirely  arisen  from  that  source. 
Had  the  observation  of  the  28th  been  correct,  and 
had  Hudson  really  then  been  only  a  few  miles  from 
the  southern  point  of  Spitzbergen,  this  fact  could  not 
possibly  have  escaped  him  during  the  two  days  he 
remained  in  that  neighbourhood.  We  then  arrive  at 
the  painful  but  complete  conviction,  that  his  observa- 
tion also  was  faulty.  It  is  of  the  greater  importance 
to  ascertain  this  fact,  because  few  only  of  Hudson's 
latitudes  can  be  tested  in  a  similar  manner. 

Having  left  Spitzbergen,  Hudson  continued  his 
course,  and  arrived  on  the  31st  of  July  off  Bear  or 
Cherie  Island.  The  home  voyage,  after  the  departure 
from  that  spot,  was  accomplished  in  a  month  and  a 
half.  The  15th  of  August  Hudson  reached  the 
Farocr  Islands  ;  and  exactly  a  month  afterwards  he 


arrived  at  Tilbury  in  the  Thames.  So  much  we 
learn  from  Playse's  logbook.  But  we  find  too  good 
reason  to  regret  the  loss  of  Hudson's  own  journal, 
from  which  the  following  notice^  has  been  extracted  : 

**  And  in  ranging  homewards  he  discovered  an  island 
lying  in  seventy-one  degrees,  which  he  called  Hudson's 

We  have,in  ournote  to  this  passage,  already  observed 
that  there  is  but  one  island  in  latitude  71°  which  can 
here  be  meant,  namely,  Jan  May  en  ;  and  that  Jan 
Mayen  in  fact  is  identical  with  Hudson's  Touches. 
This  opinion  is  still  further  confirmed  by  a  document 
which  had  then  escaped  our  notice.  We  have  ad- 
verted to  the  claims  to  the  first  discovery  of  Spitzber- 
gen  advanced  by  the  English  and  the  Dutch.  These 
rival  claims  gave  rise  to  armed  struggles  in  the 
Greenland  M^aters,  and  in  consequence  of  them,  to 
applications  for  protection,  together  with  bitter 
protests,  and  complaints  addressed  by  the  aggrieved 
persons  to  their  respective  governments.  Some  of 
these  protests  of  the  Muscovy  Company  have  been  pre- 
served in  the  State-paper  office ;  and  in  one  of  them 
we  find  the  following  passage : 

"  Further,  William  Johnsonne  Millworth,  captain  of  the 
Angell  of  Home,  certified  us  that  the  States  had  given  the 
country  of  Greenland  unto  the  Zealanders,  and  Hudsoi's 
Touches,  and  those  islands  adjoining,  unto  the  Hollanders  to 
fish  therein,  warning  them  that  they  should  not  come  within 
the  privileges  of  each  other,  and  that  they  were  animated  and 
urged  by  the  States  themselves  for  their  fishing  voyage  this 
yeare  1618,  otherwise  they  had  not  attempted  it." 

1  P.  146. 


This  testimony  of  Johnsonne  Millwoith  is  borne 
out  by  the  facts  of  the  case.  The  States  General  of 
the  United  Provinces  had,  in  1617,  granted  the 
fisheries  of  Jan  Mayen  to  the  Hollanders,  excluding 
the  Zealanders  from  them.  It  is,  besides,  very 
remarkable  that  we  find  on  Jan  Mayen,  almost 
exactly  in  latitude  71°,  a  point  called  by  Dr.  Scoresby 
Hudson  s  point.  Anyone  acquainted  with  the  writing 
of  the  period,  will  at  once  remember  how  easily  an 
H  of  that  time  could  be  read  as  an  E,.  The  point  was, 
we  may  say  certainly,  called  Hudson's  point.  Ano- 
ther locality  on  Jan  Mayen,  namely,  its  north-eastern 
cape,  is  called  Youngs  Foreland.  James  Young,  one 
of  Hudson's  companions,  was  the  man  who  had  first 
espied  the  Greenland  coast.  The  north-eastern  cape 
of  Jan  Mayen,  is  the  very  point  which  must  have 
first  presented  itself  to  Hudson's  crew  as  the  ship  was 
sailing  home  from  Bear  Island ;  and  the  man  who 
first  saw  the  Greenland  shore  was  the  most  likely  to 
forestall  here  also,  his  less  zealous,  or  less  sharp -sighted 
companions.  There  is  no  reason  why  the  name  of 
Hudson  s  Touches  should  not  be  replaced  on  maps  and 
charts  ;  and  the  now  meaningless  Rudsons  point, 
might  also  be  fairly  restored  to  its  original  meaning, 
and  be  called  Hudson  s  point.  The  islands  adjoining 
Jan  Mayen,  are  Egg  Island  to  the  south,  and  a  num- 
ber of  small  rocky  islets  scattered  along  the  coasts. 

Should  the  writer  of  the  present  pages  have  suc- 
ceeded beyond  his  hopes  in  placing  the  geographical 
notions  of  Hudson's  time,  and  the  anterior  endeavours 
in  search    of  a  passage,  clearly   before    the   reader's 


eye ;  it  would  then  be  easy  to  explain  to  the  reader 
the  original  plan  of  Hudson's  first  voyage,  and  the 
ideas  which  the  experience  collected  in  the  course 
of  it,  developed  in  his  mind. 

Hudson  first  started  with  the  plan  of  sailing  straight 
across  the  North  Pole,  by  the  north  of  the  Engrone- 
land  of  the  Zeni.  He  found  that  land  stretching 
farther  eastwards  than  he  expected  ;  and  joining  it, 
he  found  a  firm  barrier  of  ice,  which  offered  no 
opening  in  its  whole  breadth  between  Greenland  and 
Spitzbergen.  This  barrier  Hudson  sailed  along, 
vainly  spying  out  for  a  passage  to  the  Pole.  "When  he 
had  reached  the  neighbourhood  of  Spitzbergen,  he 
knew  well  that  he  was  near  the  country  discovered  by 
Barents  in  1596,  and  he  was  looking  out  for  some  of 
the  points  noted  by  that  navigator.  But  though 
Barents'  explorations  had  been  so  far  useful  to  Hud- 
son, they  had  not  been  chronicled  with  sufficient 
accuracy,  to  enable  Hudson  to  recognize  beforehand 
the  real  conformation  of  Spitzbergen.  There  seemed 
to  exist  a  hope  of  passing  through  what  has  since 
been  proved  to  be  a  firm  body  of  land  ;  or  at  least  by 
the  north  of  it.  These  attempts  Hudson  made ;  and  he 
left  no  means  untried  which  seemed  to  off'er  a  hope  of 
succeeding  in  this  really  hopeless  undertaking.  When 
he  had  at  last  recognized  how  hopeless  it  was,  he  once 
more  sailed  northwards  to  the  great  ice  barrier,  with 
the  intention  of  finding  a  way  by  the  north  of 
Engroneland  to  the  west ;  and  of  thus  entering  Davis' 
Strait  by  a  northern  route.  He  soon  perceived  that 
this  undertaking,  too,  off'ered  no  chance  of  success,  at 


least,  if  begun  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Spitzbergen  ; 
so  he  sailed  again  to  the  south.  It  is  not  unlikely  that 
he  renewed  the  attempt  in  a  lower  latitude,  and 
nearer  Greenland,  on  his  homeward  voyage  ;  and  that 
he  arrived  in  this  manner  in  the  somewhat  too 
westerly  longitude,  in  which  Jan  Mayen  and  the 
Faroer  Islands  are  situated.  The  discovery  of  the 
former  island  was  made  by  chance. 

In  the  course  of  this  voyage  Hudson  made  two 
observations,  the  one  interesting,  the  other  of  the 
highest  importance.  The  first  observation  is  that  of 
the  changing  colour  of  the  sea  near  Spitzbergen.  He 
found  it  sometimes  blue,  sometimes  green,  sometimes 
dark,  sometimes  clear  and  transparent.  "The  colour  of 
the  Greenland  sea  varies  from  ultramarine  blue,"  says 
Dr.  Scoresby,  "  to  olive  green  ;  and  from  the  most  pure 
transparency  to  striking  opacity.  These  appearances 
are  not  transitory  but  permanent ;  not  depending  on 
the  state  of  the  w^eather,  but  on  the  quality  of  the 
water.  Hudson,  when  he  visited  this  quarter  in  1607, 
noticed  the  changes  in  the  colour  of  the  sea,  and 
made  the  observation  that  the  sea  was  blue  where 
there  was  ice,  and  green  where  it  was  most  open. 
This  circumstance,  however,  was  merely  accidental." 

The  other  observation  is  that  of  the  existence  of  a 
vast  number  of  whales  and  morses  in  the  waters  Hud- 
son had  visited.  This  observation  raised  Spitzber- 
gen and  Jan  Mayen  Island  to  the  importance  which 
they  have  since  assumed. 

Hudson's  second  voyage  offers  fewer  subjects  for 
comment  than   tlie  first.      Its  plan   is  very  simple. 


Having  found  by  experience  the  impractibility  of 
Robert  Thome's  scheme,  Hudson  now  followed  in 
the  track  of  those  of  his  predecessors  who  had  tried 
to  find  a  way  to  China  by  the  north  east.  But  he 
was  acquainted  with  their  failures  as  well  as  with 
their  hopes,  and  he  knew  the  difficulties  which  a 
passage  through  or  beyond  the  Nova  Zembla  group, 
and  then  through  the  Kara  Sea,  presented.  Three 
chances  for  passing  beyond  or  through  Nova  Zembla 
seemed  to  exist,  namely,  to  sail  through  Vaigats 
Straits,  south  of  Nova  Zembla  ;  to  pass  by  the  north  of 
the  group,  as  Barents  had  done ;  and  thirdly,  to  pass 
through  the  group  by  way  of  Costin  Shar,  a  bay  which 
appeared  on  Barents'  chart  as  a  strait.  Hudson  was 
ignorant  of  the  existence  of  the  real  straits  between 
those  islands.  His  plan  then  was  either  to  go  by 
the  north  or  by  the  south  of  Nova  Zembla,  or  through 
Costin  Shar.  Should  he  thus  succeed  in  entering 
the  Sea  of  Kara  (which  he  calls  the  Sea  of  Tartary), 
he  would,  according  to  his  notions,  have  had  two 
farther  stages  to  reach  or  pass ;  first,  the  mouth  of 
the  Oby ;  then  Cape  Tabin.  He  knew  that  this 
would  not  be  easy,  but  he  was  fully  prepared  to 
encounter  the  dangers  of  what  he  considered  as  a 
short  though  severe  struggle.  Beyond  Cape  Tabin 
the  way  to  China  seemed  to  him  perfectly  smooth. 

The  second  expedition,  then,  consists  of  the  follow- 
ing parts.  Hudson's  voyage  out  until  he  arrived  in 
latitude  75°  24',  between  Spitzbergen  and  Nova 
Zembla  (April  22nd  to  June  11th,  1608):  his  vain 
attempts  to  pass  to  the  north-east  beyond  the  Nova 


Zembla  group,  and  his  struggles  with  the  ice,  where 
he  sometimes  gains,  sometimes  loses  a  few  minutes  of 
latitude  (June  18th  to  23rd) :  the  voyage  south- 
wards along  the  group,  but  not  always  near  its  shore 
(June  24th  to  29th) :  exploration  of  Costin  Shar, 
and  discovery  that  it  is  a  bay,  not  a  strait  (June  29th 
to  July  6th)  :  the  voyage  home  (July  6th  to  August 
26th).  As  to  the  voyage  through  the  Vaigats  Strait, 
the  chance  still  left  open  in  that  quarter,  Hudson  says 
that  for  it  he  was  not  "  fitted  to  trie  or  prove." 

We  call  the  reader's  particular  attention  to  a 
passage  near  the  end  of  the  logbook,  entered  under 
the  7th  of  August.  Hudson  must  at  that  time 
have  been  about  in  latitude  62°  or  63°,  not  very 
far  from  the  south  of  Greenland,  and  therefore  per- 
fectly able  to  enter  into  Davis'  Strait  before  the 
close  of  the  season.  He  says  that  he  for  a  moment 
intended  to  do  so,  in  order  to  sail  a  hundred  leagues 
either  into  Lumley's  Inlet  (Frobisher's  Strait)  or  into 
The  Furious  Overfall  (Hudson's  Strait) ;  but  that 
he  sacrificed  his  ambition  to  his  duty.  This  notice, 
curious  in  itself,  is  doubly  so  as  an  answer  to  the 
calumny  of  Luke  Foxe,  who  attributes  to  Col- 
burne  the  plan  for  Hudson's  fourth  voyage  ;  whilst 
it  here  clearly  appears  that  already  in  1608,  two 
years  before  the  fourth  voyage,  Hudson's  mind  was 
bent  upon  the  schemes  which  that  undertaking  was 
intended  to  realize. 

The  number  and  variety  of  the  papers  which  illus- 
trate the  third  voyage  make  our  task  of  introducing 
them  a  somewhat  difficult  one.     Besides,  since  the 


first  pages  of  the  present  introduction  were  printed, 
a  most  important  addition  has  been  made  to  the 
documents  in  our  collection ;  consisting  of  the  letter 
of  President  Jeannin  to  Henry  IV  of  France,^  which 
will  be  found  in  the  Appendix.  It  very  fortunately 
happens,  that  the  observations  which  we  shall  have 
to  offer  as  an  introduction  to  that  state  paper,  will  at 
the  same  time  throw  a  light  on  the  circumstances  in 
which  Hudson  was  placed  during  his  stay  in  Holland 
previous  to  his  departure  for  the  third  expedition. 

The  Negociations  of  President  Jeannin,  from  which 
our  extract  is  taken,  are  reckoned  among  the  classical 
Memoires  Historiques  ;  a  class  of  writings  equally 
distinguished  by  the  position  of  the  authors,  the  ele- 
gance of  their  language,  and  the  importance  of  the 
information  they  furnish.  In  all  these  respects  Pre- 
sident Jeannin's  Negociations  occupy  a  very  high 
rank.  The  main  portion  of  that  work  consists  of 
letters  addressed  to  Henry  IV  of  France,  in  the 
years  1608  and  1609,  mostly  from  the  Hague  and 
from  Antwerp.  Jeannin  had  been  sent  to  the  Nether- 
lands to  negociate,  together  with  the  representatives 
of  other  nations,  a  treaty  of  peace,  or  at  least  a  truce 
between  Spain  and  those  of  its  revolted  provinces 
which  had  long,  in  fact,  enjoyed  that  independence 

'  This  document  is  indicated  in  Mr.  Berg  van  Dussen  Muilkerk's 
Bijdraegen  tot  de  Geschiedenis  onzer  Kolonizatie  in  Noord- America. 
We  have  above  (p.  Ivii)  adverted  to  this  book ;  but  from  memory 
only,  and  not  with  sufficient  justice.  It  is  very  gratifying  to  be 
able  now  to  acknowledge  our  obligations  to  that  remarkable  work, 
which  compresses  a  vast  amount  of  new  research  into  an  incredi- 
bly small  space. 


which  was  now  to  be  confirmed  by  a  treaty.  It  was 
in  the  midst  of  this  negociation,  in  January  1609, 
that  an  indirect  intercourse  was  established  between 
Hudson  and  Jeannin.  To  explain  the  origin  and 
issue  of  that  intercourse,  as  well  as  the  motives  of  the 
men  who  acted  as  mediators  between  the  navigator 
and  the  diplomatist,  we  must  throw  a  brief  glance  at 
the  political  movements  in  which  Jeannin  was  mixed 
up,  and  especially  at  the  difficulties  which  he  had  to 
overcome  in  negociating  the  treaty. 

These  difficulties  did  not  alone,  nor  perhaps  even 
mainly,  consist  in  the  pride  of  the  Spaniards.  Their 
foes,  the  inhabitants  of  the  northern  provinces,  were 
far  from  united  in  the  wish  to  make  peace,  at  least 
on  the  conditions  that  could  then  be  obtained.  The 
feelings  of  the  majority  in  the  free  provinces  were 
not  unlike  those  which  lately  animated  the  whole  of 
Italy  during  the  negociation  of  the  peace  of  Zurich, 
when  it  was  considered  a  disgrace  to  secure  Lom- 
bardy  from  the  House  of  Hapsburg  at  the  price  of 
the  confirmed  slavery  of  another  and  more  important 
district.  But  in  the  Netherlands  the  position,  though 
similar  was  not  alike.  There  existed  in  some  of  the 
free  provinces  a  peace  party,  powerful  in  every  re- 
spect except  in  numbers,  which  was  animated  by 
selfish  motives,  such  as  have  not  come  to  light  in  the 
late  Italian  struggles.  This  peace  party  consisted 
principally  of  the  powerful  families  which  had  made 
the  civic  dignities  in  the  towns  of  Holland  heredi- 
tary among  themselves  ;  who  composed,  as  delegates 
from  these  towns,  the  estates  of  Holland,  and  who 


thus  swayed  the  United  Provinces.  They  were 
strongly  interested  in  preventing  the  departure  of 
the  rich  and  active  Belgian  emigrants,  whom  a  con- 
tinued and  successful  war  might  have  carried  home 
in  triumph.  They  also  wished  that  Antwerp  should 
not  again  rise  to  its  former  importance.  The  resto- 
ration of  the  other  parts  of  Belgium  would  likewise 
have  destroyed  the  preeminence  of  Holland.  Peace 
and  the  status  quo  were  therefore  their  great  objects. 
This  peace  party,  which  was  headed  by  Oldenbar- 
nevelt  and  counted  Hugo  Grotius  among  its  leaders, 
is  better  known  as  the  Republican  or  Arminian 
party.  Republican  it  was  called  because  it  desired 
to  keep  the  rule  of  the  country  to  itself.  The  name 
of  Arminius  had  been  adopted  a  few  years  before, 
when  that  divine  had  published  some  maxims  of 
church  government  suited  to  the  tastes  and  interests 
of  these  Repubticans.  The  Arminian  doctrine,  which 
also  contained  some  theological  principles  opposed  to 
strict  Calvinism,  became  the  standard  round  which 
the  RejnMicans  gathered.  It  counted  scarcely  any 
adherents  except  among  them. 

The  opposition  of  the  Republicans  to  strict 
Calvinism,  was  no  accidental  circumstance  in  their 
policy.  The  party  whom  they  opposed  was  headed  by 
the  Belgian  emigrants,  who  desired  to  continue  the 
war  until  their  own  country  should  be  freed  from  the 
Spanish  yoke  ;  and  again,  at  the  head  of  the  Belgian 
emigrants,  stood  the  Calvinistic  clergymen ;  among 
whom  such  men  as  Peter  Plancius,  and  others  of  a 
similar  stamp,  appeared.  These  divines  and  preachers 


exercised  a  most  powerful  influence  over  the  great 
mass  of  the  people,  who  were  besides  naturally  op- 
posed to  the  "  municipal  families,"  whose  tyranny 
and  arrogance  they  hated.  The  Belgian  party  found 
another  ally  besides  these  lower  classes,  in  the  Prince 
Maurice  of  Orange,  the  most  illustrious  warrior  of  the 
age,  whose  every  hope  was  connected  with  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  struggle.  Thus  the  war  party  was 
generally  termed  the  Calvinistic,  or  the  Orange 

The  two  political  parties  which  we  have  tried  to 
sketch,  vied  with  each  other  to  obtain  Henry  Hud- 
son's services.  This  happened  in  the  following  man- 
ner. We  have  above  spoken  of  the  first  efforts  made 
at  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century  by  the  Dutch,  to 
establish  transatlantic  commerce  ;  and  we  have  seen 
that  they  entirely  obeyed  in  this  respect  the  impulse 
given  by  the  Belgian  emigrants.  A  few  years  had 
been  sufficient  to  produce  the  most  important  con- 
sequences from  these  beginnings  ;  and  it  was  soon 
apparent  that  transatlantic  commerce  would  form  the 
foundation  of  the  prosperity  of  the  Dutch  Republic. 

It  was  then  most  strongly  the  interest  of  the  ruling 
Arminian  party  not  to  let  so  powerful  a  lever  remain 
in  the  hands  of  the  Belgians,  their  antagonists.  The 
great  chief  of  the  Arminians,  John  Oldenbarnevelt, 
therefore  contrived  to  place  the  direction  of  the  East 
India  trade  in  the  hands  of  his  own  partisans ;  and 
he  founded  for  this  purpose  in  1602,  the  privileged 
East  India  Company,  the  directors  of  which  were, 
almost  exclusively,  taken  from  among  the  so-called 


Republicans,  and  wliicli,  in  after  times,  always  made 
common  cause  with  them. 

This  East  India  Company  had  a  privilege  to  trade 
by  the  ordinary  route,  round  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope.  Many  of  the  Belgians,  on  the  other  hand,  still 
adhered  to  their  own  old  scheme,  of  which  Peter 
Plancius  was  the  representative,  namely,  that  of  a 
short  north-eastern  route  to  China.  They  besides 
endeavoured  to  establish  a  West  India  Company, 
under  the  direction  of  William  Usselincx,  and  on  the 
principle  of  which  we  have  spoken  above,  namely, 
that  of  driving  the  Spaniards  from  America,  and  out 
of  the  American  waters ;  and  so  to  cripple  their 
resources.  This  idea,  and  still  more  the  aim  for  the 
sake  of  which  it  was  entertained,  were  strongly  at 
variance  with  the  wishes  and  interests  of  the  peace 

These  indications  will  enable  us  to  place  in  chro- 
nological order,  all  the  data  that  are  bearing  on 
Hudson's  sojourn  in  Holland.  We  must  then  leave  it 
to  the  reader  to  connect  these  pieces  of  evidence,  and 
to  form  out  of  them  a  complete  picture,  which  may 
easily  be  done  by  supplying  such  details,  historical 
and  local,  as  can  be  procured  in  abundance  from 
various  sources.  As  to  our  own  chronological 
arrangement,  it  will  perhaps  be  best  not  to  confine 
it  to  Hudson's  stay  in  Holland,  but  to  extend 
it  over  the  other  main  points  of  the  third  voyage. 
We  give  for  this  purpose  the  following  synoptical 








Hudson  called  by  the  privileged 

East  India  Company 



Hudson's  arrival  in  Holland 


■ — .         — 


Conferences  with  the  East  India 


Company  begin 




Personal  intercourse  with  Plan- 

Treatise  of  Iver 

cius  begins          .         .         -         - 




Conversations  with  Plancius 


Hessel  Gerritz 

181,  180, 
187,  191 

Intercourse    with  Jodocus   Hon- 


Iver  Boty,  Hon- 



dius'  map 

Hudson's  proposals  rejected   for 

Jan.  1009 



the  present  by  the E. I. Comp.  Ar- 

rangements  for  employment  in 

KilO           -         -         -         -         - 

Belgians    seize    the    opportunity. 

Jan.   1000 



Le  Maire  acquainted  with  Hud- 

son. Le  Maire  proposes  to  Jeannin 

to  form  a  rival  E.  I.  Comp.  under 

Henry    IV's    protection,   and    to 

engage  Hudson  as  captain 

Peter  Plancius  calls  on  Jeannin  - 

Jan.   1000 



E.  I.  Comp.  alarmed  by  Le  Maire's 

Jan.   100!) 



opposition,  determine    to    send 

Hudson  at  once 

Usselincx's  intercourse  with  Jean- 

Jan. 1000 



nin             .         .         .         .         - 

Zealand  Chamber  refuses  to  send 




Hudson     -         .         -         -         - 

Amsterdam    Chamber   do   so   by 




themselves         .         .         .         . 

H.  starts  with  two  vessels,  thej 



cciii,  254 

Good  Hope  and  the  Half  Moon  i 



HaZ/il/ooit  a  Vlie  Boat 

—     — 

Van  Metereu 


Reaches  the  North  Cape 

May  5,1009 

Juet,  V.  Meteren 


Voyage  to  Nova  Zembla,  mutiny, 

May  5-14 

V.  Meteren 



Arrival   at   the    North    Cape    on 

May  19 



their  return        -         .         .         . 

Arrival  at  Faroe  Islands 

May  30 

Juet,  V.  Meteren 

48, 149 

Arrival  near  Nova  Scotia  coast     - 

June  22 



They  land  (44°  1')  to  cut  a  fore 

July  19 


00,  1-49, 

mast;  quarrels  with  natives 


They  arrive  at  Barnstaple  penin- 

May 2 

J.  V.  M.,  De  L. 

04,  150, 

sula  ------ 


They  arrive  in  37°  45'  (Virginia 

May  13 

Juet,  v.  Meteren 

09, 150 


Chesapeake  Bay  -         .         -         . 

Aug.  27 

Juet,  De  Laet 

73,  150 

^  This  date  (1609)  may,  however,  according  to  the  calendar 
then  in  use,  refer  to  the  iirst  months  of  1G09.  Hudson's  arrival  in 
Holland  can  therefore  not  positively  be  stated  to  have  taken  place 
before  January  1G09. 




Delaware  Bay 
Hudson's  River   - 

In  latitude  42°  IS'Hudsnn  lands 
Scene  of  Drunkenness 

Leave  Hudson's  River 
Dissensions    during    the    voyage 
home  -         -        -         . "      . 

Arrival  in  England 
Hudson  retained  in  England 
Return  of  the  Half  Moon     - 



Aug.  28 
Sept.  2 

Sept.  17 

Sept.  J8 
Sept.  20 

Oct.  4 

Nov.  7 

Jan.  1010 

Jufy  1.5, 


Juet,  De  Laet 


Juet,  De  Laet 
Juet,  Heckewel- 

der,  Barton 

Juet,  V.  Meteren 

V.  Meteren 

Juet,  V.  Meteren 
V.  Meteren 


74,  1.57 



85, 101 

W5,  174, 

92,  151 


93, 152 



To  complete  our  introduction  to  the  third  vovao-e 
we  have  to  add  some  remarks  on  several  isolated 
points,  that  either  present  a  particular  interest  or 
require  special  attention. 

AVe  find  in  Lambrechtsen,  that  Hudson  was  sent 
out  by  the  Amsterdam  Chamber  of  the  East  India 
Company,  against  the  will  of  the  Middelburg  Cham- 
ber.    The  Chamhers  of  which  the  Dutch  East  India 
Company  was  composed  had  each  a  separate  exist- 
ence.    The  whole  company,  in  fact,  did  not  form  so 
homogeneous  a  body  as   English  companies   of  the 
present  day,  but  may  rather  be  called  a  confedera- 
tion of  several  societies.    Each  of  the  provinces  along 
the  sea  shore  had  a  chamber  or  society  of  its  own, 
governed  by  its  own   committee   of  directors.     Out 
of  these  provincial  committees  a  central  council  of 
seventeen  members  was  chosen,  who   are  ircncrally 
termed   The  Seventeen.     The   action   of  this   general 
council  resembled  that  of  the  delegates  of  a  political 
confederacy,  and  did  not  destroy  the  individual  action 
of  the  provincial  chambers.      To  say  more  on  this 


complicated  question  would  lead  us  too  far.  We 
must,  however,  advert  to  another  statement  of  Lam- 
brechtsen,  which  had  unfortunately  been  omitted 
in  the  English  translation  we  made  use  of  for  our 
extracts  from  his  book.  This  statement  is  contained 
in  one  of  his  foot  notes,  and  is  couched  in  the  fol- 
lowing  words  :  "  In  the  minutes  of  the  Council  of 
the  xvii  this  yacht  (the  yacht  Hudson  sailed  in) 
is  called  the  Good  IIopeT^  From  these  words  we 
learn,  first  that  Lambrechtsen  used  an  original  MS. 
description  of  Hudson's  voyage,  which  he  found  in- 
serted in  the  Minutes  of  the  Seventeen.  We  further 
learn  that  the  name  of  Hudson's  vessel  was  the  Good 
Hope.  It  is,  however,  stated  by  an  equally  unques- 
tionable authority  that  Hudson's  vessel  was  called 
the  Half  Moon.^  The  most  natural  solution  of  this 
apparent  contradiction  is,  that  Hudson  had  with  him 
two  vessels,  the  one  called  the  Half  Moon.,  the  other 
the  Good  Hope.  It  is  not  known  what  became  of  the 
latter  vessel.  She  may  have  returned  after  the  mutiny 
near  Nova  Zembla.  The  main  part  of  the  voyage 
was  certainly  performed  in  the  Half  Moon  alone. 

The  crew  of  the  vessel — or  vessels —  under  Hud- 
son's orders  consisted  partly  of  Dutchmen,  partly  of 
Englishmen.  As  to  the  Dutchmen,  there  is  strong 
reason  to  believe  that  they  were  sailors  in  the  regular 
service  of  the  East  India  Company,  whose  engage- 

^  In  dc  Notulcn  van  dc  Vergadeiingc  van  de  xvii  wordt  dit 
Jagt  de  Goede  Hoop  gendemt. 

^  Brodhead,  from  a  sliip  book  found  in  tlio  East  India  Archives 
at  Amsterdam. 


ment  had  been  made  without  Hudson's  intervention. 
We  learn  that  Hudson,  after  his  return,  requested 
the  East  India  Company  to  exchange  some  of  his 
sailors  for  others,  so  as  to  enable  him  to  start  again 
with  a  more  obedient  crew.  This  request  would 
never  have  been  made  had  these  men  been  entirely 
dependent  upon  him.  Their  mutinous  spirit  and 
their  quarrels  with  their  English  companions  must 
be  attributed  to  his  want  .of  control  over  them. 
Among  the  Dutch  sailors  was  also  Hudson's  mate, 
as  Van  Meteren  expressly  states.  We  have  already 
observed,  that  several  writers  have  thought,  that 
Kobert  Juet  was  that  Dutch  mate;  and  we  have 
added  that  this  is  not  our  opinion.  This  is  still 
further  confirmed  by  the  following  fact :  Juet  always 
speaks  of  himself  in  the  first  person.  He  has  more 
than  once  occasion  to  do  so  ;  he  was  an  able  astro- 
nomer ;  and  we  find  him  repeatedly  calculating  lati- 
tudes by  the  height  of  the  stars ;  a  kind  of  obser- 
vation which  Hudson  himself  seems  never  to  have 
attempted.  Now  Juet  tells  us  distinctly  that  "  the 
master's  mate"  explored  the  most  northern  part  of 
Hudson  River,  and  that  the  "  master  and  his  mate" 
"  succeeded  in  making  one  of  the  Indians  drunk. 
The  person  here  twice  referred  to  was  then  not  the 
author  of  the  Journal.  Juet  was,  what  he  appears 
from  all  the  other  circumstances  to  have  been, 
namely,  an  Englishman.  John  Colman,  also  one  of 
Hudson's  former  companions,  is  the  only  other 
Englishman  on  board  the  Half  Moon  whose  name  is 
mentioned  in  our  sources.  It  is  unknown  what  rank 
these  two  men  held  on  board  the  vessel. 


Hudson  in  1609  originally  intended  to  continue 
the  north-eastern  search  begun  by  him  the  year 
before.  His  plan  probably  was  to  pass  through 
Vaigats  Strait ;  a  route  which  he  had  been  unable 
to  follow  in  1608.  He  had  already  arrived  near 
Nova  Zembla  when  a  mutiny  broke  out  among  his 
crew.  They  refused  to  proceed  any  further  through 
the  ice.  After  some  discussions,  it  was  decided  that 
they  were  to  sail  westward,  and  to  search  for  a  passage 
through  America,  in  latitude  40°.  "  This  idea,"  says 
Van  Meteren,  from  whom  we  learn  these  facts,  "  had 
been  suggested  to  Hudson  by  some  letters  and  maps 
which  his  friend  Captain  Smith  had  sent  him  from 
Virginia  ;  and  by  which  he  informed  him  that  there 
was  a  sea  leading  into  the  Western  Ocean  by  the 
north  of  the  southern  English  colony  (Virginia)." 
We  have  already  stated  that,  in  Hakluyt's  Divers 
Voyages^  a  map  is  to  be  found,  copied  by  Lok  from 
Verazzano,  in  which  the  American  continent  in  the 
latitude  here  indicated  appears  as  a  narrow  strip  of 
land  separating  the  Atlantic  from  the  Pacific.  This 
was  most  probably  one  of  the  maps  sent  by  Smith. 
Another  one  of  his  maps  may  have  been  based  on 
Ribeiro's  planisphere,  which  indicates  in  those  parts 
some  broad  openings  in  the  coast.  John  Smith  had 
moreover  lived  a  long  time  among  the  American 
Indians.  The  tribes  of  all  these  immense  tracts  of 
country  are  known  to  belong  to  the  same  stock,  and 
to  entertain  friendly  or  hostile  intercourse.  By  them 
Smith  must  have  been  informed  of  the  existence  of 
the  great  lakes,  which   may  well  have  been   repre- 


sented  to  him  as  parts  of  the  ocean.  Hessel  Gerritz 
at  least  received  from  that  same  source,  though  in- 
directly, this  same  deceptive  intelligence.^  These 
materials  seem  to  have  been  combined  in  Smith's 
communications,  so  as  to  suggest  the  existence  of  an 
easy  passage  through  the  American  continent,  open- 
ing on  its  eastern  side  somewhere  between  the  37th 
and  41st  degrees  of  latitude.  The  search  for  such  a 
passage  is  the  only  purpose  4;hat  can  be  ascribed  to 
Hudson's  rambling  course  along  those  shores. 

Juet  makes  no  mention  of  the  voyage  to  Nova 
Zembla,  nor  of  the  mutiny,  in  which  perhaps  he 
played  a  part.  He  suppresses  in  a  most  artful 
manner  the  events  of  the  memorable  fortnight,  from 
the  fifth  to  the  nineteenth  of  May.  But  under  the 
latter  date,  Tuesday,  the  nineteenth  of  Maij,  1609,  we 
find  in  his  Journal  a  notice  which  amply  com- 
pensates us  for  this  loss.  The  following  are  his 
words :  Then  ive  observed  the  sunne  having  a  slacJce. 
\\Q  have  in  our  note  to  this  passage,  tried  to  show 
that  a  slucJc  means  a  spot ;  and  that  therefore  sun 
spots  were  observed  on  board  the  Ilatf  Moon  more 
than  a  year  and  a  half  before  what  is  generally  con- 
sidered the  first  observation  of  that  phenomenon. 

The  next  remark  which  we  have  to  make  applies 
to  a  passage  in  Juet's  logbook,  where  there  seems  to 
be  either  a  clerical  or  a  typographical  error.  We 
allude  to  his  entry  under  the  eighteenth  of  Septem- 
ber: "  In  the  after-noone  our  master's  mate  went  on 
land  with  an  old  savage,  a  governor  of  the  countrey, 

1  P.  185. 


etc."  Instead  of  our  masters  viate,  we  must  read  our 
master,  locality  and  circumstances  being  exactly  the 
same  which  are  described  by  De  Laet  as  belonging  to 
Hudson's  visit  on  shore.  Juet's  account  contains  no 
other  mention  of  that  visit.  These  are  all  the  promi- 
nent points  we  had  to  note. 

To  conclude  this  part  of  our  introduction,  we  have 
but  to  add  a  few  observations  on  what  happened 
after  Hudson's  return  and  on  the  consequences  of  his 
third  voyage.  The  circumstances  of  his  return,  the 
strange  embargo  laid  upon  his  person  by  the  English 
government,  and  his  correspondence  with  the  East 
India  Company,  are  related  by  Van  Meteren.  No- 
thing can  be,  nor  need  be,  added  to  the  details  which 
he  furnishes.  The  Half  Moon  returned  to  Amsterdam 
in  July  1610,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  note  from  Mr. 
Brodhead's  work,  which  is  to  be  found  in  the  appen- 
dix to  the  present  volume. 

William  Smith,  the  author  of  a  very  defective  his- 
tory of  New  York,  says  that  a  right  to  occupy  the 
banks  of  Hudson  river  was  sold  to  the  Dutch  by  the 
discoverer.  This  story,  which  is  not  only  untrue, 
but  is  contrary  to  all  possibility  of  international  law, 
has  been  invented  to  furnish  a  connecting  link  be- 
tween Hudson's  discovery  for  the  Dutch,  and  the 
colonization  of  those  very  quarters  by  that  same 
nation.  Such  a  connecting  link  exists,  but  it  is  of  a 
different  nature  from  the  one  imagined  by  Smith. 

It  might  at  first  sight  have  been  expected  that  the 
directors  of  the  East  India  Company  would  liave  fol- 
lowed up  the  discovery  made  in  one  of  their  vessels. 


Nothing,  however,  was  further  from  their  thoughts ; 
North  American  trade  was  advocated  by  the  Belgians, 
their  poUtical  adversaries.  This  was  a  sufficient 
motive  for  them  not  to  favour  it ;  and  the  East  India 
Company  never  claimed  any  of  the  advantages  which 
Hudson's  discovery  soon  began  to  yield.  But  some 
other  Dutchmen,  following  in  Hudson's  footsteps, 
began  to  trade  in  furs  with  the  natives,  and  then  to 
build  a  fort  on  Manhattan  island,  in  Hudson  river. 
The  fort  became  the  germ  of  a  village,  the  village 
became  a  town.  The  town  was  first  called  New 
Amsterdam.     Its  name  now  is  New  York. 

The  last  events  narrated  by  Van  Meteren  took 
place  in  January,  1610.  Then  already  it  was  ru- 
moured that  Hudson  would  again  be  sent  out  by  an 
English  company.  Soon  afterwards  an  arrangement 
of  this  kind  must  have  been  definitively  made.  The 
names  of  Hudson's  three  principal  employers  are  to 
be  found  in  Purchas'  Pilgrimage}  They  are  all  now 
inscribed  on  some  well  known  localities  in  the  Arctic 
regions.  Sir  Thomas  Smith's  name  has  been  given 
to  what  was  called  a  sound,  north  of  Baffin's  Bay  ;  but 
is  now  known  to  be  a  strait,  leading  into  the  northern 
waters.  Cape  AVolstenholme  and  Cape  Diggs  form 
the  entrance  to  Hudson's  Bay. 

The  plan  which  gave  rise  to  this  fourth  voyage 
had  long  been  present  to  Hudson's  mind.  Already, 
in  September  1608,  he  had  intended  to  search  for  a 
passage  through  the  strait  which  he  was  now  going 

^  The  names  of  all  his  employers  will  be  found  in  the  extract 
from  the  charter  granted  to  Button's  employers,  at  the  end  of  the 



to  explore.  He  had  earnestly  discussed  that  same 
plan  with  Peter  Plancius  in  1608  and  1609,  and  had 
been  confirmed  in  his  resolution  by  George  Wey- 
mouth's experience,  which  Plancius  had  communi- 
cated to  him  ;  although  this  passionate  advocate  of 
the  north-eastern  search  had  tried  to  dissuade  Hud- 
son from  his  north-western  undertaking.  On  the 
seventeenth  of  April,  1610,  Hudson  started  from 
London.  As  to  the  events  of  his  voyage,  they  are 
described  in  the  different  papers  that  have  come 
down  to  us ;  and  we  have  tried  to  render  these  docu- 
ments more  clearly  intelligible  by  our  notes.  Still 
there  is  so  much  difficulty  in  the  geographical  in- 
vestigation of  this  voyage,  that  we  cannot  hope  to 
make  the  reader's  path  quite  easy,  even  by  the  assist- 
ance which  our  notes  may  afford,  and  by  the 
synoptical  arrangement  of  the  materials,  to  which  the 
following  table  is  devoted. 





Names  of  Adventurers.  Vessel     - 


Departure             .... 

April  17, 



H.,  Pr. 

98,  90 

Colburn  sent  back 

H.,  Pr.,  Foxe 


Westman  Islands 

May  15 

H.,  Pr. 

94,  98 

Oflf  Iceland           .         .         .         - 


H.,  Pr. 

94,  99 

Breda  Bay   (Lousie  Bay),  Hud- 

May 30 

H.  H.'s  letter.  Pr. 

94,  90, 

son's  letter         ...         - 


133,  140 

Departure  from  Iceland 


H.,  Pr. 


Greenland  E.  05°  (Groneland)    - 

June  4,  5 

H.,  Pr. 

94,  99 

Greenland    E.    03°    (Frobisher's 

June  9 



Strait)       .         .         -         -         . 

Cape  Farewell  (Desolation) 

June  15 

H.,  Pr.,  Purch. 


Greenland  S.W.  00°  42'  (Desola- 

June 20 




Eesolution  Island 

June  24 

H.,  Pr. 

95,  100 

Ungava  Bay,  S.E.  5!)°  IC    - 

July  5 







Akpatok  (Desire  Provoketh) 

July  8 

H.,  Pr. 

95,  102 

Saddle  Back  Islands(  God's  Mercy) 

July  11 

H.,  Pr. 

90, 103 

Jackman's  Sound 










Ungava  B.  S.W.  58°  50' 

July  1  0 



Long  Island  (Hold  with  Hope)   - 

Jufv  19 



Soutliern     shore     of     Hudson's 

Strait,  from  Hojje  Advance  Bay 

to  Deception  Bay  (Magna  Bri- 

tannia,  Prince   Henry's   Cajje, 


King  James  Cape)    - 

July  20-31 

H.,  Pr. 

104,  105 

Northern  shore,  N.  of  Charles  Is. 

Aug.  1 

H.,  Pr. 


Salisliury  Island 

Aug.  2 

H.,  Pr. 


Cape  Wolstenliolme,  Cape  Diggs 

Aug.  3 

H.,  Pr. 


Voyage  down   the   east  coast  of 

Aug.  4, 



Hudson's  Bay  -         -         .         . 

Oct.  31 

Juet's  trial  -         -         .         .         . 




Wintering  in  James  Bay     - 


Pr.jHess.  Gerr. 




Antiscorbutic  medicine 

Dec.  1010 

Pr.,  Purch. 

114, 141 

Visit  of  a  savage           ... 




187, 193 

Green's  antecedents    - 

—     — 



Departure  from  winter  quarters  - 




Conspiracy — Hudson's  exposure 




142,  184, 


Voyage  back  to  Diggs'  Island 

June  21- 

Pr.,  Purch. 


July  25 


Fight     with     Esquimaux     near 

July  29 

Pr.,  Purch. 


Diggs'  Island   -        -        -        . 


Voyage  home      .... 

July  30- 

Pr.,  Purch. 


Sept.  C 


Eeturn        ..... 


Purch.,  H.  Ger. 

144, 188, 

Imprisonment  of  conspirators     - 


H.  Ger. 

188, 193 

Button   sent   out    in    search    of 

—     — 

H.  Ger. 




It  will  not  be  necessary  to  add  any  long  comments 
to  this  table.  On  reference  to  the  documents,  it  will  be 
seen  that  the  geographical  information  is  to  be  found 
almost  exclusively  in  Hudson's  own  journal,  and  in 
his  chart,  whilst  the  scenes  and  events  of  the  voyage 
form  the  main  portion  of  Pricket's  account.  The 
few  pages  which  may  be  gathered  from  other  sources 
contain  stray  facts,  the  insertion  of  which  our  table 
will  facilitate.  It  will  not  be  easy,  even  with  the 
assistance  of  the    maps  in  the    present   volume,  to 


follow  Hudson  through  the  Strait.  Few  readers  take 
sufficient  interest  in  such  matters  to  attempt  this 
labour.  To  those  who  wish  to  undertake  it,  we  re- 
commend the  Admiralty  Chart  of  the  Arctic  regions 
(1856)  as  a  very  useful  guide. 

The  remaining  part  of  Hudson's  voyage,  the  ex- 
ploration of  Hudson's  Bay,  the  wintering  in  James 
Bay,  the  conspiracy  of  the  crew,  the  exposure  of 
Hudson  in  an  open  shallop,  are  strikingly  told  by 
Pricket.  But  his  account,  though  very  remarkable 
as  a  narrative,  is  most  unsatisfactory  as  a  geogra- 
phical record,  and  leaves  almost  every  question  of 
this  kind  without  a  conclusive  answer.  We  cannot 
even  fix  the  spot  where  Hudson  wintered  and  where 
he  died.  The  wintering  place  which  seems  to 
us  the  most  likely  is  indicated  in  the  map  of  his 
voyages  which  accompanies  this  volume.  The  place 
■where  he  was  exposed  cannot  have  been  at  a  great 
distance  from  his  winter  quarters,  considering  the 
short  time  which  elapsed  between  his  departure  and 
that  tragical  event.  But  in  this  respect  our  uncer- 
tainty is  still  greater. 

The  conspirators  pleaded  as  an  excuse  for  their 
guilty  deed,  that  Hudson  had  withheld  some  of  the 
victuals,  storing  them  up  in  his  own  cabin ;  and  they 
have  tried  to  throw  in  this  manner  a  blemish  on  his 
character.  But  even  if  the  charge  be  a  true  one, 
Hudson's  motives  were  certainly  honourable;  with 
such  men  as  he  had  under  his  orders  it  was  dangerous 
to  deal  openly.  Their  crime  had  no  other  cause  than 
the  fear  that  he  would  continue  his  search  and  expose 


them  to  new  privations ;  and  it  seems  that  in  pro- 
viding for  this  emergency,  he  had  even  increased  his 
dangers.  Another  cahimny  has  ah'eady  been  dis- 
proved ;  and  Hudson's  character  stands  free  from  all 

Partly  to  search  for  Hudson,  partly  to  improve  his 
discoveries,  an  expedition  was  sent  out  the  following 
year,  under  Sir  Thomas  Button.  Allusion  is  made 
to  it  by  Hessel  Gerritz  ;  and  we  have  besides  added, 
at  the  end  of  the  appendix,  the  contents  of  a  charter 
granted  to  the  company  by  whom  Button  was  sent 
out.  Those  who  risked  their  capital  on  that  enter- 
prise, firmly  believed  that  Hudson  had  found  an 
opening  for  a  commercial  route  to  China  and  Japan. 
Such  was  also  the  belief  of  Hessel  Gerritz,  of 
Purchas,  and  of  all  those  who  first  began  to  spread 
Hudson's  fame.  This  belief  has  now  vanished,  and 
we  know  that  all  the  attempts  of  Henry  Hudson,  in 
the  north,  in  the  north-east,  and  in  the  north-west, 
have  proved  complete  failures. 

Yet,  Henry  Hudson's  name  is  not  forgotten.  It 
is  borne  by  his  Strait  and  by  the  Bay  in  which  he 
wintered  and  died.  It  is  inscribed  on  the  vast  ter- 
ritory between  the  Bay  and  the  Pacific  Ocean.  It  is 
aff"ectionately  remembered  by  the  millions  of  human 
beings  now  living  on  those  banks,  which  he  found 
scantily  inhabited  by  savage  races.  Nor  have  his 
labours  been  fruitless :  he  has  given  to  his  own 
country  the  fisheries  of  Spitzbergen,  and  the  fur  trade 
of  the  Hudson's  Bay  territories.  The  Dutch  owed  to 
him  their  North- American  colony,  which  has  after- 


wards  fallen  into  English  hands  ;  and  is  now  peopled 
and  ruled  over  by  the  united  descendants  of  both 
nations.  Thus,  in  spite  of  his  failures,  Hudson  has 
erected  himself  a  far  prouder  monument  than  he 
would  have  dared  to  hope  for.  These  successes  may 
well  be  held  out  as  an  encouragement  to  those,  who, 
like  him,  labour  earnestly  and  steadfastly  in  some 
great  cause  that  may  seem  hopeless.  Such  labour  is 
never  cast  away,  if  only  they,  like  Henry  Hudson, 
prescribe  to  themselves  the  rule :    To  achieve  what 

words,  TO  give  reason   wherefore  it  will  NOT  BE. 

Ill  laying  the  present  volume  before  the  members 
of  the  Hakluyt  Society,  the  editor  owes  them  more 
than  one  explanation.  The  book  has,  long  ago,  been 
announced  as  nearly  ready.  Mr.  Hamilton,  of  the 
manuscript  department  in  the  British  Museum,  was 
then  named  as  the  editor,  whom  the  writer  of  the 
present  pages  was  merely  to  assist  by  furnishing  part 
of  the  introduction.  This  arrangement  was  after- 
wards rendered  impossible,  by  the  present  editor's 
leaving  London,  and  retiring  to  the  country.  The 
present  editor  had  not  at  first  the  courage  to  ask  Mr. 
Hamilton  to  give  up  his  rights.  When  he  at  last 
did  so,  the  request  was  most  kindly  and  courteously 
granted.  But  a  delay  of  more  than  a  year  had 
before  taken  place.  It  would  be  useless  to  enume- 
rate the  other  causes  of  delay,  except  the  principal 
one  ;  namely  the  difficulty  the  editor  felt  in  writing 
English.       This    difficulty   could   never    have   been 


surmounted  without  the  extreme  kindness  of  the 
editor's  friend,  Mr.  R.  H.  Major,  who  has  examined 
every  line  of  the  present  book  before  it  was  sent  to 
the  press.  From  this  kindness,  the  editor  has  derived 
more  than  passing  benefits.  The  corrections  became 
fewer  as  the  work  proceeded,  and  have  in  its  latter 
half  been  limited  to  a  few  minutiae  here  and  there. 
Mr.  Major  has  also  taken  upon  himself  the  tedious 
and  ungrateful  task  of  correcting  the  extracts  from 
Purchas.  During  the  journey  which  the  editor 
undertook  to  inspect  the  Cabot  map  in  Paris,  he 
received  the  kind  attentions  of  the  celebrated  Mr. 
Jomard,  and  of  the  equally  distinguished  scholar 
to  whom  the  present  volume  is  dedicated.  Mr. 
Bouillet,  the  author  of  two  justly  esteemed  manuals, 
has  also  been  kind  enough  to  assist  the  editor  in 
tracing  the  Anskoeld  Myth  back  to  its  origin.  In 
Holland  the  editor  has  been  less  fortunate  ;  yet  he 
has  there  received  some  kind  assistance  from  Mr. 
Frederic  Muller  in  Amsterdam,  and  from  Mr.  Spanier, 
the  lithographer,  at  the  Hague,  to  whom  the  excel- 
lent copies  from  the  two  old  Dutch  charts  are  due. 
He  has  especially  to  thank  Mr.  Campbell,  the  deputy 
librarian  at  the  Hague,  for  an  act  of  very  great 
kindness,  alluded  to  on  p.  xxxv  of  the  present  volume. 


A.,  B. 

The  questions  to  which  these  two  notes  refer  have  been  made  the 
subjects  of  special  investigation,  by  the  writer  of  the  present  pages, 
whilst  the  book  was  going  through  the  press,  and  by  a  new  and 
more  accurate  examination  of  the  original  documents  he  has  been 
induced  to  modify  very  considerably  the  opinions  expressed  in  the 
text.    The  following  are  the  principal  new  views  he  has  arrived  at : 

1.  That  Sebastian  Cabot  was  born  in  Venice,  not  in  Bristol; 
that  he  arrived  in  England  with  his  father  when  a  child,  and  lived 
here  till  he  went  out  on  his  voj'ages. 

2.  That  the  voyages  of  the  Scandinavians  exercised  no  percepti- 
ble influence  upon  John  and  Sebastian's  opinions. 

3.  That  John  Cabot  died  most  probably  shortly  after  his  son's 
second  departure. 

4.  That  the  discovery  of  Hudson's  Strait  in  1496  must  be  con- 
cluded from  Galvano's  account,  not  from  the  spurious  one  of 

The  editor  is  now  preparing  for  the  press  a  memoir  on  the 
north-western  voyages  of  the  Cabots,  in  which  these  matters  will 
be  more  clearly  explained  than  could  be  done  in  the  short  space 
here  afforded. 

The  notes  on  Cabot's  map  will  be  fovmd  in  the  bibliographical 
list,  under  Cabot. 

The  following  are  the  sources  which  the  editor  has  consulted  : 

I.  As  regards  the  Scandinavians,  his  notes  are  taken  from  Rafn's 
celebrated  work,  where  it  is  stated  in  various  places  that  the  re- 


miiining  Icelandic  documents  respecting  the  north-western  voyages 
of  the  Scandinavians  are  extremely  numerous,  and  belong  to  almost 
every  age,  from  the  beginning  of  the  voyages  themselves  down  to 
the  sixteenth  century ;  so  that  it  is  evident  how  very  familiar  the 
Icelanders  must  have  been  with  these  matters  in  Cabot's  and 
Columbus'  time.  This  seems  to  us  even  more  clearly  proved  by 
the  geographical  manuals  of  the  Icelanders  than  by  the  remain- 
ing fragments  of  their  ancient  records.  These  geographical  sys- 
tems prove  that  the  discovery  of  America,  such  as  it  presented 
itself  to  their  minds,  formed  part  and  parcel  of  their  general  ideas, 
from  which  it  can  therefore  not  have  been  easily  effaced.  The 
interesting  extract  which  we  give  (at  the  end  of  the  Appendix)  is 
taken  from  the  Gripla,  one  of  those  geographical  manuals  which 
would  seem,  if  we  understand  Mr.  Rafn  right,  to  belong  on  exter- 
nal evidence  to  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  or  beginning  of  the  six- 
teenth century.  We  cannot  perceive  the  weight  of  the  reasons 
adduced  by  northern  scholars  for  the  fact,  that  on  intrinsic  evi- 
dence the  Gripla  must  be  much  anterior  to  Columbus'  and  Cabot's 

II.  John  Cahofs  arrival  in  England. — Sebastian^s  birth.  Mis- 
cellanies of  the  Philobiblon  Society,  ii.  The  paper  on  Cabot 
quoted  in  our  Bibliographical  list,  p.  262.  Peter  Martyr,  p.  232. 
Eden's  Peter  Martyr,  p.  255. 

III.  Influence  of  the  Scandinavians.  This  idea  was  principally 
based  on  Gomara,  ch.  xxxix  (p.  31),  which  we  have  since  learnt 
to  consider  as  a  compilation  made  up  from  Peter  Martyr,  and  from 
some  fictions  introduced  by  Gomara. 

IV.  First  Voijar/e.  Charter  granted  by  Henry  VII,  Hakluyt,  iii,  4. 
Extract  from  Henry  VII  Book  of  Privy  Purse,  Biddle,  Cabot,  p. 
80,  note;  Miscellanies  of  Philobiblon  Society,  as  reprinted  in 
the  text.  Ramusio,  Viaggi,  v.  i,  p.  414,  415.  (In  the  treatise  on 
Spices,  edition  quoted  in  our  Bibl.  List).  The  History  and  Anti- 
quities of  Bristol,  p.  172.  Cabot's  Map;  Chytraeus,  p.  773  ;  Hak- 
luyt, iii,  5. 

V.  Events  between  First  and  Second  Voijarje.  Book  of  Privy 
Purse,  Cabot,  p.  86.     Ramusio,  loco  citato. 

VI.  Privilege  granted  to  John  Cabot,  Biddle,  Cabot,  p.  76 ; 
Hakluyt,  iii,  5.  f  f 


vii.  Second  Voyage.  Fabian's  Chronicle,  a  notice  occurring  in 
three  different  shapes  :  a.  Hakluyt,  Divers  Voyages,  Appendix 
specially  devoted  to  Sebastian  Cabot ;  b.  Stow,  Annals,  p.  481, 
edition  quoted  in  Bibliographical  list ;  the  same  before  in  Hol- 
linshed  Chronicle,  edited  by  John  Hooker,  1587  :  date  1498  ; 
c.  Hakluyt,  Collections,  iii,  p.  9.  Peter  Martyr,  p.  232 ;  Galvano, 
p.  32;  Gomara,  ch.  xxxix  (p.  31);   Willes  (Hakluyt,  iii,  p,  25.) 

Yiii.  Third  Voyage.  Eden,  Treatise  of  New  India,  1553,  Dedi- 
cation ;  Ramusio,  Viaggi,  iii,  Introduction ;  Thome's  Letter  to 
Henry  VIII,  loco  citato. 


For  the  two  Portuguese  expeditions,  see  chapters  i  to  iv  in  the 
second  book  of  Mr.  Biddle's  Cabot  (pp.  225-248)  and  the  docu- 
ments quoted  there ;  and  also,  Discorso  d'un  Gran  Capitano 
Francese,  Ramusio,  iii,  423  b. 


See  Discorso  d'un  Gran  Capitano  Francese,  Ramusio,  iv,  423  b, 
and  Vincent  Le  Blanc,  Voyages  (Paris,  1648)  iii"  partie,  p.  66. 








AND    PARTLY    BY    H.    HUDSON. 

Anno  1607,  Aprill  the  nineteenth,  at  Saint  Ethelburgc,  iu 
Bishops  Gate  street,  did  communicate  with  the  rest  of  the 
parishioners  these  persons,  seamen,  purposing  to  goe  to  sea 
foure  dayes  after,  for  to  discover  a  passage  by  the  North 
Pole  to  Japan  and  China.  First,  Henry  Hudson,  master. 
Secondly,  "William  Colines,  his  mate.  Thirdly,  James 
Young.  Fourthly,  John  Colman.  Fiftly,  John  Cooke. 
Sixtly,  James  Beubery.  Seventhly,  James  Skrutton.  Eightly, 
John  Pleyce,  Ninthly,  Thomas  Baxter.  Tenthly,  Richard 
Day.  Eleventhly,  James  Knight.  Twclfthly,  John  Hud- 
son,^ a  boy. 

The  first  of  May,  1607,  we  wayed  anchor  at  Gravcsend,  May. 
and  on  Tuesday,  the  sixe  and  twentieth  day,  in  the  morn- 
ing, we  made  the  lies  of  Shotland,-  and  at  noon  we  were  in  'i)'"„"*'V''^ 
60  degrees  12  minutes,  and  sixe  leagues  to  the  eastward  of 

1  Sou  of  Henry  Hudson.     [Ed.]  -  Shetland.     [Ed.] 



them  :  the  compass  had  no  variation.  Wc  had  sixty-fonre 
fathomcs  at  oui"  sounding,  blacke,  ozie,  sandie,  with  some 
yellow  shels.  Our  ship  made  more  way  than  we  did  sup- 
pose. On  Saturday,  the  thirtieth  of  May,  by  our  observa- 
tion we  Avere  in  61  degrees  11  minutes.  This  day  I  found 
the  needle  to  incline  79  degrees  under  the  horizon.  For 
'/jl','^"}"^,'^"'^' foure   dayes   space   we   made  very   little   way   by   contrary 

needle.  •      t 


June.  Qj-^  Thursday,  the  fourth  of  June,  we  Avere,  by  our  obser- 

vation, still  in  61  degrees  and  14  minutes,  eight  and  twcntie 
or  thirtie  leagues  from  the  norther  part  of  Shothand  :  the 
land  bearing  by  our  accompt  east  and  by  north  off  us.  I 
found  variation  in  five  degrees  westerly. 

The  seventh  of  June,  wee  were  in  Qio  degrees  25  minutes. 
The  eighth,  all  the  forenoone  we  had  a  fresh  gale  southerly; 
we  steered  away  north  and  by  west :  and   by   observation 

c5(iegices    y^Q  wcrc  iu  65  dc^rees  27  minutes. 

2?"  minutes.  '^ 

The  eleventh,  wee  saw  sixe  or  seven  whales  necre  our 
'ioMinutTs.  shippc  :  we  were  in  sixtie-seven  degrees,  thirtie  minutes. 
About  five  of  the  clocke,  the  winde  came  up  at  north-cast 
and  by  east ;  we  steered  away  north  north-west  with  a  fresh 
gale  all  the  night  at  east.  The  tivclfth,  the  winde  was  at 
east  north-east,  a  stifTe  gale  ;  Avee  steered  away  as  afore,  and 
accounted  wee  had  runne  by  this  day  noone  thirtie  leagues. 
In  the  after-noone  we  steered  away  north  and  by  west 
fiftecne  leagues  ;  all  the  night  proved  a  great  fogge  with 
much  wind. 

The  tldrteenth,  betweene  one  and  two  in  the  morning,  we 
saw  some  land^  on  head  of  us,  and  some  ice  ;  and  it  being 

^  Hudson  arrives  at  the  coast  of  Greenland,  along  which  he  sails  until 
the  22nd  of  .June.  So  much  we  learn  from  his  remarks.  But  it  is  im- 
possible to  ascertain  with  exactness  the  situation  of  the  places  indicated, 
or  even  to  identify  those  named,  such  as  Young's  Cape,  the  JNIount 
of  God's  Mercy,  and  Hold  with  Hope.  His  own  statements  are  vague, 
and  the  broad  ice-fields,  by  which  the  coast  has  been  encircled  since  his 
time,   have  prevented    modern   investigators   from   furnishing   ns   with 

FIRST    VOYAGE    (1607).  3 

a  tliicke  fogge  we  steered  aAvay  northerly,  and  having  much 
wind,  wee  stood  away  south  and  by  east  six  or  eight  leagues. 
Our  saylc  and  shroudes  did  freeze.  At  eight  in  the  morn- 
ing it  cleered  up,  the  wind  being  at  north-east  and  by  east, 
Avith  much  wind  wee  were  hardly  able  to  maintayne  a  sayle. 
This  was  a  very  high  land,  most  part  covered  with  snow. 
The  neather  part  was  uncovered.  At  the  top  it  looked 
reddish,  and  underneath  a  blackish  clay,  with  much  ice 
lying  about  it.  The  part  which  we  saw  when  wee  cast 
about,  trended  east  and  west ;  and  the  norther  part  which 
we  saw,  trended  north-cast  and  by  north  and  north-east ; 
and  the  length  which  wee  saw  was  nine  leagues  :  wee  saw 
much  fowle.  Also  wee  saw  a  whale  close  by  the  shoare. 
Wee  called  the  head-land  Avhich  we  saw  Younars  Caiic  ;  and  ^'o""o's 

°  ^       '  Cape. 

neere  it  standcth  a  very  high  mount,  like  a  round  castle, 
Avhich  wee  called  the  Mount  of  Gods  Mercie.     All  the  after-  riio  Mourn, 

of  Cods 

noone  and  all  the  evening  it  rained.     At  eight  in  the  even-  wercie. 
ing  we  cast  about,  and  steered  all  night  north  and  by  west, 
and  sometimes  north  north-west. 

The  fourteenth,  being  neere  the  land,  we  had  snow.  At  suow. 
foure  in  the  morning,  the  wind  vering  northerly,  we  cast 
about  and  stood  south-east  and  by  south.  This  day  wee  had 
much  wind  and  raine  :  we  shorted  sayle,  being  neere  the 
land.  T\i.Q fifteenth ,  in  the  morning,  it  blowed  so  much  wind 
at  north-east,  that  wee  were  not  able  to  maintayne  any  sayle  ; 
wee  then  strooke  a  hull,  and  let  our  ship  drive,  wayting  for 
a  fitter  wind  :  this  night  was  very  much  raine.  The  sixteenth 
was  much  Avind  at  north-east.  The  setentoenih,  we  set  sayle 
at  noone,  we  steered  away  east  and  by  south,  and  east  south- 
any  correct  outline.  The  contemporary  maps  give  but  little  assistance ; 
the  ancient  chart  of  the  Zeni  having  been  used  as  the  basis  for  the  de- 
lineation of  Greenland,  and  that  chart,  although  superior  to  the  gene- 
rality of  its  time,  is  nevertheless  very  imperfect.  When,  as  in  the 
account  before  us,  we  find  various  additional  places  incorporated  into 
it,  we  can,  of  course,. place  but  small  reliance  upon  the  real  accuracy  of 
such  materials,     [l^d.] 


east.  The  eighteenth,  in  the  afternoone,  a  fine  gale  south- 
east, which  toward  the  evening  increased,  and  we  steered 
north-east  three  watches,  twelve  leagues.  The  ninetcentli, 
we  steered  away  north  north-east  sixteene  leagues.  At  noone 
wee  had  raine  with  foggc.  From  twelve  to  foure  we  steered 
north  north-cast  eight  leagues,  and  did  account  ourselves  in 
seventie  degrees  neerest  hand,  purposing  to  see  whether  the 
land  which  we  made  the  thirteenth  day  were  an  iland  or 
part  of  Groneland.'  But  then  the  fogge  increased  very 
thicke,  with  much  wind  at  south,  which  made  us  alter  our 
course  and  to  shorten  our  sayle,  and  we  steered  away  north- 
east. Being  then,  as  we  supposed,  in  the  meridian  of  the 
same  land,  having  no  observation  since  the  eleventh  day, 
and  lying  a  hull  from  the  fifteenth  to  the  seventeenth  day, 
wee  perceived  a  current  setting  to  the  south-west.  This 
day  wee  saw  three  whales  neere  our  ship,  and  having  steered 
away  north-east  almost  one  watch,  five  leagues,  the  sea  was 
growne  every  way  :  we  supposed  wee  were  thwart  of  the 
north-cast  part  of  that  land  which  we  made  the  thirteenth 
day,  and  the  current  setting  to  wind-ward.  The  reason  that 
mooved  us  to  thinkc  so,  was,  that  after  we  had  sayled  five  or 
sixe  leagues  in  this  sea,  the  wind  neither  increasing  nor 
dulling,  wee  had  a  pleasant  and  smooth  sea.  All  this  night 
was  foggie  with  a  good  gale  of  wind ;  we  steered  away  north- 
east untill  the  next  day  at  noone,  and  sayled  in  that  course 
twentie  leagues. 

The  twentieth,  all  the  morning  was  a  thicke  fogge,  with 
the  winde  at  south  ;  wee  steered  north-east  till  noone.    Then 

^  In  the  charts  of  this  date,  Greenland,  as  stated  in  the  preceding  note, 
was  laid  down  from  the  map  of  the  Zeni,  where  it  is  called  Encjroneland, 
and  from  it  the  Groneland  of  Hudson  is  derived.  We  must  not  con- 
found this  with  what  he  calls  Greenland,  by  which  he  means  the 
Greodand  of  Earentz,  that  is  to  say,  Spitzhergen.  In  short,  it  is  worth 
remembering,  that  wherever  Hudson  mentions  Groneland,  he  intends 
Greenland,  and  when  he  speaks  of  Greodand  we  must  understand  Sjniz- 
berffcn.     [Kd.] 

FIKST    VOYAGE    (1607).  5 

wc  changed  our  course,  and  steered  away  north  north-cast, 

hoping  for  an  open  sea  in  our  course  to  fall  with  the  bodie 

of  Newland.'     This  day,  at  two  in  the  aftcrnoone,  it  cleercd 

up,  and  M'ee  saw  the  sunne,  which  wee  had  not  scene  since 

the  second  of  this  moneth.     Having  steered   north   north-  Note. 

east  two  watches  and  a  halfe,  fifteene  or  sixteene  leagues, 

wee  saw  land  on  our  larboord,  about  four  leagues  off  us,  lamion 

trending,   as   wee  could   ghess,   north-east  and   south-west.  ^'^°'''* 

AVee  steered  away  east  north-east,  the  wind  at  south  a  good 

o-ale,  but  reasonable  clcere  :  wee  saw  many  birds  with  blacke  J^' 'V> 

backes  and  white  bellies,  in  forme  much  like  a  ducke,  we 

saw  also  many  pieces  of  ice  drivinar  at  the  sea.     We  loofed  ^^I'l'i'dnft 

-     i  ~  lee. 

for  one  and  went  roomer  for  another.     And  this  morning,  t^o^^^e^pdCse 
about  foure,  a  thicke  fogge  we  saw  ahead  of  us.  roomw-, 

mi  7  •      7      •         1  •  11       cout[i-ary]. 

Ihe  owe  and  twentteth,  m  the  morning,  we  steered  north- 
east and  east  north-east  two  watches,  five  or  sixe  leagues. 
Then  it  grew  thicke  fogge.  And  we  cast  about,  and  steered 
north-east  and  east  north-east  two  w^atches,  sixe  leagues, 
finding  wee  were  embayed.  The  wind  came  at  east  south- 
east a  little  gale  :  we  tacked  about  and  lay  south.  All  this 
night  was  a  thicke  fog  with  little  winde,  east  we  lay  with  the 

The  two  and  twentieth,  in  the  morning,  it  cleered  up, 
being  calme  about  two  or  three  of  the  clocke  :  after,  we  had 
a  prettie  gale,  and  we  steered  away  east  and  by  north  three 
leagues.  Our  observation  was  in  72  degrees  38  minutes  ; 
and  changing  our  course  wee  steered  north-east,  the  wind  at 

^  Nieuland  is  the  name  given  to  Spitzbergen  by  several  of  the  Dutch 
geographers,  this  the  English  afterwards  converted  into  King  James  his 
NeidaMd.  The  most  general  name  for  the  country  was,  however,  Green- 
laud,  originating  from  a  mistaken  notion  respecting  the  northern  terri- 
tory discovered  by  the  ancient  Scandinavians.  Tlie  first  who  fell  into 
this  mistake  was  Barentz.  The  name  of  Spitzbergen  was  invented  by 
flessel  Gerard,  in  1613,  possibly  on  the  authority  of  Barentz.  Gerard, 
however,  refers  the  name  to  the  year  1596.  See  Dr.  Eekc's  Introduc- 
tion to  De  Vecr^  p.  Ixxxvii.     [Ed.] 


south-east,  a  prcttic  gale.  This  morning,  when  it  cleered 
up,  we  saw  the  land,  trending  neere  hand  east  north-east 
and  west  south-west,  esteeming  ourselves  from  it  twelve 
leagues.  It  was  a  mayne  high-land,  nothing  at  all  covered 
with  snow ;  and  the  north  part  of  that  mayne  high-land  was 
very  high  mountaynes,  but  Ave  could  see  no  snow  on  them. 
We  accounted,  by  our  observation,  the  part  of  the  mayne 
land  lay  neerest  hand  in  73  degrees.  The  many  fogs  and 
calmes,  with  contrary  winds  and  much  ice  neere  the  shoare, 
held  us  from  farther  discovery  of  it.  It  may  bee  objected 
against  us  as  a  fault,  for  haling  so  westerly  a  course.  The 
chiefe  cause  that  moved  us  thereunto,  was  our  desire  to  see 
that  part  of  Groneland,  which  (for  ought  that  Ave  know)  Avas 
to  any  Christian  unknoAvne  ;  and  Avee  thought  it  might  as 
well  have  beene  open  sea  as  land,  and  by  that  meanes  our 
passage  should  have  beene  the  larger  to  the  Pole;  and  the 
hope  of  having  a  westerly  Avind,  Avhich  Avould  be  to  us  a 
landerly  Avind  if  Avee  found  land.  And  considering  Avec 
found  land  contrarie  to  that  Avhich  our  cards  make  mention 
of,  we  accounted  our  labour  so  much  the  more  Avorth.  And, 
for  ought  that  Avee  could  see,  it  is  like  to  bee  a  good  land, 
and  Avorth  the  seeing. 

On  the  one  and  hventieth  day,  in  the  morning,  Avhile  we 
steered  our  course  north  north-east,  we  thought  we  had 
embayed  ourselves,  finding  land  on  our  larboord  and  ice 
upon  it,  and  many  great  pieces  of  drift  ice  :  Ave  steered  away 
north-east,  Avith  diligent  looking  out  every  cleere  for  land, 
having  a  desire  to  know  Avhether  it  would  leave  us  to  the 
cast,  both  to  know  the  bredth  of  the  sea,  and  also  to  shape 
a  more  northerly  course.  And  considering  Avee  kncAV  no 
name  given  to  this  land,  Avee  thought  good  to  name  it  Hold- 
Avith-Hope,  lying  in  73  degrees  of  latitude. 

The  sunne  Avas  on  the  meridian  on  the  south  part  of  the 
compasse,  neerest  hand.  Hecre  it  is  to  bee  noted,  that  Avhen 
Ave  made  the  Mount  of  Gods  Mcrcie  and  Youngs  Cape,  the 

FIRST    VOYAGK     (IGOT).  7 

land  was  covered  with  snow  for  the  most  part,  and  extreame 
cohl,  when  wee  approached  ncerc  it :  bnt  this  hvnd  was 
very  temperate  to  our  feeling.  And  this  likewise  is  to  he 
noted,  that  being  two  dayes  without  observation,  notwith- 
standing our  lying  a  hull  by  reason  of  much  contrary  wind, 
yet  our  observation  and  dead-reckoning  were  within  eight 
leagues  together,  our  shippe  being  before  us  eight  leagues. 
This  night,  untill  next  morning,  prooved  little  winde. 

The  three  and  twentieth,  in  the  morning,  we  had  an  hard 
gale  on  head  of  us,  with  much  rayne  that  fell  in  veiy  great 
drops,  much  like  our  thunder-showers  in  England  ;  wee 
tacked  about  and  stood  east  northerly  with  a  short  sayle  ; 
to  our  feeling  it  was  not  so  cold  as  before  we  had  it.  It  was 
calme  from  noone  to  three  of  the  clocke  with  fogge.  After 
the  winde  came  up  at  east  and  east  south-east,  we  steered 
away  north-east  with  the  fogge  and  rayne.  About  seven  or 
eight  of  the  clocke,  the  wind  increased  with  extreame  fogge, 
wee  steered  away  with  short  sayle  east  north-east  and  some- 
times east  and  by  north.  About  twelve  at  midnight  the 
wind  came  up  at  south-Avest ;  we  steered  away  north,  being 
reasonable  cleere  Aveather. 

1l\\&  four  and  twentieth,  in  the  morning,  about  two  of  the 
clocke,  the  masters  mate  thought  he  saAV  land  on  the  lar- 
boord,  trending  north  north-west  westerly,  and  the  longer 
we  ranne  north  the  more  it  fell  away  to  the  west,  and  did 
thinke  it  to  bee  a  mayne  high  land.  This  day,  the  wind 
being  westerly,  we  steered  away  north,  and  by  observation 
we  were  in  73  degrees  nearest  hand.  At  noone  we  changed 
our  course,  and  steered  away  north  and  by  east;  and  at  our 
last  observation,  and  also  at  this,  we  found  the  meridian  all 
leeward  on  the  south  and  by  west,  Avesterly  part  of  the  com- 
passe,  when  we  had  sayled  two  watches,  eight  leagues. 

The  fixe  and  twentieth,  the  wind  scanted  and  came 
up  at  north  north-west ;  we  lay  north-east  two  watches,  8 
leagues.      After   the   Avind    became   variable    betwecne    the 


north-east  and  the  north,  we  steered  away  east  and  by  north 
and  sometimes  east;  we  had  thicke  fogge.  About  noone 
three  granpasses  played  about  our  shippe.  This  after-noone 
the  wind  vered  to  the  east  and  south-east :  we  haled  away 
north  and  by  east.  This  night  was  close  weather,  but  small 
fogge  (we  use  the  word  night  for  distinction  of  time,  but 
long  before  this  the  sunne  was  alway  above  the  horizon,  but 
as  yet  we  could  never  see  him  upon  the  meridian  north.) 

75  degrees.  Xliis  night,  being  by  our  accompt  in  the  latitude  of  75  de- 
forces, we  saw  small  flockes  of  birds,  with  blacke  backes  and 
white  bellies,  and  long   speare  tayles.      We  supposed  that 

farre  off'  land  was  not  farre  off;  but  we  could  not  discrie  any,  with  all 
the  diligence  which  we  could  use,  being  so  close  weather 
that  many  times  we  could  not  see  sixe  or  seven  leagues  off. 

The  sixe  and  twentieth,  in  the  morning,  was  close  wea- 
ther ;  we  had  our  wind  and  held  our  course  as  afore.     This 

7fi  degrees    ^.^y  q^^.  observation  was  76   degrees  o'^  minutes ;    and  Ave 

38  minutes.  •'  o  ^ 

had  birds  of  the  same  sort  as  afore,  and  divers  other  of  that 
colour,  having  red  heads,  that  we  saw  when  we  first  made 
the  Mount  of  Gods  Mercy  in  Greenland,  but  not  so  many. 
After  we  steered  away  north  and  by  east,  two  watches,  ten 
leagues,  with  purpose  to  fall  with  the  souther  part  of 
Newland,  accounting  ourselves  10  or  12  leagues  from  the 
land.  Then  wee  stood  away  north-east,  one  watch,  five 

The  sei:en  and  twentieth,  about  one  or  two  of  the  clocke 
or  Newlami  i^  ^^  momiug,  wc  made  Newland,  being  cleere  weather  on 
discovered.  ^^  ^^^  .  |^^^  ^^^  X-dx^^  was  covcrcd  with  fogge,  the  ice  lying 
very  thick   all  along   the  shore  for  15  or  16  leagues,  which 
we  saw.     Having  faire  wind  wee  coasted  it  in  a  very  pleas- 
ing smooth  sea,  and  had  no  ground  at  an  hundred  fathoms 
foure   leagues   from   the  slioare.     This  day,  at   noone,  wee 
ra  degrees,   accouutcd  Ave  were  in  78  degrees,  and  we  stood  along  the 
slioare.     This  day  was  so  foggie,  that  we  were  hardly  able 
to  sec  the  land   many   times,  but  by  our   account  we  were 

riKST    VOVAOK    (l()OT).  9 

iiearc  Vosrcl  Hooke.'     About  ci<>ht  of  the  clockc  this  cevcn-  voo,.i 

~  '^  Jlooko. 

ing,  we  purposed  to  shape  our  course  from  thence  north- 
west. Heere  is  to  bee  noted,  that  although  we  ranne  along 
neere  the  shoare,  we  found  no  great  cold  ;  which  made  us 
thinke  that  if  we  had  beene  on  shoore  the  place  is  temper- T.-nMu,.,aie 


ate.  Holding  this  north-west  course,  about  ten  of  the  clocke 
at  night,  we  saw  great  store  of  ice  on  head  off  us,  bearing 
wester  off  us  ;  which  wee  could  not  goe  cleere  off  with  the 
foresayd  course.  Then  we  tact  about,  and  stood  away  be- 
tweene  the  south  and  the  south-east,  as  much  desirous  to 
leave  this  land  as  Me  were  to  see  it. 

The  eiffht  and  twejiiiclh  was  a  hard  gale  of  wind  all  the 
fore-noone,  betweene  the  south  and  the  south-west.  We 
shaped  our  course  '  ,  we  did  it  to  bee 

farther  from  the  ice  and  land.  It  pleased  God  that  about 
twelve  of  the  clocke  this  night  it  cleered  up,  and  we  found 
that  we  were  betweene  the  land  and  the  ice  ;  Vogel  Hooke 
then  bearing  nearest  hand  east  off  us.  Then  we  tacked 
about  and  stood  in  for  the  shoare,  having  sea-roome  be- 
tween the  ice  and  the  land.  Tlie  ?ime  and  tioejitieih,  at 
foure  in  the  morning  the  wind  at  north-east,  a  pretic  gale, 
we  thought  best  to  shorten  our  way  ;  so  we  tacked  about 
and  stood  north  north-west,  the  •wind  a  little  increasing. 
About  twelve  at  noone,  we  saw  ice  ahead  off  us  ;  we  cast 
about  again  and  stood  away  east  south-east  with  ver}^  much 
wind,  so  that  we  shortned  our  sayles  for  the  space  of  two 

^  Vogel  Hooke,  (Vogel-hoeck) — Bird  Cape.  According  to  Dr.  Bcke 
(p.  Ixxxvii),  a  point  on  the  western  coast  of  Spitzbergen.  It  is  so 
laid  down  in  an  old  map,  published  in  the  "  Begin  en  Voortgang 
von  de  Nederlandsche  Oostindische  Compagnie,"  4to,  Amsterdam,  1646  ; 
in  the  first  part,  containing  the  Voyages  to  the  North,  1595  to  1597. 
This  a  copy  of  an  English  map  by  Daniel,  published  in  London,  1612, 
but  which  we  have  not  been  able  to  find.  Dr.  Petermann  assigns  to 
Vogel-hoeck  quite  a  different  place;  but  the  scantiness  of  the  materials 
does  not  seem  to  us  to  warrant  any  decided  opinion.     [Ed.] 

^  Blank  in  the  original  edition.     [Ed.] 


Avatclics,  Then  about  eight  this  ecvening  we  strucke  a  hull, 
and  it  proved  the  hardest  storme  that  we  had  in  this  voy- 
age. The  thirtieth,  in  the  morning,  was  stormie  ;  about  noone 
it  ceased ;  at  seven  in  the  eevening  it  proved  almost  calme. 

July.  T\veji7'st  of  Juhj,  all  the  fore-noone  the  wind  was  at  south- 

east ;  we  stood  north-east  for  the  shoare,  hoping  to  finde  an 
open  sea  betweene  the  shoare  and  the  ice.  About  noone 
wee  were  embayed  with  ice,  lying  betweene  the  land  and  us. 

rs  degrees    By  our    observation   we   were   in   78   degrees  42  minutes, 

4x!  minutes.         '' 

whereby  we  accounted  we  were  thwart  of  the  great  In- 
draught. And  to  free  ourselves  of  the  ice,  we  steered  be- 
tweene the  south-east  and  south,  and  to  the  westward,  as 
we  coidcl  have  sea ;  and  about  six  this  eevening  it  pleased 
God  to  give  us  cleere  weather  ;  and  we  found  we  were  shot 
iiie  great    farro  into  the  inlet,  being  almost  a  bay,  and  environed  with 


very  high  niountaynes,  with  low  land  lying  betweene  them  ; 
wee  had  no  ground  in  this  bay  at  an  hundred  fathoms. 
Then,  being  sure  where  we  were,  we  steered  away  west,  the 
wind  at  south-east  and  calme,  and  found  all  our  ice  on  the 
norther  shoare  and  a  cleare  sea  to  the  sou.thward. 

The  second,  it  pleased  God  to  give  us  the  wind  at  north- 
east, a  faire  gale  with  cleere  weather,  the  ice  being  to  the 
northward  off  us,  and  the  weather  shoare,  and  an  open  sea 
to  the  southwards  under  our  lee.  We  held  on  our  course 
north-west  till  twelve  of  the  clocke  ;  having  sayled  in  that 
course  10  leagues,  and  finding  the  ice  to  fall  from  us  to  the 
,'  we  gave  thankes  to  God  who  marvellously 
preserved  us  from  so  many  dangers  amongst  so  huge  a  quan- 
titie  of  ice  and  fogge.  We  steered  away  north-west,  hoping 
7fif]ep;rees    to  bc  ixcQ  from  Ice ;    we  had  observation   78   degrees,  56 

fit)  niimiles. 

minutes  ;  we  fell  with  ice  againe,  and  trended  it  as  it  lay 

betweene  the  west  and  south  south-east.     The  third,  Ave  had 

TMdoRrpps    observation  78  degrees,  33  minutes.     This  day  wee  had  our 

yi!  IJlililllrs.  ,  . 

shrouds  frozen  ;  it  was  searching  cold  ;  we  also  trended  the 
1  Blank  in  original  edition.     [Eil.] 

FIRST    VOYAGE    (IGOT).  11 

ice,  not  knowing  whether  we  were  cleare  or  not,  the  wind 
being  at  north. 

The  fourth,  was  very  cold,  and  our  shroudes   and  sayles  '''>''   , 
frozen  ;  we  found  we  were   farre  in   the  inlet.     The  wind  r,'o'^ J„.'^ ''^^ 
being   at  north,  we  bcare  up  and   stood   south  south-east, 
and  south  and  south-west  by  west  till  ten  this  night.     The 
J{fi,  was  very  niuch  wind  at  north-easterly  ;  at  twelve  we 
strooke  a  hull,  havin<:j  brought  ourselves  neare  the  mouth  '^'i"  "i"""> 
of  the  inlet. 

The  sixth,  in  the  morning,  the  wind  was  as  before,  and  the 
sea  growne.  This  morning  we  came  into  a  very  greene  sea ; 
we  had  our  observation  77  degrees,  30  minutes.     This  after-  77  degreps 

so  minutes. 

noone  the  wind  and  sea  asswaged.  About  foure  of  the 
clocke  we  set  sayle,  and  steered  north-west  and  by  west,  the 
>vind  being  at  north  north-east.  This  day  proved  the  clear- 
est day  we  had  long  before.  The  sevetith,  at  foure  in  the 
morning,  was  very  cleare  weather,  and  the  fairest  morning 
that  we  saw  in  three  weekes  before ;  we  steered  as  afore, 
beino^  by  our  account  in  78  degrees  nearest  hand,  and  out  of ;;";  f'sgrees 

°       *'  O  '  'I  he  end  ol 

the  Sacke.     We  found  we  were  compassed  in  with  land  and  ""^  ^''^''*^- 
ice,  and  were  agaiue  entred  into  a  blacke  sea,  which  by  proofe  a  wucke 
we  found  to  be  an  open  passage.     Now,  having  the  wind  at  ^'="- 
north  north-east,  we  steered  away  south  and  by  east,  with 
purpose  to  fall  with  the  southcrmost  part  of  this  land,  which 
we  saw  ;  hoping  by  this  meane,  either  to  defray  the  charge 
of  the  voyage,  or  else,  if  it  pleased  God  in  time  to  give  us  a 
faire  wind  to  the  north-east,  to  satisfie  expectation.    All  this 
day  and  night  afterward  proved  calme. 

The  eight,  all  the  forc-noone  proved  calme  and  very  tliicke 
fogge.      This  morning  we   saw  many  peeces  of  drift-wood  J^^^'^'^j  '•'■'"" 
drive  by  us  ;  we  heaved  out  our  boate  to  stop  a  leake,  and 
mended  our  riggings.     This  day  wee  saw  many  scales,  and  '^'^y 
two  fishes  which  we  judged  to  bee  sea-horses  or  morses.    At  ^''^''^'^^• 
twelve  this  night  we  had  the  winde  at  east  and  by  south  ; 
Avee  stood  away  north-east. 


The  ninth,  all  the  fore-noone  was  little  wind  at  south-east, 
with  tliicke  fogge.  This  clay  we  were  in  amongst  ilands  of 
ice,  where  we  saw  many  scales. 

The  tenth,  in  the  morning,  was  foggie  ;  afterward  it 
proved  clecre  ;  we  found  we  were  compassed  with  ice  every 
Avay  about  us  ;  wee  tacked  about,  and  stood  south  and  by 
west,  and  south  south-west,  one  watch,  five  leagues,  hoping 
to  get  more  sea-roome  and  to  stand  for  the  north-east ;  we 
had  the  wind  at  north-west. 
From  hence      '^^-^Q,  eleventh,   vcrv   cleere  weather,   with    the    winde    at 

it  seemeth  '' 

is  taken  out  gouth-east-soutli  :  we  were  come  out  of  the  blue  sea  into  our 

01  lien.  ^ 

rw^ne^notes.  grccne  sea  againe,  where  we  saw  whales.  Now,  having  a 
fresh  gale  of  wind  at  south  south-east,  it  behooved  mee  to 
change  my  course,  and  to  sayle  to  the  north-east,  by  the 

Blue  and     southcr  cud  of  Ncwlaud.    But  being  come  into  a  greene  sea, 

greene  seas. 

praying  God  to  direct  mee,  I  steered  away  north  ten  leagues. 
After  that  we  saw  ice  on  our  larboord,  we  steered  away  east 
and  by  north  three  leagues,  and  left  the  ice  behind  us.  Then 
wee  steered  away  north  till  noone.  This  day  wee  had  the 
sunne  on  the  meridian  south  and  by  west,  westerly,  his 
greatest  height  was  o7  degrees,  20  minutes.  By  this  ob- 
ro  degrees    scrvatiou  WO  wcrc  in  79  degrees,  17  minutes  ;  we  had  a  fresh 

17  minutes. 

gale  of  wind  and  a  smooth  sea,  by  meanes  whereof  our  ship 
had  out-runne  us.  At  ten  this  eevening  cleere  weather,  and 
then  we  had  the  company  of  our  troublesome  neighbours, 
ice  with  fogge.  The  wind  was  at  south  south-west.  Heere 
we  saw  plentie  of  scales,  and  we  supposed  beares  had  beene 
heere,  by  their  footing  and  dung  upon  the  ice.     This  day. 

Sick  of        inanv  of  mv  companie  were  sickc  with  eating  of  bcarcs  flesh 

iui«aiied.      t}^e  ([r^y  before  unsalted. 

The  twelfth,  for  the  most  part,  was  thickc  fogge ;  wee 
steered  betwcene  south  and  by  east,  and  south  south-east 
2(5  leagues,  to  cleere  us  of  the  ice.  Then  we  had  the  wind 
at  south  ;  wee  steered  till  noone  north-east  five  leagues.  This 
morning  we   had   our   shroudcs    frozen.     At  noone,  by  our 

FIRST    VOYAGE    (IGOT).  13 

accompt,  we  were  in  80  degrees,  being  little  wind  at  west  ^'^  degrees. 
south-west,  almost  calme  with  thicke  foggc.  This  after- 
noone  we  steered  away  north  and  sometimes  north-east. 
Then  Ave  saw  ice  ahead  off  us  ;  we  cast  about  and  stood 
south-east,  with  little  wind  and  fogge.  Before  we  cast  about 
by  meanes  of  the  thicke  fogge,  we  were  very  neere  ice,  being 
calme,  and  the  sea  setting  on  to  the  ice,  which  was  very 
dangerous.  It  pleased  God  at  the  very  instant  to  give  us  a 
small  gale,  which  Avas  the  meanes  of  our  deliverance  ;  to 
Him  be  praise  therefore.  At  twelve  this  night  it  cleared 
up,  and  out  of  the  top  William  Collins,  our  boatswaine, 
saw  the  land,  called  Newland  by  the  Hollanders,  bearing  ^-wiaud  or 
south  south-west  twelve  leagues  from  us.  Hoii'and«r!f 

The  thirteenth,  in  the  morning,  the  wind  at  south  and  by  lutiedis'- 

covei'ie  by 

east,  a  arood  srale,  we  cast  about  and  stood  north-east  and  by  Barents, as 
east,  and  by  observation  we  were  in  80  degrees,  23  minutes.  d'^'iv<'ied; 

^  J  O  '  but  neither 

This   day  we  saw  many  whales.      This  fore-noone  proved  go  e"act  "or 
cleere  weather,  and  we  could  not  see  any  signe  of  ice  out  of  nor  first, 'as 

before  is  ob- 

the  top.    Betweene  noone  and  three  of  the  clocke,  we  steered  served  of 

^  '  Sir  H.  Wil- 

away  north-east  and  by  east  five  leagues ;  then  we  saw  ice  £1"°}-^^  ^ 
on  head  off  us ;  we  steered  east  two  glasses,  one  league,  and  coverfes, '^" 
could  not  be  cleare  of  the  ice  with  that  course.     Then  we  wh'aie  and 


steered  away  south-east  two  leasrues  I,  after  we  sayled  east  benefit, tbey 

•'  O  "J '  ^  ./  also  enter- 

and  by  north,  and  east  foure   leagues,  till   eight  the  next  ^^r®'^- 

The  foureteenth,  in  the  morning,  was  calme  with  fogge. 
At  nine,  the  wind  at  east,  a  small  gale  with  thicke  fogge  ; 
wee  steered  south-east  and  by  east,  and  running  this  course 
we  found  our  greene  sea  a2:aine,  which  by  proofe  we  found  Greene  sea 

O  O  i  J    if  freest  of  ice, 

to  be  freest  from  ice,  and  our  azure  blue  sea  to  be  our  icie  ?,"'i'!i! 

^  0lU6  Set* 

sea.     At  this  time  Ave  had  more  birds  then  we  usually  found.  '"*' 
At  noone,  being  a  thicke  fogge,  we  found  ourselves  neere 
land,  bearing  east  off  us  ;  and  running  farther  Ave  found  a 
bay  open  to  the  Avest  and  by  north  northerly,  the  bottonie 
and  sides  thereof  being  to  our  sight  very  high  and  ragged 

14  MASTER    HE^'RY    HUDSON. 

land.  The  norther  side  of  this  bayes  mouth  being  high  hind 
coUius  is  a  small  iland,  the  Avhich  we  called  Collins  Cape,'  by  the 
name  of  our  boat-swaine,  who  first  saw  it.  In  this  bay  Ave 
saw  many  whales,  and  one  of  our  company  having  a  hooke 
Whale  and  line  over-boord  to  trie  for  fish,  a  whale  came  under  the 
keele  of  our  ship  and  made  her  held  ;  yet  by  Gods  mercie 
we  had  no  harme,  but  the  losse  of  the  hooke  and  three  parts 
of  the  line.  At  a  south-west  sunne  from  the  north-west  and 
by  north,  a  flood  set  into  the  bay.  At  the  mouth  of  this  bay 
we  had  sounding  thirtie  fathoms,  and  after  sixe  and  twentie 
fathoms,  but  being  farther  in,  we  had  no  ground  at  an  hun- 
dred fathoms,  and  therefore  judged  it  rather  a  sound  then 
a  bay.  Betweene  this  high  ragged,  in  the  swampes  and 
vallies  lay  much  snow.  Heere  wee  found  it  hot.  On  the 
souther  side  of  this  bay,  lye  three  or  fourc  small  ilauds  or 
A  sound  is        In  the  bottome  of  this  bay,  John  Colman,  my  mate,  and 

a  greater 

Hi,(i  deeper  "William   Collins,  my  boat-swaine,  with   two   others   of  our 

then  a  bay.  company  went  on  shoare,  and  there  they  found  and  brought 

aboord  a  payre  of  morses   teeth  in  the  jaw  ;  they  likewise 

found   whales  bones,    and   some   dosen   or   more   of  deeres 

homes  ;  they  saw  the  footings  of  beasts  of  other  sorts  ;  they 

also   saw   rote-geese  ;^    they   saw   much    drift-wood  on   the 

shoare,  and  found  a  streame  or  two  of  fresh  water.     Here 

Heat  they  found  it  hot  on  the  shoare,  and   drank  -water  to  coole 

80  degrees,   their  tliirst,  which  they  also  commended.     Here  we  found 

the  want  of  a  better  ship-boate.     As  they  certified  me,  they 

were  not  on  the  shoare  past  half  an  hourc,  and  among  other 

^  This  island  is  not  marked  upon  any  old  map  or  chart,  and  the  de- 
scription here  given  of  it,  is  insufficient  to  determine  its  place  with  any 
degree  of  certainty.     [Ed.] 

^  Supposed  to  have  been  thus  named  from  their  peculiar  cry  ;  see  the 
observations  of  Dr.  Beke  on  these  geese,  De  Veer,  pp.  79-81.  We  may 
call  the  reader's  attention  to  the  fact  that  Hudson  does  not  fall  into  the 
error  of  Phillip,  who,  misled  by  the  ear,  mistook  the  Dutch  rot-gansen 
for  red  geese. 

FIRST    VOYAGE    (1C07).  15 

things  brought  aboord  a  stone  of  the  countrey,  AAHicn  they 
went  from  us  it  Avas  cahne,  but  presently  after  we  had  a  gale 
of  wind  at  north-east,  which  came  with  the  flood  with  fogge. 
We  plyed  too  and  againe  in  the  bay,  waiting  their  com- 
ming  ;  but  after  they  came  aboord  we  had  the  wind  at  east 
and  by  south  a  fine  gale  ;  Ave  minding  our  voyage,  and  the 
time  to  perform  it,  steered  away  north-east  and  north  north- 
east. This  night  proved  cleere,  and  we  had  the  sunne  on 
the  meridian,  on  the  north  and  by  east  part  of  the  compasse  ; 
from  the  upper  edge  of  the  horizon,  with  the  crosse-staflfe, 
we  found  his  height  10  degrees,  40  minutes,  without  allow-  i*oli"g,ees 
ing  any  thing  for  the  semidiameter  of  the  sunne,  or  the  dis-  hiyh'.",Ibou1, 
tance  off  the  end  of  the  staffe  from  the  center  in  the  eye. 
From  a  north  sunne  to  an  east  sunne,  we  sayled  betweene 
north  and  north  north-east,  eight  leagues. 

The  fifteenth,  in  the  morning,  was  very  cleere  weather, 
the  sunne  shining  warme,  but  little  wind  at  east  southerly. 
By  a  south-east  sunne  we  had  brought  Collins  Cape  to  beare 
off  us  south-east,  and  we  saw  the  high  land  of  Newland,  that 
part  by  us  discovered  on  our  starboord,  eight  or  ten  leagues 
from  us,  trending  north-east  and  by  east,  and  south-Avest  and 
by  Avest,  eighteene  or  tAventie  leagues  from  us  to  the  north- 
east, being  a  very  high  mountaynous  land,  like  ragged 
rockes  with  snow  betAveene  them.  By  mine  account,  the 
norther  part  of  this  land  Avhich  noAV  we  saAV,  stretched  into 
81  degrees.  All  this  day  proved  cleere  weather,  little  AAand,  '"*^  ^''^^rees. 
and  reasonable  warme. 

The  sixteenth,  in  the  morning  warme  and  cleere  Aveathcr  ; 
the  wind  at  north.  This  morning  we  saw  that  Ave  Avere  com- 
passed in  Avith  ice  in  abundance,  lying  to  the  north,  to  the 
north-west,  the  east  and  south-east ;  and  being  runne  toAvard 
the  farthest  part  of  the  land  by  us  discovered,  which  for  the 
most  part  trendeth  nearest  hand  north-cast  and  south-Avest, 
Avee  saw  more  land  joyning  to  the  same,  trending  north  in  our  ^;',""'i,in 
sight,  by  meanes  of  the  clecrncssc  of  the  Aveather,  stretching  'Je'^',.j 

into  R2 


farre  into  82  degrees,'  and  by  the  bowing  or  shewing  of  the 
skie  much  farther.  Which  when  I  first  saw,  I  hoped  to 
have  had  a  free  sea  between  the  land  and  the  ice,  and  meant 
to  have  compassed  this  land  by  the  north.  But  now,  find- 
ing by  proofe  it  was  unpossible,  by  means  of  the  abundance 
of  ice  compassing  us  about  by  the  north  and  joyning  to  the 
land,  and  seeing  God  did  blesse  us  with  a  faire  wind  to  sayle 
They  re-      bv  the  south   of  this   land  to  the   north-east,  we  returned, 

turned.  "'  _ 

bearing  up  the  helme,  minding  to  hold  that  part  of  the  land 
which  the  Hollanders  had  discovered  in  our  sight ;  and  if 
contrary  winds  should  take  us,  to  harbour  there,  and  to  trie 
what  we  could  finde  to  the  charge  of  our  voyage,  and  to 
proceed  on  our  discoverie  as  soone  as  God  should  blesse  us 
with  windc.  And  this  I  can  assure  at  this  present,  that  be- 
tweene  78  degrees  and  ^  and  82  degrees,  by  this  way  there 
is  no  passage:'  but  I  think  this  land  may  bee  profitable  to 
those  that  will  adventure  it.  In  this  bay  before  spoken  of, 
Abunriance   and  about  tliis  coast,  we  saw  more  abundance  of  scales  then 


Ave  had  scene  any  time  before,  swimming  in  the  water.  At 
noone  this  day,  having  a  stiffe  gale  of  wind  at  north,  we 
were  thwart  of  Collins  Cape,  standing  in  81  degrees  and  a 
halfe  ;  and  at  one  of  the  clocke  the  cape  beare  north-east  off 
us.  From  thence  I  set  our  course  west  south-west,  Avith 
purpose  to  keepe  in  the  open  sea  free  from  ice,  and  sayled 
in  that  course  16  leagues.  At  ten  this  night  we  steered 
away  south-west,  with  the  wind  at  north,  a  hard  gale,  untill 
eight  the  next  morning,  18  leagues. 

The  seventeenth,  in  the  morning,  a  good  gale  at  north ; 
at  eight  we  altered  our  course,  and  steered  away  south  till 

^  Captain  Beechey  {Voyage  of  Discovery,  p.  271),  supposes  this  to  be 
the  Seven  Islands.  The  highest  point  reached  in  boats  and  sledges  by 
Captain  Parry  in  1827,  lies  under  82°  45'. 

^  Hudson  is  mistaken  in  this  respect.  It  is  not  clear,  however,  whe- 
ther he  was  arrested  by  ice  only  or  by  land.  If  the  latter  were  the  case, 
some  of  his  observations  with  regard  to  latitudes  must  be  incorrect. 

FIRST    VOYAGE    (IGOT).  17 

eight  iu  the  eevening,  and  ranne  12  leagues.  This  day 
proved  reasonable  cleere  and  war  me.  The  eightcentli ,  in  the 
morning,  the  wind  encreased  at  south  and  by  cast,  with 
thickc  fogge.  All  this  after-noone  and  night  proved  close 
Aveathcr,  little  fogge,  and  reasonable  warme. 

The  nineteenth,  at  eight  in  the  morning,  the  wind  at 
south,  with  thicke  fogge  ;  we  steered  south-east  4  leagues 
till  noone  ;  then  the  wind  vcred  more  large  ;  wee  steered 
south-east  and  by  east  four  leagues  till  foure  ;  then  wee  vered 
shete,  and  steered  cast  and  by  south-easterly  15  leagues,  till 
eight  the  next  morning.  This  day,  after  the  morning,  proved 
reasonable  cleere  and  MMrme. 

The  twentieth,  in  the  morning,  little  wind  ;  at  eight  this 
morning  wee  saw  land  ahead  of  us  under  our  lee,  and  to 
weatherward  of  us,  distant  from  us  12  leagues,  being  part  of 
Newland.  It  is  very  high  mountainous  land  ;  the  highest 
that  we  had  scene  untill  now.  As  we  sayled  neere  it,  we 
saw  a  Sound  ahead  of  us,  lying  east  and  west.  The  land  on 
the  norther  side  of  this  Sound's  mouth,  trendeth  neerest  hand 
west  north-west,  and  east  south-east  12  leagues,  in  our  sight, 
being  10  leagues  from  us  ;  and  the  land  on  the  souther  side, 
being  8  or  10  leagues  in  our  sight,  at  this  time  trendeth 
south  south-east  and  north  north-west '}  from  eight  to  noone 
was  calme.    This  day,  by  observation,  we  were  in  77  des^'ces,  ""fiocrrees, 

•^         -^  _  O  '  2C  minutes. 

26  minutes.  On  the  norther  side  of  the  mouth  of  this  inlet 
lie  three  ilands,^  not  farre  the  one  from  the  other,  being  very 
high  mountainous  land.  The  farthest  of  the  three  to  the 
north-west  hath  foure  very  high  mounts,  like  heapcs  of 
cornc.  That  iland  next  the  inlets  mouth,  hath  one  very  high 
mount  on  the  souther  end.  Here  one  of  our  companie  killed 
a  red-billed  bird.     All  this  day  after  the  morning,  and  all 

^  This  is  perhaps  the  best  description  extant  of  Bell  Sound,  on  the 
west  coast  of  Spitzbergon. 

^  These  three  islands  arc  not,  as  far  as  we  know,  marked  on  any  map 
of  Spitzbergen. 



night,  proved  calme,  enclining   rather  to  heate  then  cold. 
This  night  wee  had  some  warme  rayne. 

The  one  and  twentieth,  all  the  fore-noone  calme  ;  at  fonre 
in  the  after-noone  we  had  a  small  gale  of  wind  at  south 
south-east,  with  fog ;  we  steered  away  east  to  stand  in  with 
the  land,  and  sayled  3  leagues  untill  mid-night :  then  the 
wind  came  at  north-east,  we  cast  about,  and  steered  south 
10  leagues  till  eight  the  next  morning.  The  two  and  tioen- 
tieth,  at  eight  in  the  morning  much  wind  at  east,  and  varia- 
ble, with  short  sayle  wee  steered  3  leagues  south  and  by 
east :  then  came  down  very  much  wind ;  we  strooke  a  hull. 
All  this  after-noone  and  night,  proved  very  much  wind  with 

The  three  and  twentieth,  all  the  fore-noone  was  very  much 
wind  at  south,  with  raine  and  fogge.  At  foure  this  after- 
noone  wee  saw  land,  bearing  north-east  of  us,  6  from 
us.  Then  we  had  the  wind  at  south  south-west ;  wee  steered 
away  south-east  and  south-east  and  by  east  4  leagues,  the  sea 
being  very  much  growne.  We  accounted  we  had  hulled 
north-west  and  by  north  22  leagues,  and  north  3  leagues. 
Then  fearing  with  much  wind  to  be  set  on  a  lee-shoare  we 
tackt  about,  and  made  our  way  good  west  and  by  north,  half 
a  point  northerly  all  this  night  with  much  wind. 

The  four  and  twentieth,  in  the  morning,  much  wind  as 
afore,  and  the  sea  growne.  This  morning  wee  strooke  our 
mayne  top-mast  to  ease  our  ship,  and  sayled  from  the  last 
eevening,  eight,  to  this  noone,  15  leagues  west  and  by  north 
halfe  a  point  northerly.  From  twelve  to  eight,  six  leagues 
as  afore,  with  the  wind  at  south  and  by  west ;  at  eight  we 
tackt  about  with  the  winde  at  south  south-west,  and  lay 
south-cast  and  by  east,  with  much  winde,  and  the  sea  growne. 

The  fixe  and  twentieth  was  a  cleere  morning :  we  set  our 
maync  top-mast :  we  saw  land  bearing  north  of  us,  and 
under  our  lee,  we  sayling  south-east  and  by  cast.  Then  the 
wind  scanted  :  Ave   cast   about,  and  lay  south-west  and  by 

FIRST    VOYAGE    (1607).  19 

west  2  leagues  -^  till  noone.  Then  it  began  to  overcast,  and 
the  wind  to  scant  againc :  we  cast  about,  and  lay  south-east 
and  by  south,  the  wind  at  south-west  and  by  west,  and  saylcd 
in  that  course  3  leagues,  till  foure  in  the  after-noone.  Then 
the  wind  scanted  againe,  and  we  sayled  3  leagues  south. 
Now,  seeing  how  contrarie  the  winde  proved  to  doe  the 
good  which  wee  desired  this  way,  I  thought  to  prove  our 
fortunes  by  the  west  once  again  ;  and  this  eevening  at  eight, 
wee  being  in  the  latitude  of  78,  with  the  better,  and  from 
land  15  leagues,  which  leagues  part  whereof  beare  from  the 
north-east  to  the  east  off^  us,  we  steered  away  west,  with  the 
wind  at  south-east,  and  cleere  weather. 

The  sixe  mid  tweiitieth,  all  this  day  proved  rayne  with 
thicke  fogge,  and  an  hard  gale  of  wind  at  east  and  by  north, 
and  east  north-east.  From  the  last  eevening  at  eight  to  this 
noone,  wee  ranne  ;25  leagues  :  from  noone  till  midnight  19 
leagues,  the  wind  at  east  and  by  south ;  from  mid-night  till 
two  the  next  morning,  2  leagues  west. 

The  seveti  and  twentieth,  extreme  thicke  fog,  and  little 
wind  at  east  and  by  south.  Then  it  proved  calme,  and  the 
sea  very  loftie.  AVee  heard  a  great  rutte  or  noise  with  the 
ice  and  sea,  which  was  the  first  ice  we  heard  or  saw  since 
we  were  at  Collins  Cape  :  the  sea  heaving  us  westward 
toward  the  ice.  Wee  heaved  out  our  boat,  and  rowed  to 
towe  out  our  ship  farther  from  the  danger  ;  which  would 
have  beene  to  small  purpose,  by  meanes  the  sea  went  so  '^'"'^; 
high  :  but  in  this  extremitie  it  pleased  God  to  give  us  a  small 
gale  at  north-west  and  by  west,  we  steered  aAvay  south-east, 
4  leagues,  till  noone.  Here  wee  had  finished  our  discoverie, 
if  the  wind  had  continued  that  brought  us  hither,  or  if  it 
had  continued  calme ;  but  it  pleased  God  to  make  this  north- 
west and  by  west  wind  the  meane  of  our  deliverance  :  which 
wind  wee  had  not  found  common  in  this  voyage.  God 
give  us  thankfull  hearts  for  so  great  deliverance.     Here  we 

^  In  the  neighbourhood  of  Ice  Sound,  on  the  west  coast  of  Spitzbevgcn. 


found  the  want  of  a  good  ship-boat,  as  once  we  had  done 
whiiits  Day.  j^p^Qj.g  ^^  Whales  Bay:  we  wanted  also  halfe  a  dozen  long 
oares  to  rowe  in  our  ship.  At  noone  the  day  cleered  up, 
and  we  saw  by  the  skie  ice  bearing  off  us,  from  west  south- 
west to  the  north  and  north  north-east.  Then  we  had  a 
good  gale  at  west ;  we  steered  away  south  till  foure,  7 
leagues.  From  foure  to  six,  south  4  leagues,  and  found  by 
the  icy  skie  and  our  neereness  to  Groneland  that  there  is  no 
passage  that  Avay  :  Avhich,  if  there  had  beene,  I  meant  to 
have  made  my  returne  by  the  north  of  Groneland  to  Davis 
his  Streights,  and  so  for  England.^  Here  finding  we  had 
the  benefit  of  a  westerly  wind,  which  all  this  voyage  we  had 
found  scant,  we  altered  our  course  and  steered  to  the  east- 
ward, and  ran  south-east  foure  leagues.  From  eight  this 
eevening  till  noone  the  next  day,  east  south-east,  30  leagues. 
All  this  day  and  night  proved  very  cold,  by  meanes,  as  I 
suppose,  of  the  winds  comming  off  so  much  ice. 

The  ei(//d  and  twentieth,  very  cold,  the  wind  at  west,  not 
very  foggie.  At  noone  this  day  we  steered  away  south-east 
and  by  east,  and  by  observation  we  were  76  degrees,  36 
minutes.^  From  noone  to  eight,  10  leagues.  Then  the  wind 
scanted  to  south-east  and  by  south,  we  steered  away  east 
and  by  north  18  leagues,  till  the  next  day  noone. 

The  nine  and  twentieth,  all  the  fore-noone  a  thicke  fog 
and  wet,  the  wind  at  south-east  and  by  east,  nearest  hand, 
and  raw  cold.  From  noone  to  foure  wee  sayled  three  leagues 
east  and  by  north,  halfe  a  point  northerly.  Then  the  Avind 
veered  more  large  ;  Ave  steered  east  and  by  south  8  leagues 
till  twelve  at  night.     At  this  time  to  windward  Ave  heard 

^  Greenland,  which  Hudson  alwc\ys  calls  Groneland,  was  up  to  his 
time  too  imperfectly  known  to  prevent  his  entertaining  the  hope  of  re- 
turning home  by  the  north  of  it.  The  fact  that  a  passage  does  not 
exist,  is  one  of  tite  most  important  geographical  results  obtained  by  this 

^  About  ()'  to  the  N.W.  of  South  Cape,  on  Point  Lookout,  the  most 
southern  point  of  yiiit/.bergen. 

FIKST    VOYAGE    (1607).  21 

the  rutte  of  land,  which  I  knew  to  be  so  by  the  colour  of  the 
sea.  It  was  extreme  thicke  fog,  so  that  we  could  hardly 
see  a  cables  length  from  our  ship.  We  had  ground  25 
fathoms,  small  blacke  pcble  stones.  Wee  sounded  againe, 
and  had  ground  at  30  fathomes,  small  stones  like  beanes  ; 
at  the  next  cast  no  ground  at  GO  fathomes.  I  cast  about 
againe  and  steered  south-west  six  leagues,  west  and  by  north 
two  leagues,  till  the  next  day  noone.  All  this  day  and  night 
extreme  thicke  fog. 

The  thirtieth,  all  the  forc-noonc  very  thicke  fog.  At 
noone  almost  calme  :  after  we  had  little  wind,  and  steered 
north  north-west  till  two  :  then  it  cleercd  up,  so  that  we 
could  see  from  us  2  leagues  with  the  wind  at  north-west. 
Then  we  steered  east  south-east :  after  it  cleered.  At  south, 
in  the  eevening,  we  saw  an  iland  bearing  off  us  north-west 
from  us  5  leagues,  and  we  saw  land  bearing  off  from  us  7 
leagues.^  We  had  land  likewise  bearing  off  us  from  east  south- 
east to  south-east  and  by  east  as  we  judged,  10  leagues.  Then, 
having  the  winde  at  west  north-west,  we  steered  south  and 
by  east.  It  presently  proved  calme  till  ten  this  eevening  : 
then  wee  had  a  little  gale  at  south-west  and  by  west ;  wee 
steered  away  south  south-east  till  twelve  this  night,  and 
accounted  ourselves  in  76,^  from  land  10  leagues  :  which  was 
the  likeliest  land  that  wee  had  scene  on  all  parts  of  New- 
land,  being  playne  riggie  land  of  a  meane  height  and  not 
ragged,  as  all  the  rest  was  that  we  had  scene  this  voyage, 
nor  covered  with  snow.  At  twelve  this  night  wee  saw  two 
morses  in  the  sea  neere  us  swimming  to  land.  From  twelve 
at  night  to  foure,  calme. 

The  o?ie  and  thirtieth,  at  foure  this  morning,  we  had  the 
wind  at  south-east ;  we  steered  south  south-west.     Then  it 

^  This  island  seems  not  to  be  marked  on  the  maps. 

^  An  evident  mistake  in  Hudson's  dead  reckoning  ;  Spitzbert^en  docs 
not  extend  farther  south  than  76°  30'.  These  mistakes  frequently  occur 
in  the  Arctic  regions,  and  we  must  be  careful  with  regard  to  every  state- 
ment that  is  not  based  on  astronomical  observations. 



proved  calme,  and  so  continued  all  the  fore-noone.  The 
after-noone  wee  had  the  wind  at  east  south-east :  we  steered 
south,  8  leagues.  Then  being  like  to  prove  much  wind, 
contrarie  to  our  purpose,  and  finding  our  fog  more  thicke 
and  troublesome  then  before,  divers  things  necessarie  want- 
ing, and  our  time  well  nigh  spent  to  doe  further  good  this 
yeere,  I  commanded  to  beare  up  for  our  returne  for  Eng- 
land, and  steered  away  south  south-west.  And  this  night 
proved  a  hard  gale  of  wind  at  south-east  and  by  east.  We 
cheiie  were  thwart  of  Cheries  Iland^  the  next  morning,  at  foure  of 
the  clocke,  being  to  windward  off  us  5  leagues  :  knowing 
we  were  neere  it,  we  looked  out  carefully  for  the  same,  and 
it  proving  cleere,  we  saw  it,  being  a  very  ragged  land  on 
the  water  side,  rising  like  hey-cockes. 

The  first  of  August,  a  very  hard  gale  of  wind  at  east 
south-east ',  we  shorted  sayle  and  steered  away  south  south- 
west. This  night  was  very  foggie,  with  a  hard  gale  of  wind  at 
east  and  by  south  ;  we  steered  by  our  account  27  leagues  :  and 
from  eight  this  eevening  till  the  next  morning  foure,  10  leagues 
as  afore.     All  this  night  was  very  foggie,  wet  and  raw  cold. 

The  second,  in  the  morning,  calme,  with  a  thicke  fog,  cold 
and  slabbie  weather.  About  noone  we  had  a  little  gale  west 
and  b)^  north  :  we  steered  away  as  afore.  The  third,  in  the 
morning  calme  and  cleere  weather,  with  a  little  gale  east 
and  by  south  ;  we  sayled  south  south-west :  then  wee  had 
the  wind  at  south-east,  wee  sayled  as  afore.  All  this  day 
and  night  proved  close  weather,  a  little  fogge  at  noone, 
which  continued  not  long.  At  twelve  this  night  the  wind 
vcrcd  to  the  east  and  by  north,  wee  held  our  course  south 
south-west  as  afore. 

The  fifteenth  of  August  we  put  into  the  lies  of  Farrc,^ 
standing  in  52  degrees ;  and  the  Fifteentli  of  September  I 
arrived  in  Tilbcrie  Hope  in  the  Thames. 

^  Discovered  by  Barcntz.     Stephen  Beuuett  visited  it  iu  1C03,  and 
called  it  after  his  jtatrou,  Francis  Oheiic. 
^  The  Faroe  Islands. 

SECOND    VOYAGE    (1608). 



Their  names  employed  in  this  action  are  as  followcth  : 
Henry  Hudson,  master  and  pilot ;  Robert  Juet,^  the  mas- 
ter his  mate  :  Ludlowe  Arnall ;  John  Cooke,  boatsonne  ; 
Philip  Stacie,  carpenter ;  John  Barnes ;  John  Braunch, 
cooke ;  John  Adrey ;  James  Strutton ;  Michel  Feirce  ;  Tho- 
mas Hilles  ;  Richard  Tomson ;  Robert  Raynar  ;  John  Hud- 
son ;  and  Humfrey  Gilby.  The  courses  observed  in  this 
journall  were  by  a  compasse,  that  the  needle  and  the  north 
of  the  Flye  were  directly  one  on  the  other. 

Anno  1608,  the  Uvo  and  tioentieth  of  Ajml I,  heiwg  Friday,  Aprin. 
we  set  sayle  at  Saint  Katherines,"  and  fell  downe  to  Blacke- 

The  twentieth  of  May,  at  noone,  by  observation  we  were  i\tay. 
in  6-1  degrees,  52  minutes  ;  and  at  this  time  and  place  the 
needle   declined  under   the  horizon  by  the  inclinatory  81 
degrees,  and  wee  had  a  smooth  sea,  by  meanes  whereof  my 
observation  was  good. 

The  one  and  tioentieth,  at  night,  thicke  fog ;  wee  sayled 
north  north-east ;  wee  steered  north  north-east  as  afore  :  in 
the  after-noone  little  wind  and  thicke  fog  ;  we  accounted  us 
in  67  degrees,  the  sea  smooth,  the  needle  declined  82  de- 
grees ;  this  night  was  calme  and  clecre.  The  three  and  tioen- 

^  I  have  Robert  Juetts  journall  also,  for  brevitie  omitted.   [Purchas.] 
2  Where  the  St.  Katherine's  Docks  now  are. 


tieth,  in  the  morning  the  wind  was  easterly,  we  stood  north 
north-east,  and  north  and  by  east.  All  the  fore-noone  was 
foggie :  in  the  after-noone  it  cleered,  and  the  wind  shortned 
upon  us,  we  made  our  way  good  north  all  night.  TYie  foure 
and  iwentieth,  the  wind  at  east  north-east,  and  east  and  by 
north,  we  lay  as  neere  as  wee  could  with  a  full  sayle  ;  wee 

Lowfoot.  accounted  Lowfoot^  from  us  east  northerly  16  leagues  distant 
from  us  ;  at  foure  a  clockc  this  after-noone,  wee  stood  all 
night  as  afore. 

The  Jive  and  twentieth,  the  wind  at  east  north-east ;  we 
stood  away  north  as  we  could  lie :  all  this  day  was  cleere 
weather  and  searching  cold,  which  cold  begunne  the  one 
and  twentieth  day,  and  then  my  carpenter  was  taken  sicke, 
and  so  doth  yet  continue  ;  and  three  or  foure  more  of  our 
companie  w^ere  enclining  to  sicknesse,  I  suppose  by  meanes 
of  the  cold.  All  the  night  it  was  calme.  The  sixe  and 
tiventieth,  cold  but  cleare  weather,  the  wind  betweeue  east 
and  east  north-east ;  we  stood  north-easterly  till  twelve  a 
clocke  at  night :  then  wee  had  the  wind  at  north-east  and 
north  north-east,  we  stood  south-east  and  east  till  noone  the 
next  day.  The  severi  and  tiventieth,  cold  and  drie  weather, 
at  noone  we  had  the  wind  north  and  north  north-west;  wee 
stood  away  north-east  and  east  north-east  as  we  could,  and 
accounted  our  selves  in  69  degrees,  40  minutes,  and  the 
needle  inclined,  having  a  smooth  sea,  nearest  84  degrees. 
All  night  we  had  wind  and  weather  as  afore. 

The  eight  and  tiventieth,  drie  cold  cleere  weather  ;  the 
wind  betweene  north  north-west  and  north  ;  we  made  our 

Sun  tmIc-     way  2ood  east  north-cast ;  wee  saw  the  sunne  on  the  north 

grees  ^^  .     . 

minutes  at  meridian  above  the  horizon  5  desrrees,  35  minutes.  All  this 
night  we  had  much  wind  as  afore.  The  nijie  and  tiventieth, 
a  hard  gale  at  north  north-west :  by  account  we  ranne  from 
mid-night  to  noone  21  leagues  east  north-cast.  AVee  had 
the  sunne  on  the  meridian  5  degrees,  the  latitude  73  dc- 
^  The  Luffoden  Islands,  west  of  Norway. 

SECOND    VOYAGE    (1608).  25 

grees,  13  minutes,  whereby  wee  found  our  ship  to  have 
out-runne  us.  At  mid-night  the  wind  came  to  south-east : 
we  cast  about,  and  stood  cast  north-east.  This  day  partly 
cleere  weather  Avith  some  snow.  The  thirtictJt,  cold  cleerc 
weather,  the  -wind  betwecne  north-east  and  east  and  by 
north  ;  -sve  went  cast  south-cast,  and  observing,  were  in 
73  degrees,  50  minutes.  The  one  and  thirtieth,  cold  and 
cleere  weather :  from  the  last  day  to  this  day  noone,  Ave 
stood  south-cast  and  by  south,  in  the  latitude  of  72  degrees, 
45  minutes. 

The  Jirst  of  June,  a  hard  gale  at  east  north-east,  with  Juno. 
snow  :  we  made  our  Avay  good  south  south-east.  The  second, 
a  hard  gale  of  wind  at  north-east :  towards  night,  calme 
with  fogge,  our  course  Avas  south-cast  all  day.  The  third, 
in  the  morning  we  had  a  sight  of  the  North  Cape  ;'  and  at  a  North  capp. 
west  and  by  north  sunne,  the  Cape  bore  oiF  us  south-Avest, 
halfe  a  point  southerly,  being  from  us  8  leagues  :  and  ob- 
servinar  the  variation,  I  found  it  to  the  westward  11  desfrees  :  variations 

,  ,  °  west,  11 

and  havinsr  a  smooth  sea,  the   needle  enclined  under  the  ^fs'ff^  . 

•->  '  Needle  s  in- 

horizon  84  degrees  and  a  halfe,  the  neerest  I  could  finde.  gi'degre^'s 
We  had  the  wind  at  south-west,  and  Avee  stood  away  north-  '^" 
east  and  by  east.     It  Avas  cleere  weather,  and  we  saAv  Nor- 
way fisher-men  at  sea. 

The  fourth,  ^ya.l'm.e  cleere  sun-shine,  Ave  stood  aAvay  north- 
east and  by  east.  Noav,  by  God's  helpc,  our  carpenter 
recovered,  and  made  a  mast  for  our  ship-boat,  and  the  com- 
panie  made  a  sayle  ;  Ave  had  the  sunne  in  the  sight  on  the 
north  meridian,  his  height  Avas  5  degrees,  40  minutes.  In- 
clination, 23  degrees,  21  minutes  :  pole's  height,  72  degrees, 
21  minutes.  The  fft,  in  the  morning,  calme  weather  :  wee 
sounded,  and  had  1 40  fathoms,  sand  oze  :  here  wee  saAV  a 
swelling  sea  setting  north-east  and  by  east,  and  south-Avest 
and  by  west,  with  streame-leches  :  and  Ave  saw  drift  Avood. 
After  we  had  Avind ;  and  Ave  sayled  and  made  our  Avay  north 
^  The  most  northern  point  of  Norway. 


north-east :  towards  night  we  sounded,  and  found  ground  at 
150  fathoms,  sand  oze.  This  day  cleere  weather,  and  not 
cold.  The  sixt,  wee  had  cleere  weather,  the  wind  being  at 
east  north-east,  from  the  last  day  till  this  day  noone ;  we 
shaped  our  way  on  divers  courses  north  and  by  west,  in  the 
latitude  of  73  degrees,  24  minutes.  We  found  that  our  ship 
had  out-runne  us,  sounding  in  160  fathoms  :  in  the  after- 
noone  little  wind. 

The  seventh,  in  the  morning,  the  wind  at  south,  after  at 
south  south-east :  from  the  last  day  till  this  day  noone,  wee 
accounted  our  way  from  divers  courses  north-east,  15  leagues. 
This  day  was  close  but  cleere  weather,  and  we  had  a  good 
gale  of  Avind  at  this  time.  And  three  dayes  before  this,  our 
cooke  and  one  more  of  our  companie  were  very  sicke.  In 
the  morning  we  had  ground  at  150  fathoms,  and  at  night  we 
had  no  ground  at  180  fathoms,  which  encreased  hope.  This 
night  we  had  some  snow,  which  continued  foure  lioures  : 
then  the  wind  came  at  north-east  and  by  east  with  storme ; 
and  with  short  sayle  we  stood  north  and  by  west :  here  the 
needle  cnclined  86  degrees.  I  accounted  that  we  were  in 
74  degrees,   74  dcgrccs  and  a  halfe  at  neerest  hand.     This  night  we  saw 

3U  miuutcf.  O  .... 

the  sunne  on  the  north  meridian,  his  height  was  7  degrees, 
40  minutes,  which  maketh  the  pole's  height  74  degrees,  23 
minutes.  The  eight,  from  twelve  a  clocke  last  night  till 
noone,  we  accounted  our  way  on  divers  courses,  north  and 
by  east :  then  our  latitude  was  74  degrees,  38  minutes,  and 
we  had  no  ground  at  200  fathoms.  In  the  after-noone  the 
wind  came  at  south  south-east,  and  south-east  and  by  east. 
This  day  and  night  Avee  had  cleere  weather,  and  we  were 
Dark  blue    bcrc  comc  iuto  a  blacke  blue  sea. 

The  ninth,  cleere  weather,  the  wind  came  at  south-east 
and  by  east :  from  the  last  day  till  this  day  noone,  Avee  had 
a  good  Avay  north-east,  in  latitude  of  75  degrees,  29  minutes  : 
then  Ave  entred  into  ice,  being  the  first  we  saAV  in  this  voy- 
age :  our  hope  Avas   to  go  through  it ;  avc  stood  into  it,  and 


SECOND   VOYAGE    (1608).  27 

held  our  course  betweene  north-east  and  east  north-east, 
loosing  for  one,  and  bearing  roome  for  another,  till  foure  in 
the  afternoone :  at  which  time  we  were  so  farre  in,  and  the 
ice  so  thicke  and  firme  ahead,  being  in  it  foure  or  five 
leagues,  that  wee  had  endangered  us  somewhat  too  farre  ; 
wee  returned  as  wee  went  in,  and  with  a  few  rubbes  of  our 
ship  against  the  ice  ;  by  eight  a  clocke  this  eevening  wee 
got  free  of  it.  AVee  made  our  way  till  next  day  at  noone, 
south-west  and  by  south,  18  leagues  :  in  the  middest  of  this 
W'ay  wee  had  no  ground  at  180  fathoms.  The  tenth,  in  the 
morning,  hasey  Aveather  ;  but  at  noone  it  cleered  up,  and 
then  we  cast  about,  and  stood  away  north  and  by  east,  the 
wind  being  at  east  south-east,  two  watches,  five  leagues  : 
then  we  had  the  wind  at  east ;  we  cast  about,  and  stood 
south  south-east,  and  made  a  south  way,  sixe  leagues.  The 
eleventh,  in  the  morning,  a  hard  storme  at  east  and  east  and 
by  south,  we  strooke  a  hull. 

The  tivelfth,  in  the  morning,  fog,  and  all  day  after  cleere 
weather,  the  wind  at  south  south-west ;  we  steered  east  and 
by  north  :  at  noone  being  in  the  latitude  75  degrees,  30 
minutes.  From  noone  till  foure  a  clocke,  five  leagues  east 
and  by  north ;  then  we  saw  ice  ahead  of  us  and  under  our 
lee,  trending  from  the  north-west  to  the  north  and  east  of 
us  :  we  had  sounding  100  fathom,  greenish  oze.  Here  we 
saw  divers  pieces  of  drift  wood'  by  us  driving,  and  streame 
leeches  lying  south  south-west  and  north  north-east.  We 
many  times  saw  the  like  since  we  saw  the  North  Cape. 
The  thirteenth,  cleere  weather,  the  wind  at  east,  we  made  a 
south  way  6  leagues,  two  watches  ;  then  we  cast  about,  and 
made  a  north  way  one  watch,  3  leagues  h  '.  at  twelve  at 
night,  much  wind  with  fog,  we  strooke  a  hull  and  laid  our 
ship's  head  to  the  southward.     The  fourteenth,  in  the  fore- 

^  This  wood  is  carried  along  from  the  North  American  coasts  by  the 
gulf  streams.  Considerable  quantities  of  it  are  thrown  on  the  shores  of 


noonc,  fog,  and  our  shroucles  were  frozen  :  the  aftcr-noone 
was  cleerc  sun-shine,  and  so  was  all  the  night. 

The  fifteeiith,  all  day  and  night  cleere  sunshine  ;  the  wind 
at  east ;  the  latitude  at  noone  75  degrees,  7  minutes.  We 
held  westward  by  our  account  13  leagues.  In  the  after- 
noone  the  sea  was  asswaged  ;  and  the  wind  being  at  east  we 
set  sayle,  and  stood  south  and  by  east,  and  south  south-east 
as  we  could.  This  morning,  one  of  our  companie  looking 
over  boord  saw  a  mermaid,  and  calling  up  some  of  the  com- 
panie to  see  her,  one  more  came  up,  and  by  that  time  shee 
was  come  close  to  the  ship's  side,  looking  earnestly  on  the 
men  :  a  little  after,  a  sea  came  and  overturned  her  :  from  the 
navill  upward,  her  backe  and  breasts  were  like  a  woman's, 
as  they  say  that  saw  her  ;  her  body  as  big  as  one  of  us  ;  her 
skin  very  white  ;  and  long  haire  hanging  downe  behinde, 
of  colour  blacke  :  in  her  going  doAvne  they  saw  her  tayle, 
which  was  like  the  tayle  of  a  porposse,  and  speckled  like  a 
macrell.'  Their  names  that  saw  her,  were  Thomas  Hilles 
and  llobcrt  Rayner. 

The  sixteenth,  cleere  weather,  the  wind  being  at  east. 
From  the  last  day  till  this  day  noone  we  made  our  way 
south  and  by  east  9  leagues,  and  from  noon  to  eight  a  clocke 
in  the  eevening  6  leagues  :  then  we  cast  about  and  stood  to 
the  northwards. 

The  seventeenth,  cleere  weather,  the  wind  at  south-east 
and  by  east ;  from  the  last  day  till  this  day  noone,  our  way 
was  north-east  and  by  east,  at  noone  being  in  the  latitude  of 
74  degrees,  40  minutes.  At  after-noonc  we  sounded,  and 
had  ground  at  86  fathom,  green  oze,  and  our  water  Avhitish 
greene.  Here  we  saw  whales,  porpoises,  and  the  sea  full  of 
fowles  :  from  noonc  to  mid-night,  north-east  and  by  cast ; 
Ave  had  the  sunne  at  lowest,  on  the  north  and  by  east,  east- 

^  Probably  a  seal.  Dr.  Kane  observes  that  there  is  something  in  the 
appearance  and  the  nuncnicnts  of  this  animal  stronpjy  akin  to  those  of 
human  beiims. 

SECOND    VOYAGE    (1608).  29 

erly  part  of  the  conipasse  :  latitude  74  degrees,  54  minutes. 
Sounding  we  had  92  fathoms  water,  ozc  as  before. 

The  eighteenth,  faire  weather,  the  wind  at  south-east  and 
by  east ;  from  mid-night  till  this  day  noone  wee  sayled  north- 
east and  by  east,  in  the  latitude  of  75  degrees  24  minutes, 
and  had  ground  at  ninetie-five  fathome  ;  oze  as  afore.  Here 
we  had  ice  in  our  sight  to  the  northward  off  us.  In  the 
after-noone,  having  little  wind  at  north-east,  we  cast  about 
and  lay  east  south-east,  and  at  sixe  a  clocke  had  ground  at 
ninetie-five  fathoms  and  a  halfe  ;  o^e  as  afore.  From  noone 
to  twelve  a  clocke  at  night  our  way  was  south-east,  and 
south-east  and  by  east,  and  had  the  sunne  on  the  meridian 
north  and  by  east  halfe  a  point  eastward.  The  sunnes  height 
was  8  degrees  40  minutes.  Sounding,  ninetie  fathom.  All 
this  day  we  had  ice  on  our  huboord  trending  :  and  at  this 
time,  from  the  north-west  off  us  to  the  east  south-east,  I  have 
some  reason  to  thinke  there  is  a  tide  or  current  setting  to  cuneut. 
the  northwards  ;  the  course  wee  held  and  the  way  we  made 
betweene  this  noone  and  mid-night  observations,  doe  make 
mee  suspect  it  the  more. 

The  nineteenth,  faire  and  Avarme  weather,  the  sea  smooth.  Needles in- 
Here  the  needle  inclined  under  the  horizon  89  degrees  and  and  a^haife, 
a  halfe,   being  in  the  latitude  at  noone  of  75  degrees,  22grees,22 
minutes  ;  sounding  wee  had  ground  in  an  hundred  fathom. 
From  twelve  a  clocke  last  night  till  this  day  at  noone,  Ave 
accounted  our  way  from  east  and  by  north  to  south-east  ten 
leagues,  having   ice  alwayes  in  our  sight  trending  on  our 
larboord ;   wee   had   the  winde  betweene  north   and  north 
north-west.     We  saw  the  sunne  at  the  lowest  on  the  north 
and  by  east,  halfe  a  point  easterly ;  his  height  was  8  degrees, 
10  minutes,  which  maketh  the  Pole's  height  74  degrees,  56 
minutes ;   sounding,  we   had   ground   in   one   hundred   and 
twentie-sixe  fathom.  From  noone  to  this  time,  wee  accounted 
our  way  east  and  by  south  and  east  south-east,  twelve  leagues. 

The   tioentieih,   faire    vvarme   weather ;    this   morning,  at 


foure  of  the  clocke,  wee  had  depth  one  hundred  and  twen- 
iwing.  tie-five  fathom.  Heere  we  heard  beares  roar  on  the  ice ; 
store  of  and  wee  saw  upon  the  ice  and  neare  unto  it  an  incredible 
number  of  scales.  We  had  sounding  one  hundred  and  fif- 
teen fathom,  and  after  ground  at  ninetie-five  fathom,  sandie 
oze.  We  had  the  sun  on  the  meridian  north  and  by  east, 
halfe  a  point  easterly ;  his  height  was  7  degrees,  20  minutes. 
From  twelve  a  clocke  last  night  to  twelve  a  clocke  this  night, 
our  way  was  made  good  by  our  account,  south-east  and  by 
south  twelve  leagues,  and  south-east  three  leagues  and  a 
halfe,  the  ice  alwayes  being  on  our  larboord.  The  wind 
this  day  betweene  north  and  north-west. 

The  one  a?ul  tive7itieth,  at  foure  a  clocke  in  the  morning, 

wee  sounded   and  had   one  hundred  and   twentie  fathome, 

green  oze,  and  the  ice  bore  off  us  east,  the  wind  variable  ;  in 

divers  courses  wee   made  our  way  good   south  south-east ; 

sunneat      Qur  latitude  at  noone  beinsf  7-1  decrees,  9  minutes,  we  were 

''rMs'^4o'^     haled  to  the  northward  beyond  expectation.     All  this  day 

""degrees"  fairc,  clecrc,  and  warme  weather,  and  ice  on  our  larboord 

30  minutes.  i  i     i  ^      •  ^  t  ^  • 

at  a  north  and  by  east  sunne  ;  being  tlien  at  lowest,  nis 
height  was  7  degrees,  40  minutes,  which  made  the  Pole's 
height  74  degrees,  33  minutes.  From  the  last  day  at  noone 
till  twelve  a  clocke  this  night,  by  account  of  our  ship's  way, 
wee  made  our  way  good  east  north-cast,  sixe  leagues  and  a 
halfe  ;  whereby  it  doth  appeare  how  Ave  Avere  haled  to  the 
northward.  Heere  wee  had  ground  at  one  hundred  and 
thirteene  fathome,  green  sandie  oze. 
juet's  notes      "Yh-Q  tioo  and  twentieth,  fairc  cleare  weather,  the  winde  at 

tell  (it  a  HUd-  '  ' 

uoi'i  of'the    west  north-west.     At  eight  aclocke  in  the  morning,  we  had 
fi'mil'ihr'    ground   at  one  hundred   and   fifteene  fathome,   green   oze. 

iioilli  to  the     ,,  .  .    , 

cast  one       Froui  mid-nisfht  to  noone  our  course  was  north-east  and  by 

Voiiit,  which  "  _  _  •' 

twoime'.'      cast,  bciug  ill  the  latitude  of  74  degrees,  ob  minutes,  and  we 
Wore!         found  that  our  ship's   way  and   our  observation   were   not 
'}  but  there  was  carcfuU  heed  taken  of  both.      Heere 
'  Gap  in  the  orij^iual. 

SECOND    VOYAGE    (1608).  31 

we  had  ice  a  head  off  us,  trending  to  the  south-east,  and  all 
day  before  ice  on  our  larboord.  Here  we  stood  south-east 
five  leagues,  then  the  ice  trended  south  and  by  west  sixe 
leagues;  we  sayled  by  it,  and  doubled  it  by  eight  aclocke 
in  the  eevening,  and  then  it  bore  east  off  us.  Heere,  having 
a  smooth  sea,  the  needle  inclined  85  degrees  from  eight  a 
clocke  to  twelve,  north  and  by  east  easterly.  Then  we  had 
the  sunne  on  the  meridian,  north  and  by  east  half  a  poynt 
easterly.  The  sunnes  height  was  7  degrees,  45  minutes, 
which  made  the  latitude  74  degrees,  43  minutes. 

The  three  and  twentieth,  in  the  morning,  thicke  fogge, 
the  wind  at  north  north-west.  From  mid-night  till  foure  a 
clocke  this  morning,  we  sayled  north-east  five  leagues,  and 
then  we  were  among  the  ice  ;  we  cast  about,  and  stood  two 
houres  south-west,  two  leagues,  and  had  no  ground  at  one 
hundred  and  eightie  fathom.  Then  we  cast  about  againe, 
and  stood  east  till  eight  a  clocke,  two  leagues ;  and  then  it 
cleered  up,  and  we  had  ice  a  head  ofi'  us.  And  from  north 
wee  stood  to  south-east,  and  our  shroudes  were  frozen.  Then 
till  noone  wee  went  east  and  by  south,  foure  leagues,  and 
were  neere  ice  on  our  larboord,  in  the  latitude  of  74  degrees, 
30  minutes.  In  the  after-noone,  the  wind  being  at  north, 
wee  stood  two  houres  and  a  halfe,  five  leagues  and  a  halfc  ; 
three  houres  south  south-east,  five  leagues  ;  one  houre  south- 
east and  by  south,  one  league  and  a  halfe  ;  an  houre  east, 
halfe  a  league,  which  brought  eight  in  the  eevening,  alwayes 
ice  on  our  larboord.  This  after-noone  wee  had  some  snow. 
From  eight  a  clocke  to  mid-night  south  south-west,  foure 
leagues,  with  ice  as  afore.  We  saw  the  sunne  at  the  lowest 
north  north-east,  his  height  was  7  degrees,  15  minutes  ;  the 
pole's  height  74  degrees,  18  minutes. 

The  foure  and  twentieth,  cleere  but  cold,  and  some  snow, 
the  wind  betweene  north  north-east  and  north-east ;  from 
mid-night  to  foure  a  clocke  wee  stood  southward,  two  leagues, 
and  south-east  and  by  east  two  leagues.     And  from  foure 


a  clocke  till  noonc  south-east  southerly,  nine  leagues  ;  sound- 
ing, we  had  ground  in  one  hundred  and  fortie  fathome. 
From  noone  to  three  a  clocke,  we  stood  south-east  and  by 
south,  three  leagues ;  from  three  to  foure,  south-west  and  by 
south,  one  league,  and  had  ice  from  the  north-east  to  the 
south-east  off  us.  From  foure  a  clocke  to  eight  we  stood 
south-west,  two  leagues  and  a  halfe,  soutliAvard  halfe  a 
league,  with  ice  neere  us  under  our  lead. 

The  fite  and  tioentieth,  cold  and  cleare,  the  wind  at  east 
south-east ;  from  eight  a  clocke  last  night  till  foure  this 
morning  our  way  was  south  and  by  east,  foure  leagues  and 
a  halfe  ;  sounding,  we  had  ground  in  eightie  fathome  ;  then 
we  had  little  wind  till  noone  at  east  north-east,  and  the 
sunne  on  the  meridian  on  the  south-west  and  by  south  point 
of  the  compasse  ere  it  began  to  fall ;  wee  were  in  the  lati- 
tude of  72  degrees,  52  minutes  ;  and  had  ice  on  our  lar- 
boord,  and  our  hope  of  passage  was  gone  this  way,  by  meanes 
of  our  nearnesse  to  Nova  Zembla  and  the  abundance  of  ice. 
We  had  from  noone  to  eight  a  clocke  in  the  ecvcning  the 
wind  between  north  north-east  and  north-east ;  we  stood 
south-east,  three  leagues  and  a  halfe,  and  had  ice  on  our 
larboord  and  shoalding  sixtie-eight  fathome. 

The  sixe  and  hventieth,  faire  sunshining  weather,  and  little 
wind  at  east  north-east.  From  twelve  aclocke  at  night  till 
foure  this  morning  we  stood  southward,  two  leagues  ;  sound- 
ing wee  had  sixtie-sixe  fathome,  oaze,  as  afore.  From  foure 
a  clocke  to  noone  south-east  and  by  south,  foure  leagues  ; 
and  had  the  sunne  on  the  meridian,  on  the  south-east  and 
by  south  point  of  the  compasse,  in  the  latitude  of  72  de- 
grees, 25  minutes ;  and  had  sight  of  Nova  Zembla  foure  or 
No  passaf^'e  five  Icasfues  from  us,  and  the  place  called  by  the  Hollanders 

that  way.  °  _  _  _  ^  •' 

Swart ciiiiu.  Swart  ClifFe,'  bearing  off  south-east.     In  the  aftcrnoone  wee 

'  According  to  Dr.  Bekc's  opinion  {l)c  Veer,  Introduction,  p.  vi)  iden- 
tical with  the  Yu~Jinuy  Gnsiniiij  Muis,  or  South  Goose  Cape  of  Liitke. 
This  cape  is,  however,  under  71^  '20',  on  De  Veer's  own  ma]>  the 

SECOND    VOYAGE    (1608).  o3 

had  a  fine  gale  at  east  north-east,  and  by  eight  of  the  clockc 
we  had  brought  it  to  beare  ofF  us  east  southerly,  and  saylcd 
by  the  shoare  a  league  from  it. 

The  seven  and  twentieth,  all  the  forenoone  it  was  almost 
calme;  wee  being  two  mile  from  the  shoare,  I  sent  my  mate, 
Kobert  Juet,  and  John  Cooke,  my  boatswaine,  on  shoare,  '^'J®y  k"« 

'  'J  '  '  ashore. 

with  foure  others,  to  see  what  the  land  would  yeeld  that 
might  bee  profitable,  and  to  fill  two  or  three  caskes  Avith 
water.  They  found  and  brought  aboard  some  whales  finnes, 
two  deeres  homes,  and  the  dung  of  deere,  and  they  told  me 
that  they  saw  grasse  on  the  shoare  of  the  last  yeere,  and 
young  grasse  came  vip  amongst  it  a  shaftman  long  ;  and  it 
was  boggie  ground  in  some  places ;  there  are  many  streames 
of  snow  water  nigh ;  it  was  very  hot  on  the  shoare,  and  the 
snow  melted  apace ;  they  saw  the  footings  of  many  great 
beares,  of  deere,  and  foxes.  They  went  from  us  at  three 
a  clocke  in  the  morning,  and  came  aboord  at  a  south-east 
sunne  ;  and  at  their  comminar  wee  saw  two  or  three  com- 
panics  of  morses  in  the  sea  neere  us  swimming,  being  almost 
calme.  I  presently  sent  my  mate,  Ladlow  the  carpenter, 
and  sixe  others  a  shoare,  to  a  place  where  I  thought  the 
morses  might  come  on  the  shoare  ;  they  found  the  place 
likely,  but  found  no  signe  of  any  that  had  beene  there. 
There  was  a  crossed  standing  on  the  shoare,  much  driftwood, 
and  signes  of  fires  that  had  beene  made  there.     They  saw 

Swarte  Klip  seems  about  a  degree  farther  north ;  72°  15'  to  72°  20',  as 
far  as  appears  by  the  ancient  mariner's  vague  indications.  This  latitude 
would  seem  more  in  accordance  with  Hudson's  observation. 

^  Such  crosses  were  found  both  on  Nova  Zembla  and  on  the  opposite 
Russian  shore  by  Barentz  and  his  companions.  They  seem  to  have  been 
very  conspicuous,  for  an  island  and  a  cape  were  called  by  the  Dutch 
Cross  Island  and  Cross  Point,  only  because  one  or  two  such  crosses  were 
found  on  them.  It  is  a  well-known  fact,  that  the  cross  is  not  only  an 
object  of  veneration  among  Christians,  but  that  it  is  also  worshipped 
by  some  heathens,  quite  independently  of  all  Christian  influence.  Whe- 
ther the  signification  of  these  crosses  may  be  thus  explained  we  are, 
however,  unable  to  say. 


the  footing  of  very  great  deere  and  beares,  and  much  fowle/ 
and  a  foxe  ;  they  brought  aboord  whale  finnesj  some  mosse, 
flowers  and  green e  things  that  did  there  grow.  They 
brought  also  two  peeces  of  a  crosse,  which  they  found  there. 
The  sunne  was  on  the  meridian  on  the  north  north-east^ 
halfe  a  point  easterly,  before  it  began  to  fall.  The  sunnes 
height  was  4  degrees,  45  minutes  ;  inclination,  22  degrees, 
33  minutes,  which  makes  the  latitude  72  degrees,  12  minutes. 
Tliere  is  disagreement  betweene  this  and  the  last  observa- 
tion ;  but  by  meanes  of  the  cleerenesse  of  the  sunne,  the 
smoothnesse  of  the  sea,  and  the  neernesse  to  laiid,  wee  could 
not  bee  deceived,  and  care  was  taken  in  it. 

The  eight  and  tioentieth,  at  foure  a  clocke  in  the  morning, 
our  boat  came  aboord,  and  brought  two  dozen  of  fowle  and 
some  egges,  whereof  a  kw^  were  good,  and  a  whale's  finne  ; 
and  wee  all  saw  the  sea  full  of  morses,  yet  no  signes  of  their 
being  on  shoare.  And  in  this  calme,  from  eight  a  clocke 
last  evening  till  foure  this  morning,  we  were  drawne  backe 
to  the  northward,  as  farre  as  wee  were  the  last  evening  at 
foure  a  clocke,  by  a  streame  or  a  tide  ;~  and  we  chose  rather 
so  to  drive,  then  to  adventure  the  losse  of  an  anchor  and  the 
spoyle  of  a  cable.  Heere  our  new  ship-boate  began  to  doe 
us  service,  and  w^as  an  incouragement  to  my  companie, 
which  want  I  found  the  last  yeere. 

The  nine  and  twentieth,  in  the  morning  calme,  being  halfe 
a  league  from  the  shoare,  the  sea  being  smooth  the  needle 
did  encline  84  degrees  ;  we  had  many  morses  in  the  sea 
neere  us,  and  desiring  to  find  where  they  came  on  shoare, 
wee  put  to  with  saylc  and  oares,  towing  in  our  boat,  and 
rowing  in  our  barke  to  get  about  a  point  of  land,  from 
whence  the  land  did  fall  more  easterly,  and  the  morses  did 
goe  that  way.     Wee  had  the  sunne  on  the  meridian  on  the 

^  This  part  of  Nova  Zembla  still  abounds  with  fowl,  and  has,  there- 
fore, been  called  Goose  Coast  by  Liitke. 
^  The  iriilf  stream. 

SECOND    VOYAGE    (1608).  35 

south  and  by  west  point,  lialfe  a  point  to  the  wester  part  of 
the  compasse,  in  the  Lititude  of  71  degrees,  15  minutes.  At 
two  a  clocke  this  after-noone  we  came  to  anchor  in  the 
mouth  of  a  river,  where  licth  an  ihand  in  the  mouth  thereof,  T^^ivcr  tmci 
foure  leagues  :  wee  anchored  from  the  iland  in  two  and 
thirtie  fathomes,  bhacke  sandy  ground.  There  drove  much 
ice  out  of  it  with  a  streame  that  set  out  of  the  river  or  sound, 
and  there  were  many  morses  sleeping  on  the  ice,  and  by  it 
we  were  put  from  our  road  twice  this  night ;  and  being 
calme  all  this  day,  it  pleased  God,  at  our  need  to  give  us  a 
fine  gale,  which  freed  us  out  of  danger.  This  day  was 
calme,  cleere  and  hot  weather  :  all  the  night  we  rode  stilL 

The  thirtieth,  calme,  hot,  and  faire  weather  ;  we  weighed 
in  the  morning,  and  towed  and  rowed,  and  at  noone  we 
came  to  anchor  neere  tiie  ile  aforesaid  in  the  mouth  of  the 
river,  and  saw  very  much  ice  driving  in  the  sea,  two  leagues 
without  us,  lying  south-east  and  north-west ;  and  driving  to 
the  north-west  so  fast,  that  wee  could  not  by  twelve  a  clocke 
at  night  see  it  out  of  the  top.  At  the  iland  where  wee  rode 
lieth  a  little  rocke,  whereon  were  fortie  or  fiftie  morses 
lying  asleepe,  being  all  that  it  couhl  hohl,  it  being  so  full 
and  little.  I  sent  my  companie  ashoare  to  them,  leaving 
none  aboord  but  my  boy  with  mee  :  and  by  meanes  of  their 
neerenesse  to  the  water,  they  all  got  away,  save  one  which 
they  killed,  and  brought  his  head  aboord  ;  and  ere  they 
came  aboord  they  went  on  the  iland,  which  is  reasonable 
high  and  steepe,  but  flat  on  the  top.  They  killed  and 
brought  with  them  a  great  fowle,  whereof  there  were  many, 
and  likewise  some  egges,  and  in  an  houre  they  came  aboord. 
This  ile  is  two  flight-shot  over  in  length,  and  one  in  breadth. 
At  mid-night  our  anchor  came  home,  and  wee  tayld  aground 
by  meanes  of  the  strength  of  the  streame  ;  but  by  the 
helpe  of  God,  wee  hoved  her  off"  without  hurt.  In  short 
time  wee  moved  our  ship,  and  rode  still  all  night ;  and  in 
the  night  wee  had  little  wind  at  east,  and  east  south-east. 


Wee  had  at  noone  this  day  an  observation,  and  were  in  the 
hititude  of  71  degrees,  15  minutes. 

.luiy.  The^rs^  of  July,  we  saw  more  ice  to  the  seaward  of  us; 

from  the  south-east  to  the  north-west,  driving  to  the  north- 
west. At  noone  it  was  cahne,  and  we  had  the  sunne  on  the 
meridian,  on  the  south  and  by  west  point,  halfe  a  point  to 
the  westerly  part  of  the  compasse,  in  the  latitude  of  71  de- 
grees, 24  minutes.  This  morning  I  sent  my  mate  Everet, 
and  foure  of  our  companie  to  rowe  about  the  bay,  to  see 
what  rivers  were  in  the  same,  and  to  find  where  the  morses 
did  come  on  land  ;  and  to  see  a  sound  or  great  river  in  the 
bottome  of  the  bay,  which  did  alwaies  send  out  a  great 
streamc  to  the  northwards,  against  the  tide  that  came  from 
thence  :  and  I  found  the  same  in  comming  in,  from  the 
north  to  this  place,  before  this.  When  by  the  meanes  of  the 
great  plenty  of  ice,  the  hope  of  passage  betweene  Newland 

His  purpose  ^^^^  Nova  Zcuibla  was  taken  away ;  my  purpose  was  by  the 
Vaygats  to  passe  by  the  mouth  of  the  river  Ob,  and  to  dou- 
ble that  way  the  North  Cape  of  Tartaria,^  or  to  give  reason 
wherefore  it  will  not  be  :  but  being  here,  and  hoping  by  the 
plentie  of  morses  wee  saw  here,  to  defray  the  charge  of  our 
voyage ;  and  also  that  this  sound  might  for  some  reasons 
bee  a  better  passage  to  the  east  of  Nova  Zembla  then  the 
Vaygats,  if  it  held  according  to  my  hope  conceived  by  the 
likenesse  it  gave  :  for  whereas  we  had  a  floud  came  from 
the  northwards,  yet  this  sound  or  river  did  runne  so  strong, 

stream.        that  icc  witli  the  streame  of  this  river  was  carried  away,  or 

^  Hudson  seemed  to  think  that  when  he  had  once  passed  the  North 
Cape  of  Tartary  (Cape  Tabin  ?),  the  rest  of  his  undertaking,  to  reach 
China  by  a  north-eastern  route,  would  be  quite  easy,  and  hardly  worth 
mentioning.  This  was  also  Sebastian  Cabot's  idea,  and  that  of  all  his  dis- 
ciples down  to  our  navigator.  Ortelius's  maps,  the  best  expressions  of  the 
geographical  dogma  of  the  age,  imply  a  similar  belief.  The  northern 
coast  of  Asia,  which  is  there  drawn  almost  from  fancy,  is  everywhere 
much  too  far  south.  The  voyage  from  the  Promontorium  Sa/thicuin  to 
Cathay,  or  Northern  China,  appears  on  these  maps  as  quite  an  easy 

SECOND    VOYAGE    (1608).  37 

any  thing  else  against  the  floud  ;  so  that  both  in  floud  and 
ebbe,  the  streamc  doth  hold  a  strong  course  :  and  it  flowcth 
from  the  north  three  houres,  and  ebbeth  nine. 

The  second,  the  wind  being  at  east  south-east,  it  was  rea- 
sonable cold,  and  so  was  Friday  ;  and  the  morses  did  not  play 
in  our  sight  as  in  warme  weather.  This  morning,  at  three 
of  the  clocke,  my  mate  and  companie  came  aboord,  and 
brought  a  great  deeres  home,  a  white  locke  of  deeres  haire, 
four  dozen  of  fowle,  their  boat  halfe  laden  with  drift  wood, 
and  some  flowers  and  greene  things,  that  they  found  grow- 
ina^  on  the  shoare.     They  saw  a  herd  of  white  deere,^  often  Herdeof 

"  "^  white  deere. 

in  a  companie  on  the  land,  much  drift  wood  lying  on  the 
shoare,  many  good  bayes,  and  one  river  faire  to  see  to 
on  the  north  shoare,  for  the  morses  to  land  on ;  but  they 
saw  no  morses  there,  but  signes  that  they  had  beene  in  the 
bayes.  And  the  great  river  or  sound,  they  certified  me, 
was  of  breadth  two  or  three  leagues,  and  had  no  ground  at 
twentie  fathoms,  and  that  the  water  was  of  the  colour  of  the 
sea,  and  very  salt,  and  that  the  streame  setteth  strongly  out 
of  it.  At  sixe  a  clocke  this  morning,  came  much  ice  from 
the  southward  driving  upon  us,  very  fearfull  to  looke  on  ; 
but  by  the  mercy  of  God  and  His  mightie  helpe,  wee  being 
moored  with  two  anchors  ahead  with  vering  out  of  one 
cable  and  heaving  home  the  other,  and  fending  off  with 
beames  and  sparres,  escaped  the  danger  ;  which  labour  con- 
tinued till  sixe  a  clocke  in  the  eevening,  and  then  it  was 
past  us,  and  we  rode  still  and  tooke  our  rest  this  night. 

The  third,  the  wind  at  north  a  hard  gale.  At  three  a 
clocke  this  morning  wee  weighed  our  anchor,  and  set  sayle, 
jiurposing  to  runne  into  the  river  or  sound  before  spoken  of. 

The  fourth,  in  the  morning,  it  cleered  up,  with  the  wind 

at  north-west ;  we  weighed  and  set  sayle,  and  stood  to  the 

eastwards,  and  past  over  a  reefe,  and  found  on  it  five  and  a 

halfe,  sixe,  sixe  and  a  halfe,  and  seven  fathoms  water :  then 

^  Sec  p.  38,  note  1. 

38  MASTER    HENKY    Ht'DSON. 

we  saw  that  the  sound  was  full,  and  a  very  large  river  from 
the  north-eastward  free  from  ice,  and  a  strong  streame  com- 
niing  out  of  it :  and  wee  had  sounding  then,  foure  and  thirty 
fathoms  water.  Wee  all  conceived  hope  of  this  northerly 
river  or  sound,  and  sayling  in  it,  wee  found  three  and  twen- 
tie  fathomes  for  three  leagues,  and  after  twentie  fathomes 
for  five  or  sixc  leagues,  all  tough  ozie  ground.  Then  the 
winde  vered  more  northerly,  and  the  streame  came  down 
so  strong,  that  wee  could  do  no  good  on  it :  we  came  to 
anchor,  and  went  to  supper,  and  then  presently  I  sent  my 
mate  Juet,  with  five  more  of  our  companie  in  our  boat,  with 
sayle  and  oarcs  to  get  up  the  river,  being  provided  with 
victuall  and  weapons  for  defence,  walling  them  to  sound  as 
they  went ;  and  if  it  did  continue  still  deepe,  to  goe  untill 
it  did  trende  to  the  eastward,  or  to  the  southwards,  and  wee 
rode  still. 

The  jift,  in  the  morning,  we  had  the  wind  at  west :  we 
began  to  weigh  anchor,  purposing  to  set  sayle  and  to  runne 
up  the  sound  after  our  companie  :  then  the  wind  vered 
northerly  upon  us,  and  we  saved  our  labour.  At  noone 
our  companie  came  aboord  us,  having  had  a  hard  rought ; 
for  they  had  beene  up  the  river  sixe  or  seven  leagues,  and. 
sounded  it  from  twentie  to  three  and  twentie,  and  after 
brought  it  to  eight,  sixc,  and  one  fathome  ;  and  then  to 
foure  foot  in  the  best :  they  then  went  ashoare,  and  found 
good  store  of  wilde  goose  quills,  a  piece  of  an  old  oare,  and 
some  flowers  and  greene  things  which  they  found  growing  : 
they  saw  many  deere,  and  so  did  we  in  our  after-dayes 
sayling.^  They  being  come  aboord,  we  presently  set  sayle 
with  the  wind  at  north  north-west,  and  wc  stood  out  againe 
to  the  south-westwards,  with  sorrow  that  our  labour  was  in 

^  The  existence  of  grass  and  of  lierbivorous  animals  in  Nova  Zembla, 
which  is  flatly  denied  by  De  Veer,  is  clearly  proved  by  Hudson.  Lutke's 
observations  corroborate  those  of  o\ir  navigator  :  sec  Dr.  Belce's  Dc  Veer, 
pp.  5,  83. 

SECOND    VOYAGE    (1008).  39 

vaine  :  for,  had  this  sound  held  as  it  did  make  shew  of, 
for  breadth,  depth,  safenesse  of  harbour,  and  good  anchor 
ground,  it  might  have  yeelded  an  excellent  passage  to  a 
more  easterly  sea.     Generally,  all  the  land  of  Nova  Zembla  Novazem- 

''  ''  bill  pleasftiit 

that  yet  we  have  secne,  is  to  a  man's  eye  a  pleasant  land  ;  totheeye. 
much  mayne  high  land  with  no  snow  on  it,  looking  in  some 
places  greene,  and  deere  feeding  thereon  :  and  the  hills  are 
partly  covered  with  snow,  and  partly  bare.     It  is  no  marvel 
that  there  is  so  much  ice  in  the  sea  toward  the  pole,  so  many  cause  of 

much  ioe  in 

sounds  and  rivers  beino'  in  the  lands  of  Nova  Zembla  and  '^'1°^^  ^*'''t 

c  winch  make 

Newland  to  ingcnder  it ;  besides  the  coasts  of  Pechora,  Rus-  passage^."'''® 
sia,  and  Groenland,  with  Lappia,  as  by  proofes  I  finde  by 
my  travell  in  these  parts  :  by  meanes  of  which  ice  I  suppose 
there  will  be  no  navigable  passage  this  way.  This  eeven- 
ing  wee  had  the  wind  at  west  and  by  south  :  we  therefore 
came  to  anchor  under  Deere  Point ;  and  it  was  a  storme  at 
sea ;  wee  rode  in  twentie  fathomes  ozie  ground  :  I  sent  my 
mate,  Ladlow,  with  foure  more  ashoare  to  see  whether  any 
morses  were  on  the  shoare,  and  to  kill  some  fowle;  for  we 
had  seen  no  morses  since  Saturday,  the  second  day  of  this 
moneth,  that  wee  saw  them  driving  out  of  the  ice.  They 
found  good  landing  for  them,  but  no  signe  that  they  had 
beene  there ;  but  they  found  that  fire  had  beene  made 
there,  yet  not  lately.  At  ten  of  the  clocke  in  the  eeven- 
ing,  they  came  aboord,  and  brought  with  them  neere  an 
hundred  fowles  called  wellocks  :  this  night  it  was  wet, 
fogge,  and  very  thicke  and  cold,  the  winde  at  west  south- 

The  sixt,  in  the  morning,  wee  had  the  wind  stormie  and 
shifting  ;  betweene  the  west  and  south-west,  against  us  for 
doing  any  good  :  we  rode  still  and  had  much  ice  driving  by 
us  to  the  eastward  of  us.  At  nine  of  the  clocke  this  ceven- 
ing  wee  had  the  wind  at  north  north-west :  we  presently 
weighed,  and  set  sayle,  and  stood  to  the  westward,  being 
out  of  hope  to  find  passage  by  the  north-east :  and  my  pur- 



wiiiouffh-     pose  was  now  to  see  whether  Willoughbies  Land'  were,  as  it 

bies  land 

a  conceit      is  lavd  in  our  cardes  :  which  if  it  were,  wee  micrht  finde 

of  card-  •'  '  '  o 

^!lT,!^Ji  morses  on  it,  for  with  the  ice  they  were  all  driven  from 
thanVew-*'^  hcnce.  This  place  ujjon  Nova  Zembla,  is  another  then  that 
Greenland    which   the   Hollanders   call   Costing   Sarch,    discovered   by 

(as  is  before         _  ••-!-> 

observed,     OHvcr  Browncll :  and  William  Barentson's  observation  doth 

cap.  2)  as 

sarch"of  witnesse  the  same.-  It  is  layd  in  plot  by  the  Hollanders  out 
S'^otirir's'^    of  his  true  place  too  farre  north  :  to  what  end  I  know  not. 

Nova  Zem-  ,  t         •      i      i  i  •   i        i 

unlesse  to  make  it  hold  course  with  the  compasse,  not  re- 
specting the  variation.  It  is  as  broad  and  like  to  yeeld 
passage  as  the  Vaygats,  and  my  hope  was,  that  by  the  strong 
streame  it  would  have  cleered  it  selfe  ;  but  it  did  not.  It  is 
so  full  of  ice  that  you  will  hardly  thinke  it.  All  this  day, 
for  the  most  part  it  was  fogge  and  cold. 

The  secenth,  cleere  but  cold  weather  :  in  the  morning  the 
wind  was  at  the  north  ;  from  the  last  eevening  to  this  morn- 
ing, we  set  saile  and  kept  our  course  west  and  by  south, 
fifteene  leagues  :  from  morning  to  eight  a  clocke  in  the 
eevening  it  was  calnie :  then  we  had  the   wind  againe   at 

^  The  fact  we  here  learn  is  im}5ortant.  Willoughby's  land  ■was,  on  the 
charts  used  by  Hudson,  laid  down  as  part  of  Nova  Zembla  ;  rather  south 
than  north  of  1'2P.  When  we  consider  how  careful  Hudson  was  in  col- 
lecting information,  and  further,  that  he  was  sent  out  by  the  only  per- 
sons in  England  who  had  an  interest  in  north-eastern  discovery  (the 
Muscovy  Company),  it  becomes  almost  a  certainty  that  Willoughby's 
land  was,  in  1608,  bi/  the  English  not  thought  identical  with  Spitzbcrgen 
(the  Greenland  of  Barentz  and  Hudson).  If  commercial  jealousy  of 
the  Dutch,  the  real  discoverers  of  Spitzbcrgen,  had  not  a  short  time 
after  Hudson's  voyage  raised  the  almost  absurd  belief  in  that  identity, 
the  scholars  of  our  time  would  have  been  spared  much  labour.  Purchas 
himself  is  the  most  earnest,  we  might,  perhaps,  say  the  most  insolent, 
defender  of  the  erroneous  idea,  which  has  been  ably  disproved  by  ]\Ir. 
Rundall,  in  his  work  on  northern  voyages.  Introduction,  p.  ix,  where  all 
the  arguments  bearing  on  both  sides  of  the  question  may  be  found. 

^  The  mere  amateur  reader  will  hardly  care  about  the  intrinsic  geo- 
graphical questions  involved  in  this  sentence.  The  geographical  scholar 
will  find  them  most  amply  and  satisfactorily  discussed,  with  special  refer- 
ence to  the  present  passage,  by  Dr.  Beke  in  his  Introduction  to  Dc  Veer, 
pp.  xxxii  to  I. 

SECOND    VOYAGE    (1608).  41 

north,  and  we  sayled  till  nine  a  clockc  next  morning  west 
south-west,  eight  leagues ;  then  the  wind  being  west  and  by 
south,  wee  went  north  and  by  west,  three  leagues,  and  wee 
had  the  sunne  at  the  highest  south  south-west,  in  the  lati- 
tude of  71  degrees,  2  minutes.  The  eight,  faire  weather  ; 
at  noone  we  had  the  wind  at  east  north-east,  we  stood  north 
three  leagues  till  foure  a  clocke  :  then  the  wind  being  at 
west  and  by  north,  wee  stemmed  north  and  by  west  one 
league  and  a  lialfe,  till  six  a  clocke  in  the  eevening  ;  then 
the  wind  was  at  north-east  a  hard  gale,  and  wee  stood  till 
next  day  at  noone  west  and  by  north,  by  account  three  and 
twentie  leagues  :  we  had  the  sunne  on  the  meridian,  south 
and  by  west,  halfe  a  point  neerest  west,  in  the  latitude  of 
70  degrees,  41  minutes.  The  ninth,  cleere  weather  :  from 
this  to  the  next  day  at  noone,  we  sayled  south-west  and  by 
west  twelve  leagues,  and  northward  three  leagues  ;  and  in 
these  courses  had  these  soundings,  41,  42,  46,  48,  and  45 
fathoms  :  we  had  the  sunne  south  and  by  west,  halfe  a  point 
to  the  west  part  of  the  compasse.  The  sea  was  loftie  :  our 
latitude  was  70  degrees,  20  minutes. 

The  tenth,  cleere  but  close  weather  :  from  this  till  next 
day  noone  wee  had  little  wind  at  west  north-west :  by  ac- 
count we  made  our  way  five  leagues  north-easterly.  Wee 
had  the  sun  at  the  highest  on  the  south  and  by  west  point, 
and  a  terce  westward,  in  the  latitude  of  70  degrees,  55 
minutes,  and  I  thinke  we  had  a  rustling  tide  under  us  ;  and 
in  this  time  had  sounding  betweene  fortie-five  and  fortic 
fathomes,  white  sand.  The  eletenth,  cleere  weather  :  from 
this  to  the  next  day  at  noone,  little  wind  at  north  north-east 
and  sometimes  calme  ;  wee  sayled  west  and  by  north  by 
account  five  leagues  ;  and  had  the  sunne  on  the  meridian  on 
the  south  and  by  west  point  one-third  west  in  the  latitude  of 
70  degrees,  26  minutes,  and  found  a  rustling  under  us. 
This  fore-noone  we  were  come  into  a  greene  sea,  of  the  Greene  sea. 
colour  of  the  mayne  ocean,  which  we  first  lost  the  eight  of 


June :  since  which  time  wee  have  had  a  sea  of  a  blacke  blue 
colour,  which  (both  by  the  last  and  this  yeeres  experience) 
is  a  sea  pestered  with  ice. 

The  twelfth,  faire  weather :  from  noone  to  midnight  wee 
had  the  wind  shifting  betweene  the  north  and  west ;  our 
course  was  betweene  west  north-west  and  south  south-west. 
Then  we  had  the  wind  at  south ;  we  sayled  till  the  next  day 
at  noone,  west  and  by  north,  thirteene  leagues  ;  wee  ac- 
counted our  way  from  the  last  day  till  this  day  noone  west- 
ward, eighteene  leagues.  This  after-noone  wee  saw  more 
porpoises  then  in  all  our  voyage  afore.  The  thirteenth,  close 
weather  :  in  the  after-noone  having  much  wind  at  south, 
with  short  sayle  we  stood  away  west  and  by  north,  till  eight 
a  clockc  in  the  eevening :  then  we  had  the  wind  at  south, 
but  most  times  calme  till  noone  the  next  day  :  wee  stood 
away  as  afore,  fourc  leagues,  which  made  in  all  twelve 
leagues  :  we  had  the  sunne  ere  it  began  to  fall,  south  and 
by  west,  in  the  latitude  of  70  degrees,  22  minutes. 

The  fourteenth,  wee  stood  west  north-Avest  till  midnight, 
seventecne  leagues  :  then  the  wind  scanted  and  came  at 
west,  we  stood  north  north-west,  one  league  and  a  halfe  ; 
then  the  wind  being  more  southerly,  wee  sayled  west  north- 
west five  leagues.  From  the  last  till  this  day  at  noone,  our 
way  was  out  of  divers  courses  north-west  and  by  west,  foure 
and  twentie  leagues.  We  had  the  sunne  beginning  to  fall 
at  south  and  by  west,  in  the  latitude  of  70  degrees,  54 

'\l\\c  fifteenth,  fuire  ;  but  towards  night  like  to  be  stormie 
with  thunder,  the  wind  betweene  south  and  south  south- 
cast  ;  from  this,  till  the  sixteenth  day  at  noone,  our  course 
•  was  west  and  by  north,  seven  and  twentie  Icagiies,  and  the 
sunne  then  began  to  fall  at  south,  three  quarters  of  a  point 
westward,  in  the  latitude  of  70  degrees,  42  minutes.  The 
sixteenth,  faire ;  our  way  was  from  this  till  next  day  at  noone 
north--svcst,  twelve  leagues,  out  of  divers  courses  :  and  we 

SECOND    VOYAGE    (1608).  43 

had  the  wind  shifting,  sometimes  at  east,  at  west  south-west, 
and  west  and  by  north  ;  the  Latitude,  by  a  bad  observation, 
71  degrees,  44  minutes.  The  seventeenth,  in  the  fore-noone, 
faire ;  the  wind  being  at  west  and  by  north.  At  fourc 
a  clocke  this  morning  wc  saw  land  beare  off  us,  west  and 
south  south-west,  which  was  about  Ward-house  '}  this  after- 
noone  wee  had  a  stormc  at  west  and  by  north,  we  layed  it 
to  trie  till  eight  a  clocke  in  the  eevening,  and  then  set  sayle 
with  the  wind  betweene  west  north-west  and  north-west : 
our  course  till  the  next  day  at  noone  was  south-west  and  by 
south,  twelve  leagues  :  the  Cape  HopewelP  bore  off  us  south 
south-west,  and  we  were  foure  or  five  leagues  from  land. 

The  eighteenth,  gusty,  with  raine  all  the  fore-noone ;  then 
we  had  the  wind  shifting  till  next  day  at  noone  from  south 
south-east  to  east,  and  south-east :  our  course  in  generall 
was  north-west,  foure  and  twentie  leagues  :  then  did  North 
Kene  beare  off  us  west  halfe  a  point  southward,  being  from 
us  foure  leagues  ;  and  the  North  Cape  in  sight  bearing  west 
and  by  north,  etc. 

The  seve7i  and  twentieth,  cold,  with  raine  and  storme ;  this 
night  we  bcofan  to  burne  candle  in  the  betacle,  which  we  ^"  "'s''''  "> 

°  °  ^  teu  woekes. 

had  not  done  since  the  nineteenth  of  May,  by  reason  wee 
had  alwaics  day  from  thence  till  now.  The  thirtieth,  we 
had  the  sunne  upon  the  meridian  due  south,  in  the  latitude 
of  68  degrees,  46  minutes ;  whereby  we  found  us  to  bee 
afore  our  ship,  ten  or  twelve  leagues,  and  Lowfoot^  bore  east 
of  us,  but  not  in  sight. 

The  seventh  of  August,  I  used  all  diligence  to  arrive  at 
London,  and  therefore  now  I  gave  my  companic  a  certificate 
under  my  hand,  of  my  free  and  willing  return,  without  per- 
swasion  or  force  of  any  one  or  more  of  them  :  for  at  my 
being  at  Nova  Zembla,  the  sixt  of  July,  voide  of  hoi^e  of  a 

^  Vardoehuus  Island,  70"  35'  N.,  31°  E,  in  the  White  Sea,  close  to 
the  coast  of  Finmark. 

"  North-west  of  Vardoehuus  Island.  ^  The  LufFodeu  Islands. 

44  :masteti  iiemry  tiudson. 

north-east  passage  (except  by  the  Waygats,  for  which  I  was 
not  fitted  to  trie  or  prove),  I  therefore  resolved  to  use  all 
nieanes  I  could  to  sayle  to  the  north-west ;  considering  the 
time  and  meanes  wee  had,  if  the  wind  should  friend  us,  as 
in  the  first  part  of  our  voyage  it  had  done,  and  to  make  triall 
of  that  place  called  Lumleys  Inlet,'  and  the  furious  over-fall 
by  Captain  Davis,  hoping  to  runne  into  it  an  hundred 
leagues,  and  to  returne  as  God  should  enable  mee.  But  now 
having  spent  more  then  halfe  the  time  I  had,  and  gone 
but  the  shortest  part  of  the  way,  by  means  of  contrary 
winds,  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  save  victuall,  wages,  and 
tackle,  by  my  speedy  returne,  and  not  by  foolish  rashnesse, 
the  time  being  wasted,  to  lay  more  charge  upon  the  action 
then  necessitie  should  compell,  I  arrived  at  Gravesend  the 
sixe  and  tioentieth  of  August. 

^  See  Hakluyt,  x,  3  (Purchas).  The  journal  of  Captain  Davis,  to 
which  Purchas  refers,  is  not  clear  enough  to  allow  us  to  fix  the  situation 
of  Lumley's  inlet  with  any  degree  of  certainty.  The  inlet  was  perhaps 
identical  with  Hudson's  strait,  or  perhaps  somewhat  further  north,  where 
modern  geographers  place  Frobisher's  sti'ait.  The  maj^s  of  these  regions 
are  still  too  unsatisfixctory  to  afford  a  fair  ground  for  any  guesses  about 
the  real  meaning  of  the  still  vaguer  indications  of  the  early  navigators. 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (1609).  45 


TOWARD     NOVA     ZEMBLA,     AND     AT     HIS     EETURNE,    HIS     PASSING     FROM     FARRE 






IVrittcn  by  Robert  Juet,  of  Lime-house. 

On  Saturday,  the  Jive  and  twentieth  of  March,  1609,  after 
the  old  account,  we  set  sayle  from  Amsterdam,  and  by  the 
seven  and  tioentieth  day,  we  were  downe  at  the  Texel :  and 
by  twelve  of  the  clocke  we  were  off  the  land,  it  being  east 
of  us  two  leagues  off.  And  because  it  is  a  journey  usually 
knowne,  I  omit  to  put  downe  what  passed  till  we  came  to 
the  height  of  the  North  Cape  of  Finmarke,  which  we  did 
performc  by  the  f ft  of  May   {stilo  novo),  being  Tuesday.  May o, 

siilo  novo. 

On  which  day  we  observed  the  height  of  the  pole,  and  found 
it  to  bee  71  degrees,  and  46  minutes  ;  and  found  our  com- 
passe  to  vary  six  degrees  to  the  west ;  and  at  twelve  of  the 
clocke,  the  North  Cape  did  beare  south-west  and  by  south 
tenne  leagues  off,  and  wee  steered  away  east  and  by  south 
and  east. 

After  much  trouble,  with  fogges  sometimes,  and  more 
dangerous  of  ice.  The  nineteenth,  being  Tuesday,  was  close 
stormie  weather,  with  much  wind  and  snow,  and  very  cold  : 
the  wind  variable  betweene  the  north  north-Avcst  and  north- 
east.     We  made   our    (vay  west  and  by  north  till  noonc. 

46  ^        MASTER    HENRY    HUDSON. 

Then  we  observed  the  sunne  having  a  slake,^  and  found  our 
heigth  to  bee  70  degrees,  30  minutes.  And  the  ship  had 
out-runne  us  twentie  leagues,  by  reason  of  the  set  of  the 

Wdrdhou"s'e*''  stroamc  of  the  White  Sea  :  and  we  had  sight  of  Wardhouse.^ 
Then  at  two  of  the  clocke  wee  tackt  to  the  eastward  :  for  we 
could  not  get  about  the  North  Cape,  the  wind  was  so  scant ; 
and  at  eight  of  the  clocke  at  night,  on  the  one  and  tiventictJi, 

They  don-    tl^e  North  Cape  did  beare   south-east  and  by  south  seven 

bled  tlio  ^  •' 

Norih  Cape,  igj^nrues  ofF.    And  at  mid-night  Assumption  Point^  did  beare 

Assumption  c  ox 

^'"""'"         south  and  by  east,  five  leagues  off  us. 

The  two  and  twentieth,  gusting  weather,  with  haile  and 
snow,  the  sunne  breaking  out  sometimes  :  Ave  continued  our 
course  along  the  land  west  south-west.    And  at  tenne  of  the 

zemim.  clockc  at  night  we  were  thwart  off  Zenam,^  The  bodie  of  it 
did  beare  east  off  us  five  leagues  :  and  the  course  from  the 
North  Cape  to  Zenam  is  for  the  most  part  west  and  by 
south,  and  west  south-west,  fiftie-foure  leagues. 

The  three  and  tiocntieth,  faire  sunshining  weather  ;  the 
wind  at  east  and  by  south,  and  east  south-east ;  wee  steered 
along  the  land  south-west,  and  south-west  and  by  west, 
eight  leagues  a  ■\vatch,  for  so  we  found  the  land  to  lye 
from  Zenam  to  Lofoote.^  And  the  distance  is  fiftie  leagues 
from  the  bodie  of  Zenam  to  the  westermost  land  of  Lofoote.^ 
And  from  the  one  to  the  other,  the  course  is  south-west  and 

^  A  spot  1  The  word  slake,  as  a  substantive,  seems  to  be  a  uorth  country 
word,  meaning,  according  to  Brocket,  "  an  accumulation  of  mud  or  slime, 
from  dijck,  cocnum,  lutum."'  If  Hudson  observed  a  spot  on  the  sun  the 
21st  of  March,  1609,  he  was  undoubtedly  the  earliest  discoverer  of  this 
most  interesting  phenomenon ;  the  observation  of  Thomas  Ilariot,  which 
is  considered  as  the  first  on  record,  being  more  than  a  year  and  a  half 
later  (Dec.  8th,  IGIO).  Hudson  had  the  disadvantage  of  observing  with- 
out a  telescope.  "  Vardoehuus  Island. 

^  Evidently  to  the  south-east  of  the  North  Cape,  probably  a  cape  on 
one  of  the  neighbouring  islands,  Maasoo,  Jehnsoe,  or  Igencie. 

''  Probably  the  island  of  Scnjen,  lat.  (ISP  :2o',  long.  17°  E.,  lying  west  of 
Norway,  close  to  the  coast. 

•'  The  Lullbdeu  Islands.     «  Vaerii  Island,  lat.  (i7^^  -10',  long.  11°  ;3(i'  E. 

THIRD   VOYAGE    (1609).  47 

by  west.  For  the  needle  of  our  compasse  was  set  right  to 
the  north.  At  twelve  of  the  clocke  at  night,  the  boclic  of 
Lofoote  did  beare  south-east,  sixe  leagues  off.  i.ofootc 

The  foure  and  tioentieth,  faire  cleere  sun-shining  wea- 
ther :  the  wind  variable  upon  all  points  of  the  compasse,  but 
most  upon  the  south-east,  and  sometimes  calme.  We  con- 
tinued our  course  west  south-west  as  before.  And  at  eight 
of  the  clocke  at  night  the  souther  part  of  Lofoote  did  bearc 
south-east  ten  leagues  off  us.  tion!*^™' 

The  Jicc  and  twentieth,  much  wind  at  north-east,  with 
some  snow  and  haile.  The  first  watch  the  wind  came  to  the 
east  a  fine  gale,  and  so  came  to  the  north-east,  the  second 
watch,  at  foure  of  the  clocke,  and  freshed  in  :  and  at  eight 
of  the  clocke  it  grew  to  a  storme,  and  so  continued.  At 
noone  we  observed,  and  made  the  ship  to  be  in  67  degrees, 
58  minutes.  Wee  continued  our  course  south-west  twelve 
leagues  a  watch.  At  nine  of  the  clocke,  Lofoote  did  beare 
east  of  us  15  leagues  off.  And  we  found  the  compasse  to 
have  no  variation.     The  wind  increased  to  a  storme. 

The  sixe  and  tioentieth,  was  a  great  storme  at  the  north 
north-east,  and  north-east.  Wee  steered  away  south-west 
afore  the  wind  with  our  fore  course  abroad  :  for  we  were 
able  to  maintayue  no  more  sayles,  it  blew  so  vehemently, 
and  the  sea  went  so  high,  and  brake  withall,  that  it  Avould 
have  dangered  a  small  ship  to  lye  under  the  sea.  So  we 
skudded  seventy  leagues  in  foure  and  twentie  hourcs.  The 
storme  began  to  cease  at  foure  of  the  clocke. 

The  seven  and  twentieth,  indifferent  faire  weather,  but  a 
good  stiffe  gale  of  wind  at  north,  and  north  north-east ;  wee 
held  on  our  course  as  before.  At  noone  wee  observed  and 
found  our  heigth  to  be  64  degrees,  10  minutes.  And  wee 
loerceived  that  the  current  had  hindered  us  in  fortie-eisfht  ^^ «'"''"' <'"•"■ 

^  "         rent  selling 

houres  to  the  number  of  16  leagues  to  our  best  judgement. 
We  set  our  mayne-sayle,  sprit-saylc,  and  our  mayne-top- 
sayle,  and  held  on  our  course  all  night,  having  faire  wea- 

to  theiiorlh- 




The  eight  and  twentieth,  fairc  Aveathcr  and  little  wind  at 
north-cast,  we  held  on  our  course  south-west.  At  noone 
wee  observed  the  heigth,  and  were  in  62  degrees,  and  30 
minutes.  The  aftcr-noonc  was  little  wind  at  north  north- 
west. The  second  watch  it  fell  calme.  At  foure  of  the 
Farrfiiics    clockc  wcc  had  sio'ht  of  the  iles  called   Farre,^  and  found 

set  11  o  -' 

toeTest.  them  to  lye  out  of  their  place  in  the  sea  chart  fourteene 
leagues  to  farre  westerly.  For  in  running  south-west  from 
Lofoote,  wee  had  a  good  care  to  our  steerage  and  observa- 
tions ;  and  counted  ourselves  thirtie  leagues  off  by  our 
course  and  observation,  and  had  sight  of  them  sixteene  or 
eighteene  leagues  off. 

The  7iine  and  tioentieth,  faire  weather,  sometimes  calme 
and  sometimes  a  gale,  with  the  wind  varying  at  south-west, 
and  so  to  the  north-east.  Wee  got  to  the  Hands,  but  could 
not  get  in.  So  we  stood  along  the  Hands.  The  ebbe  being 
come,  we  durst  not  put  in. 

Thirtieth,  faire  weather  ;  the  wind  at  south-east,  and  east 
south-east.    In  the  morning  we  turned  into  a  road  in  Stromo, 

stromo.  one  of  the  Hands  of  Farre,  betweene  Stromo  and  Mugge- 
nes,  and  got  in  by  nine  of  the  clocke,  for  it  flowed  so  there 
that  day.  And  as  soone  as  we  came  in  we  M'ent  to  romage, 
and  sent  our  boat  for  water,  and  filled  all  our  empty  caskcs 
with  fresh  water.  Wee  made  an  end  of  our  rpmaging  this 
night  bv  ten  of  the  clocke. 

The  one  and  thirtieth,  faire  sunshining  weather,  the  wind 
at  east  south-east.  In  the  fore-noone  our  master  with  most 
of  his  company  went  on  shoare  to  Avalkc,  antl  at  one  of  the 
clocke  they  returned  aboard.     Then  we  set  sayle. 

.lunc.  The  Jirst  of  June,  stilo  novo,  fairc  sun-shining  weather, 

the  wind  at  east  south-east.  Wc  continued  on  our  course 
south-west  and  by  west.  At  noone  wee  observed  the 
sunnc,  and  found   our   heigth    to    be    sixty  degrees,  fifty- 

eight  minutes 

and   so   continued   on  our  course  all  night 

1  The  Faroe  Ishuuls,  lat.  iW  40'  N.;  long.  G'  30°  W. 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (1609).  49 

with  faire  weather.     This  night  we  lighted  candles  in  the 
bittacle^  againe. 

The  second,  mystic  weather,  the  Avind  at  north-east.  At 
noone  we  steered  away  west  south-west  to  find  Basse  Iland,'^  ^'^^^^^^ 
discovered  in  the  yeere  1578  by  one  of  the  ships  of  Sir 
Martin  Frobisher,  to  see  if  it  lay  in  her  true  latitude  in  the 
chart  or  no  :  wee  continued  our  course  as  before  all  night, 
with  a  faire  gale   of  wind  :  this  night  we  had  sight  of  the  Their  first 

o  no  sight  of 

first  stars,  and   our  water  was  changed  colour  to  a  white  fu^her""^ 

rpi  1.      1  •    i*  north  they 

greene.      i  he  compasse  had  no  variation.  hmicon- 

mi  1  •     T     r   -  ^   •     •  i  i  •      ^  i       tinuall  suii- 

ihe  third,  laire  sun-shinmg  weather;  the  wind  at  north-  light. 

Clirtuge  of 

east.     We   steered  on  our  course  south-west  and  by  west,  ^•''^er. 
with  a  stifle  gale  of  wind.    At  noone  we  observed  and  found 
our  heigth  to  bee  58  degrees,  48  minutes.    And  I  was  before 
the  ship  16  leagues,  by  reason  of  the  current  that  held  us  so  a  strange 

^  CI  '       J  current  out 

strong   out   of  the  south-west.     For  it  is   eight  leagues  in  °*e''i,'i®''°""'' 
foure  and  twentie  houres.     We  accounted  our  selves  neere 
Busse  Hand  :  by  mid-night  wee  looked  out  for  it,  but  could 
not  see  it.^ 

The  fourth,  in  the  morning,  was  much  wind,  with  fogge 

and  raine.     Wee  steered  away  soutii-west  by  west  all  the.  " 

fore-noone,  the  wind  so  increasing  that  wee  were  enforced      ,  ''>> 

to  take  in  our  top-sale  :  the  winde  continuing  so  all  the  after,-i , ,  ,  ; ' ' ; 

noone.     Wee  steered  away  south-west  all  the  fore-part  oi  ''  ,.'' 

the  night;  and  at  ten  of  the  clocke  at  night  it  was  littlo     -  >>.. 

wind,  and  that  was  south,  and  so  came  up  to  the  south  south-  '■ .'  ! . , , 

east.                                                                                                   ■„••    .'•  ,''.'' 

The  _^i!,  stormie  weather,  and  much  wind  at  south  and;'  .',,,', 

^  The  bittacle  is  a  close  place  in  which  the  compasse  standeth.         ',  ^  ,> 

^  It  is  impossible  to  indicate  the  real  situation  of  Busse  Island,  whicJj'     '  ''  > 

was  discovered  by  one  of  Frobisher's  ships  on  its  return  to  England.  Th<3> .  •'  >'  •  , 
accounts  of  this  voyage  which  have  come  down  to  us  are  even  more,'  ■'  '•** 
unsatisfactory  than  most  of  the  geographical  materials  of  this  period.,  '    \ 

Frobisher's  discoveries  have  always  been,  and  still  are,  a  puzzle  to  geq-,  • 
graphers.  •    .  ,  . 

^  They  would  probably  not  have  found  it,  even  in  daylight.  '     ' ', 

7  "'•-'! 


south  by  cast,  so  that  at  t'ouro  of  the  clocke  in  the  morning 
we  tooke  in  our  forc-saylc,  and  Lay  ^  try  with  our  mayne 
corse,  and  tryed  away  west  north-west  foure  leagues.  But 
at  noonc  it  was  Icsse  wind,  and  the  sunne  showed  forth,  and 
we  observed  and   found   our  heigth   to  be   56  degrees,  2\ 

Note  well,  niinutcs.  In  the  after-noone  the  wind  vcred  to  and  fro  be- 
twcene  the  soutli-west  and  the  south-east,  with  raine  and 
fogge,  and  so  continued  all  night.  Wee  found  that  our  ship 
had  gone  to  the  westward  of  our  course.  The  sixth,  thicke 
hasie  weather,  with  gusts  of  wind  and  showers  of  raine.  The 
wind  varied  betweene  east  south-east  and  south-west,  wee 
steered  on  many  courses  a  west  south-west  way.  The  after- 
noone  watch  the  Avind  was  at  east  south-east,  a  stiffe  gale 
with  myst  and  raine.  Wee  steered  away  south-west  by  west 
eight  leagues.  At  noone  the  sunne  shone  forth,  and  we 
found  the  heigth  to  bee  56  degrees,  8  minutes.  The  seventh, 
faire  sun-shining  weather  all  the  fore-noone,  and  calme 
imtill  twelve  of  the  clocke.  In  the  after-noone  the  wind 
came  to  the  north-west,  a  stiffe  gale.  Wee  steered  south- 
west by  west,  and  made  a  south-west  way.  At  noone  we 
-found  the  height  to  bee  56  degrees,  one  minute,  and  it  con- 
tinued all  night  a  hard  gale.  The  enjlit,  stormy  weather, 
-the  wind  variable  betweene  Avest  and  north-Avest,  much  Avind  : 

ji.jipis fire   and  at  eight  of  the  clocke  Avee  tooke  off  our  bonnets.     At  wluuu  ° 

IT- iH.-ed  <iioone  the  sunne  shewed  forth  and  Avee  observed,  and  our 
to  ei'u,u|Je'^^  height  Avas  5J:  degrees,  oO  minutes.  The  ;^//^/A,  faire  sun- 
rete'rcure  'shining  wcather,  and  little  wind  all  the  fore  part  of  the  daye 
,t'io '.  ayiie   -untill   clcvcn   of  the  clocke.     Then  the  Avind   came  to   the 


iLioLtn        south  south-east,  and  we  steered  away  Avest  south-Avest.     At 

course,  toie        _  '  •' 

uTiTrstooi  T^oonc  we  found  our  height  to  bee  53  degrees  and  45  minutes, 
^uj'eswitii-  iind  we  had  made  our  way  south  by  west  ten  leagues.  In 
bo.ijis.        the  after-noone  the  a\  ind  increased,  and   continued  all  night 

at  east  north-east  and  east. 
'  UMie  tenth,  faire  Aveather,  the  wind  variable  betwerne   east 

north-east  and   south-east ;    Avee   sleired   on    our   course  as 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (l()()y).  51 

before.  At  foiire  of  the  clock  in  the  afternoone  the  wind 
came  up  at  south-east.  And  we  held  on  our  course  as  be- 
fore. At  noone  M'ce  observed  and  found  our  hei"ht  to  be 
52  degrees,  35  minutes. 

The  eleventh,  in  the  morning,  was  thicke  and  foggie,  the 
winde  varying  betweene  south  south-west  and  north  west. 
At  foure  of  tlie  clocke  in  the  morning,  mcc  tackt  about  to 
the  southward  :  at  eleven  of  the  clocke  the  winde  came  to 
the  north-west,  and  so  to  the  west  north-west.  This  day 
we  had  change  of  water,  of  a  whitish  greene,  like  to  the  ice 
water  to  the  north-west.  At  noone  it  clecred  up,  and  be- 
came very  faire  weather  :  wee  put  out  our  mayne  top-sayle  : 
then  we  observed  the  sunne,  and  found  our  height  to  be  51 
degrees,  24  minutes.  We  had  sayled  many  courses  and 
found  our  ship  gone  to  the  southward  of  our  account  ten 
leagues,  by  reason  of  a  current  from  the  north-ward.^     The  a  current 

,  .  ,  from  tlie 

compasse  varied  one  point  to  the  east.  uortb. 


The  hvelfth,  faire  sun-shining  weather,  but  much  wind  at  o"e  point 
the  west :  we  stood  to  the  southward  all  day,  the  wind  shift- 
ing between  the  south-west  and  the  west  and  by  north. 
Wee  made  our  way  south  halfe  a  point  west,  eight  and 
twentie  leagues.  Our  height  at  noone  was  50  degrees,  9 
minutes.  At  eight  of  the  clock  at  night  we  took  off  our 
bonets,  the  wind  increasing. 

The  thirteenth,  faire  sun-shining  weather  :  the  wind  vari- 
able betweene  the  west  and  north  north-west.  Wee  made 
our  way  south  south-west,  seven  and  twentie  leagues.  At 
noone  we  observed,  and  found  our  height  to  be  48  degrees, 
45  minutes,  but  not  to  be  trusted,  the  sea  went  so  high. 
In  the  after-noone  the  winde  Avas  calmer,  and  wee  brought 
to  our  bonets,  and  stood  to  the  southward  all  night  with  a 
stiffe  gale. 

T\).e fourteenth,  faire  and  clcere  sun-shining  weather:  the 
winde  variable  betweene  the  north-west  and  south-west  by 

^  The  .h-ctic  current,  from  Davis'  and  Iliulrion's  Straits  to  the  suuth. 


west.  At  midnight  I  observed  the  north  starre  at  a  north- 
west by  west  guarde  ;  a  good  observation  49  degrees,  30 
minutes.  And  at  noone  wee  observed  the  sunne,  and  our 
height  Avas  48  degrees,  6  minutes.  And  I  made  account 
we  ranne  betweene  the  two  observations  twelve  leagues. 
At  one  of  the  clocke  in  the  after-noone,  wee  cast  about  to 
the  westward,  and  stood  so  all  night :  the  winde  increased  to 
a  storme,  and  was  very  much  winde  with  raine. 

The  fifteenth,  we  had  a  great  storme,  and  spent*  over- 
boord  our  fore-mast,  bearing  our  fore  corse  low  set.     The 
sixteenth,  we   were   forced   to   trie   with  our   mayne  saylc, 
'"''^'  by  reason  of  the  unconstant  weather.     So  wee  tried  foure 

watches,  south-east  and  by  south  eight  leagues  and  an  halfe, 
two  watches,  sixe  leagues.  The  seventeenth,  reasonable  faire 
weather  :  the  wind  variable  betweene  west  south-west  aud 
west  north-west.  And  a  stifFe  gale  of  wind,  and  so  great  a 
swelling  sea  out  of  the  west  south-west,  that  wee  could  doe 
nothing.  So  one  watch  and  an  halfe  wee  drove  north  foure 
leagues  and  a  halfe,  and  foure  watches  and  an  halfe  south 
and  by  east  halfe  a  point  east  twelve  leagues.  The  eigh- 
teenth,  reasonable  weather  but  close  and  cloudie,  and  an 
hard  gale  of  wind,  and  a  great  sea.  The  winde  being  at 
the  north-west,  wee  lay  to  the  southward,  and  made  our 
drift  south  and  by  west,  five  leagues.  The  after-noone 
prooved  little  wind,  and  the  night  part  calme.  The  nine- 
teenth, in  the  fore-noone,  faire  weather  and  calme.  In  the 
morning  we  set  the  piece  of  our  fore  mast,  and  set  our  fore 

The   one   and   ticenlictJt,,   faire   sun-shining   wcatlic]',   but 

much  wind  and  a  great  sea.     We  split  our  fore  sayle  at  ten 

i.Jt!  lu)"'^ ''''  of  the  cloche  ;  then  we  laid  it  a  trie*  with  our  mayne  sayle, 

buitire'^'''    and  coulinued  so  all  day.     In  the  night  it  fell  to  be  little 

biijie,  etc.     wind.     This  day  our  hcigth  was  45  degrees,  48  minutes. 

The   two   and  twentieth,  very  faire   sun-shining  weather, 
aiid  calme  all   the   aitcr-noonc.      At  not)nc  we   made  a  \erv 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (1609).  53 

good  observation,  and  found  our  heigth  44  degrees,  58  mi- 
nutes. At  eight  of  the  clocke  at  night  wee  had  a  small  gale 
of  winde  at  south-east.  And  wee  steered  away  west  for  New- 
found Land.^     The  true  compasse  varied  one  point  east.         variaiiuu. 

The  three  and  twentieth,  thicke  weather  with  much  wind 
and  some  raine.  At  eight  of  the  clocke  in  the  morning,  the 
wind  came  to  the  west  south-west  and  west  so  stiffe  a  gale,  that 
we  were  forced  to  take  our  top-sayle,  and  steered  aAvay 
north  north-west  untill  foure  of  the  clock  in  the  after-noone. 
Then  Ave  tact  to  the  southward,  the  winde  at  west  north- 
west. At  eight  of  the  clocke  at  night  wee  tooke  in  our  top- 
sayles,  and  laid  it  a  trie  with  our  mayne  sayle,  the  winde 
at  west. 

The  foure  and  twentieth,  a  stiffe  gale  of  wind,  varying  bc- 
tweene  the  west  and  north  north-west ;  we  tried  till  sixe  of 
the  clocke  :  at  which  time  we  set  our  fore  saile,  and  steered 
way  west  and  by  south  by  our  compasse  eight  leagues  in 
foure  watches ;  and  wee  tried  away  south  in  one  Avatch  and 
an  halfe. 

The  Jive  and  twentieth,  faire  sun- shining  weather,  the 
wind  at  north  north-west  and  north,  we  steered  away  west 
by  south  by  our  compasse  till  twelve  of  the  clocke  :  at  which 
time  we  had  sight  of  a  sayle  and  gave  her  chase,  but  could 
not  speake  Avith  her.  She  stood  to  the  eastward ;  and  we 
stood  after  her  till  sixe  of  the  clocke  in  the  after-noone. 
Then  wee  tact  to  the  westward  againe,  and  stood  on  our 
course.     It  was  faire  all  night,  and  little  wind  sometimes. 

^  Newfoundland  was,  in  Hudson's  time,  a  very  vague  term.  The 
coasts  which  it  seems  to  embrace  were  so  imperfectly  known,  that  a  strict 
geographical  interpretation  of  the  term  is  quite  impossible.  It  was,  by 
authors  and  seamen,  applied  to  all  the  North  American  coasts  along  which 
the  codfisheries  were  established.  Hudson  himself  includes  under  the 
name  of  Newfoundland  the  coast  down  to  about  43°  20',  that  is  to  say, 
Nova  Scotia.  Although  Hudson's  Newfoundland  stretches  thus  much 
farther  south  than  the  island  which  still  bears  that  time-honoured  name, 
the  island  formed  even  then  the  main  part  of  Newfoundland. 

54  mastp:r  iiknuy  hudsox. 

The  six  and  twentieth,  all  the  forepart  of  the  day  very 
faire  weather  and  hot,  but  at  foure  of  the  clocke  in  the  after- 
noone  it  grew  to  bee  much  winde  and  raine  :  the  winde 
Avas  at  south  south-cast.  At  noone  wee  observed  and  found 
our  heigth  to  bee  44  degrees,  oo  minutes.  At  eight  of  the 
clocke  at  night  the  wind  came  to  the  south-west,  and  west 
south-west.  Wee  steered  north-west,  one  watch,  and  at 
twelve  in  the  night  to  the  west,  and  west  and  by  south, 
very  much  wind.     So  we  could  lye  but  north  north-west. 

'J'he  seven  and  twentieth,  very  much  winde  and  a  soare 
storme,  the  wind  westerly.  In  the  morning,  at  foure  of  the 
clocke,  wee  tooke  in  our  fore-corse,  and  layd  it  a  trie  with 
our  mayne-corse  low  set ;  and  so  continued  all  the  day  and 
night,  two  watches  to  the  northward.  At  eight  of  the  clocke 
at  night,  we  tackt  to  the  southward. 

The  eicjht  and  twentieth,  faire  sun-shining  weather,  the 
wind  at  west  and  by  south  ;  we  lay  a  trie  to  the  southward 
till  eight  of  the  clocke  in  the  morning.  Then  we  set  our 
fore-corse,  and  stood  to  the  southward,  a  stiffe  gale  of  wind, 
but  faire  weather  and  a  great  sea  out  of  the  wester-boord, 
and  so  continued  all  night. 

The  nine  and  twentieth,  faire  sun-shining  weather,  the 
wind  at  west  and  by  south  ;  we  stood  to  the  southward 
untill  sixe  of  the  clocke  at  night,  and  made  our  way  south 
and  by  cast  foure  leagues.  Then  the  winde  came  to  the 
south-west,  and  wee  cast  about  to  the  westward,  and  made 
our  way  west  north-west  all  night.  At  noone,  I  found  the 
height  43  degrees,  (5  minutes.  'J'hc  variation  one  point 

The  tJiirtieth,  faire  sun-shining  weather^  the  winde  at 
south-west  and  by  west ;  we  steered  north-west  and  by  west, 
and  made  our  way  so,  by  reason  of  the  variation  of  the  eom- 
passe.  At  noone,  I  found  the  height  to  bee  43  degrees,  18 
minutes  ;  wee  continued  our  course  all  night,  and  made  our 
way  north-west  and  by  west,  luilfe  a  point  westerly,  iive  and 
twentie  leasjues. 

'JUIRD    VOYAGE    (1609).  55 

T\\e  first  of  Jithj,  close,  mystie  and  thicke  weather,  but  a  luiy. 
faire  gale  of  wind  at  south-west,  and  south-west  by  south. 
We   steered    away   north-west   and   by   west  westerly,   and 
made  our  way  so,  by  reason  of  the  variation  of  the  compasse. 
At  ei<jht  of  the  clocke  at  niiiht  wee  sounded  for  the  banke  of '^,!'v '*""'"' 
New-found  Land,^  but  could  get  no  ground.  '""'"" '"'"'' 

The  second,  thicke  niytitie  weather,  but  little  wind,  and 
that  at  west  and  west  and  by  south.  At  eight  of  the  clocke 
in  the  jnorning  we  cast  about  to  the  southward,  and  when 
our  ship  was  on  stayes,  we  sounded  for  the  banke,  and  had 
ground  in  thirtie  fothoms,  white  sand  and  shells,  and  pre- 
sently it  cleered  :  and  we  had  sight  of  a  sayle,  but  spake 
not  with  her.  In  the  night  wee  had  much  rayne,  thunder 
and  lightning,  and  Avind  shifting. 

The  third,  faire  sun-shining  weather,  with  a  faire  gale  of 
wind  at  east  north-east,  and  wee  steered  away  west  south- 
west by  our  compasse,  which  varyed   17  degfrees  westward,  variation 

•'  ^  ^  •'  o  west,  ir 

This  morning  we  were  among  a  great  fleet  of  French-men,  jl-'^llfXiiicii 
which  lay  fishing  on  the  banke  ;  but  we  spake  with  none  of  ute  I'mik". 
them.  At  noone  wee  found  our  heighth  to  bee  4-3  degrees, 
41  minutes.  And  we  sounded  at  ten  of  the  clocke,  and  had 
thirtie  fathoms  gray  sand.  At  two  of  the  clocke  wee  sounded, 
and  had  five  and  thirtie  fathoms,  gray  sand.  At  eight  of  the 
clocke  at  night  we  sounded  againe,  and  had  eight  and  thirtie 
fathoms,  gray  sand  as  before. 

The  fourth,  at  the  fore-part  of  the  day  cleere,  with  a  faire 
gale  of  Avind,  but  variable  betweene  the  east  north-east  and 
south  and  by  east ;  wee  held  on  our  course  as  before.  The 
after-noone  was  mystie,  the  wind  shifting  betweene  the 
south  and  the  west  till  foure  of  the  clocke.  Then  we  tooke 
in  our  top-sayle  and  sprit-sayle,  and  sounded  and  had  no 
ground  in  seventie  fathoms.  The  winde  shifted  still  untill 
eight  of  the  clocke,  then  it  came  to  the  north  north-east  and 

^  Probably  near  Cape  Sable,  the  most  southern  point  of  Nova  Scotia ; 
lat.  43°  22'  N.;  long.  60°  35'  W.     See  note  at  p.  53. 


north-east  and  by  north,  and  wee  steered  away  west  north- 
west by  our  varyed  compasse,  which  made  a  west  way  lialfe 
point  north.  The  compasse  varyed  15  degrees  from  the 
north  to  the  west. 

The  J?/i{,  faire  sun-shining  weather,  the  wind  at  north-east 
and  by  north ;  we  steered  away  west  north-west,  which  was 
west  halfe  a  point  north.  At  noone  we  found  our  heighth 
to  be  44  degrees,  10  minutes,  and  sounded  and  had  no 
ground  in  one  hundred  fathoms.  The  after-noone  proved 
cahne  sometimes,  and  sometimes  little  wind,  untill  nine  of 
the  clocke  in  the  night.  Then  the  wind  came  to  the 
east,  and  we  held  on  our  course.  At  midnight  I  observed 
and  found  the  height  to  bee  44  degrees,  10  minutes,  by  the 
ia^de''rees  ^lo^'th  starrc  and  the  scorpions  heart.  The  compasse  varyed 
13  degrees. 

The  sixth,  the  forepart  of  the  day  faire  weather,  and  a  stiffe 
gale  of  wind  betweene  south  south-east  and  south-west;  wee 
steered  west  and  by  north  and  west  north-west.     The  after- 
Foggieand  pj^^.f;  ^f  ^\-^q  j^y   fi'om  two  of  the  clocke,  was  all  fosrcrie  and 
''""'''■  thicke   weather  ;    the  wind  a  hard  gale,   varying   betweene 

south-west  and  by  south  and  west  and  by  north  ;  we  made 
our  way  north-west  halfe  a  point  northerly, nineteene  leagues, 
upon  many  points  foure  watches.  At  night,  at  eight  of  the 
clocke,  we  sounded  and  had  no  ground  at  one  hundred 

The  seventh,  faire  sun-shining  weather,  the  wind  varying 
betweene  west  and  by  north  and  west  and  by  south.  At 
foure  of  the  clocke  in  the  morning  we  cast  about  to  the 
southward,  and  stood  so  till  one  in  the  after-noone.  At 
noone  we  found  our  height  to  be  44  degrees,  26  minutes. 
At  seven  of  the  clocke  we  tackt  to  the  northward.  At  eight 
at  night  we  tackt  to  the  southward  and  sounded,  and  had 
nine  and  fiftie  fathoms,  white  sand. 

The  eight,  in  the  forc-noonc  faire  weather,  but  the  morn- 
wvjC  fouuic  till  seven  of  the  clocke.     At  foure  of  the  clocke 


THIRD    VOYAGE    (1609).  57 

in  the  morning  we  sounded,  and  had  five  and  fortie  fathoms, 
fine  white  sand,  and  we  had  runnc  five  leagues  south  and 
by  west.     Then  wee  stood  along  one  glasse,  and  went  one 
league  as  before.     Then  we  stood  one  glasse  and  sounded, 
and  had  sixtie  fathoms.     Then  Me  tackt  and  stood  backe  to 
the  banke,  and  had  five  and  twentie  fathoms  ;   and  tryed  for 
fish,   and  it  fell  calme,  and   we   caught   one   hundred   and 
eighteene  great   coddes,  from   eight  a  clocke  till  one,  and  ^d^ukeu! 
and  after  dinner   wee   tooke  twelve,   and    saw  many  great 
scoales  of  herrings.     Then  Avee  had  a  gale  of  wind  at  south  ;  gcoaies^or* 
and  it  shifted  to  the  west  north-west,  and  wee  stood  three  •'^''""s^- 
glasses  and  sounded  and  had  sixtie  fathomes,  and  stood  two  to°ti?e  the^ 
glasses  and  had  two  and  fortie  fathoms,  red  stones  and  shells,  ihfe  aua 
So  wee  sounded  every  glasse,  and  had  severall  soundings  35,  poie.'etc. 
S3,  30,  31,  32,  33  and  34  fathoms. 

The  ninth,  faire  calme  weather  ;  we  lay  becalmed  all  day 
and  caught  some  fish,  but  not  much,  because  we  had  small 
store  of  salt.  At  three  of  the  clocke  in  the  after-noone  wee 
had  a  gale  at  south-east  and  south  south-east,  and  we  steered 
away  westerly;  our  compasse  was  west  and  by  south  halfe 
a  point  south.  At  foure  of  the  clocke  we  sounded  and  had 
but  fifteene,  seventeene,  and  nineteene  fathoms  on  a  fishing 
banke  ;  and  we  sounded  every  glasse.  Then  we  could  get 
no  ground  in  five  and  twentie  fathoms,  and  had  sight  of  a 
sayle  on  head  off  us.  At  noone  our  height  was  44  degrees, 
27  minutes.  We  stood  to  the  westward  all  night,  and 
spake  with  a  French-man,  which  lay  fishing  on  the  banke  of 
Sablen,^  in  thirtie  fathoms,  and  we  saw  two  or  three  more. 

The  tenth,  very  mystie  and  thicke  weather,  the  wind  at 
south-west,  a  faire  gale.  We  stood  to  the  south-ward,  and 
made  our  way  south-east  and  by  east.  At  twelve  of  the 
clocke  we  sounded,  and  had  eight  and  fortie  fathoms  :  againe 
at  two  we  sounded,  and  had  fiftie  fathoms.  And  at  sixe  of 
the  clocke  we  sounded,  and  had  eight  and  fortie  fathoms  on 
^  Banc  des  Sables,  off  Mahoue  Bay. 


the  end  of  the  bankc.     Againe  at  eight  of  the   clocke   at 

night  wee  sounded,  and  had  no  ground  in  cightic  fathomes, 

and  -were   over   the  banke.       So  wee  stood  along  till  mid- 

variation     nigrht.     The  compasse  varyed  seventeen  degrees  to  the  west- 

17  degrees.  O  I  J  ^ 


The  eleccnth,  very  thicke  and  mystie  weather.  At  twelve 
of  the  clocke  at  night  we  cast  about  to  the  westward,  and 
stood  so  all  day,  and  made  our  way  west  north-west.  We 
sounded  at  twelve  of  the  clocke,  but  had  no  ground  ;  so  we 
stood  to  the  westward  all  the  fore  part  of  the  night  and 
sounded,  but  could  get  no  ground  in  fiftie  or  sixtie  fathoms 
till  mid-night.  Then  I  sounded  and  had  ground  at  fifteene 
fathoms,  white  sand. 

The  twelfth  was  very  foggie,  we  stood  our  course  all  the 

morning  till   eleven  of  the   clocke ;  at  which  time  we  had 

[ow  white^  sight  of  the  land,  which  is  low  white  sandie  ground,  right 

and'saudie.  ^^^  ^^^^^  ^^  ^^^  .  ^^^^  j^.^^^  ^^^^  fathoms.     Then  we  tackt  to  the 

southward,  and  stood  off  foure  glasses  :  then  we  tackt  to  the 
land  againe,  thinking  to  have  rode  under  it,  and  as  we  came 
neere  it  the  fog  was  so  thicke  that  we  could  not  see ;  so  wee 
stood  off  againe.  From  mid-night  to  two  of  the  clocke  we 
came  sounding  in  twelve,  thirteene,  and  fourteene  fathoms 
off  the  shoare.  At  foure  of  the  clocke  we  had  20  fathoms. 
At  eight  of  the  clocke  at  night,  30  fathoms.  At  twelve  of 
the  clocke,  65  fathoms,  and  but  little  winde,  for  it  deeped 
apace,  but  the  neerer  the  shoare  the  fairer  shoalding. 

The  thirteenth,  faire  sun-shining  weather,  from  eight  of 
the  clocke  in  the  fore-noone  all  day  after,  but  in  the  morn- 
ing it  was  foggie.  Then  at  eight  of  the  clocke  we  cast  about 
for  the  shoare,  but  could  not  see  it ;  the  w^ind  being  at  south 
by  our  true  compasse,  wee  steered  west  and  by  north.  At 
43  dogrets,    noouc  WO  obscrved,  and  found  our  height  to  bee  43  degrees, 

25  iiiiiiules.  o  i- 

25  minutes  ;  so  we  steered  away  M'cst  and  by  north  all  the 
aftcr-noone.  At  foure  of  the  clocke  in  the  after-noone  we 
sounded,  and  had  five    and  thirtie  fathoms  ;  and  at  sixe  of 

THIRD    VOYAGK    (1609).  59 

the  clocke  wee  had  sig-ht  of  the  hind,  and  saw  two  saylcs  on  i^,',^'j''J'^j 

head  ofF  us.     The  hand  by  the  waters  side  is  low  land,  and  si"'/,""''" 


white  sandie  bankes  rising,  full  of  little  hils.  Our  sound- 
ings were  35,  33,  30,  28,  32,  37,  33,  and  3.^  fathoms. 

The  fourteenth,  full  of  mysts,  flying  and  vading  the  wind 
betweene  south  and  south-west;  we  steered  away  west  north- 
west, and  north-west  and  by  west.  Our  soundings  were  29, 
25,  24,  25,  22,  25,  27,  30,  28,  30,  35,  43,  50,  70,  90,  70,  64, 
86,  100  fathoms,  and  no  ground. 

The  fifteenth,  very  mj^stie,  the  wiude  varying  betweene 
south  and  south-west ;  wee  steered  west  and  by  north,  and 
west  north-west.  In  the  morning  we  sounded,  and  had  one 
hundred  fathoms,  till  foure  of  the  clocke  in  the  after-noone. 
Then  we  sounded  againe,  and  had  seventie-five  fathoms. 
Then  in  two  glasses  running,  which  was  not  above  two 
English  miles,  we  sounded  and  had  sixtie  fathoms,  and  it 
shoalded  a  great  pace  untill  we  came  to  tweiitie  fathoms. 
'J'hen  we  made  account  we  were  neere  the  islands  that  lie 
off  the  shoare.  So  we  came  to  an  anchor,  the  sea  being  very 
smooth  and  little  wind,  at  nine  of  the  clocke  at  night.  After 
supper  we  tryed  for  fish,  and  I  caught  fifteene  cods,  some 
the  greatest  that  I  have  scene,  and  so  Ave  rode  all  night. 

The  sixteenth,  in  the  morning,  it  cleered  up,  and  we  had 
siorht  of  five  islands  lying  north,  and  north  and  by  west  from  Five 

»  J       O  J  :  islands. 

us,  two  leagues.  Then  wee  made  ready  to  set  sayle,  but  the 
myst  came  so  thicke  that  we  durst  not  enter  in  among  them. 
The  seventeenth,  was  all  mystic,  so  that  we  could  not  get 
into  the  harbour.  At  ten  of  the  clocke  two  boats  came  off 
to  us,  with  sixe  of  the  savages  of  the  countrey,  seeming  glad  sixesavages 

'  o  ^  '  D  o  come  aboard 

of  our  comming.  We  gave  them  trifles,  and  they  eate  and  *'^'^°^' 
dranke  with  us  ;  and  told  us  that  there  were  gold,  silver, 
and  copper  mynes  hard  by  us  -,  and  that  the  French-men 
doe  trade  with  them  ;  which  is  very  likely,  for  one  of  them 
spake  some  words  of  French.  So  wee  rode  still  all  day  and 
all  night,  the  weather  continuing  mystic. 


The  eighteenth,  faire  weather,  wee  went  into  a  very  good 

harbour,  and  rode  hard  by  the  shoare  in  foure  fathom  water. 

A  large        'Y\\c  x'wcv   runucth   UD   a   srreat  way,  but  there  is  but  two 

river.  l  o  .'  ' 

fathoms  hard  by  us.     \\e  went  on  shoare  and  cut  us  a  fore 

mast ;  then  at  noone  we  came  aboord  againe,  and  found  the 

44  Jegrecs,   height  of  thc  placc  to  bee  in  44  degrees,  1  minute,  and  the 

1  minute.  O  l  O  '  J 

sunne  to  fall  at  a  south  south-west  sunne,  AYe  mended  our 
sayles,  and  fell  to  make  our  fore-mast.  The  harbour  lyeth 
south  and  north,  a  mile  in  where  we  rode. 

The  7imeteenth,  we  had  faire  sun-shining  weather,  we  rode 
still.  In  the  after-noone  wee  went  with  our  boate  to  looke 
for  fresh  water,  and  found  some ;  and  found  a  shoald  with 
many  lobsters  on  it,  and  caught  one  and  thirtie.  The  people 
coming  aboord,  shewed  us  great  friendship,  but  we  could 
not  trust  them.  The  twentieth,  faire  sunne-shining  weather, 
the  winde  at  south-west.  In  the  morning,  our  scute  went 
ou^t  to  catch  fresh  fish  halfe  an  houre  before  day,  and  re- 
turned in  two  houres,  bringing  seven  and  twentie  great 
coddes,  with  two  hookes  and  lines.  In  the  afternoone  wee 
went  for  more  lobsters  and  caught  fortie,  and  returned 
aboard.  Then  wee  espied  two  French  shallops  full  of  the 
country  people  come  into  the  harbour,  but  they  offered  us 
no  wrong,  seeing  we  stood  vipon  our  guard.  They  brought 
many  beaver  skinncs  and  other  fine  furres,  which  they  would 
ule" French^  havc  chaugcd  for  redde  gownes.  For  the  French  trade 
salvages,  with  them  for  red  cassockes,  knives,  hatchets,  copper,  kettles, 
trevits,  beadcs,  and  other  trifles. 

The  one  and  twentieth,  all  mystic,  the  wind  easterly  ;  wee 
rode  still  and  did  nothing,  but  about  our  mast.  The  two 
and  tioentieth,  fair  sun-shining  weather,  tlie  winde  all  north- 
erly ;  wc  rode  still  all  thc  day.  In  thc  after-noone  our  scute 
went  to  catch  more  lobsters,  and  brought  with  them  nine 
and  fiftie.     The  night  was  cleerc  weather. 

The  three  and  twentietJi,  i'aire  sun-shining  wcatlicr  and 
very  hot.    At  eleven  of  tlie  clocke  our  fore  mast  Mas  finished, 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (1609).  61 

aiid  wee  brought  it  aboorcl,  and  set  it  into  the  step,  and  in 
the  after-noone  we  rigged  it.  This  night  we  had  some  little 
myst  and  rayne. 

The  foure  and  twentieth,  very  hot  weather,  the  winde  at 
south  out  of  the  sea.  The  fore-part  of  the  day  wee  brought 
to  our  sayles.  In  the  morning  our  scute  went  to  take  fish, 
and  in  two  hourcs  they  brought  with  them  twentie  great 
coddes  and  a  great  holibut ;  the  night  Avas  faire  also.  We 
kept  good  watch  for  fear  of  being  betrayed  by  the  people, 
and  perceived  where  they  layd  their  shallops. 

The^i^e  and  twentieth,  very  faire  weather  and  hot.  In 
the  morning  wee  manned  our  scute  with  foure  muskets  and 
sixe  men,  and  tooke  one  of  their  shallops  and  brought  it 
aboord.  Then  we  manned  our  boat  and  scute  with  twelve 
men  and  muskets,  and  two  stone  pieces  or  murderers,  and 
drave  the  savasces  from  their  houses,  and  tooke  the  spovle  of  P'®y  ^p°J'''^ 

o  '  r    J  nouses 

them,  as  they  would  have  done  of  us.  Then  wee  set  sayle,  salvages. 
and  came  downe  to  the  harbours  mouth,  and  rode  there  all 
night,  because  the  winde  blew  right  in,  and  the  night  grew 
mystie  with  much  rayne  till  mid-night.  Then  it  fell  calme, 
and  the  wind  came  off'  the  land  at  west  north-west,  and  it 
began  to  cleere.  The  compasse  varyed  ten  degrees  north- 

The  size  and  tiventieth,  faire  and  cleere  sunne-shining 
weather.  At  five  of  the  clocke  in  the  morning,  the  winde 
being  off  the  shoare  at  north  north-west,  we  set  sayle  and 
came  to  sea,  and  by  noone  we  counted  our  ship  had  gone 
fourteene  leagues  south-west.  In  the  after-noone,  the  winde 
shifted  variably  betweene  west  south-west  and  north-west. 
At  noone  I  found  the  height  to  bee  43  degrees,  56  minutes. 
This  eevening  being  very  faire  weather,  wee  observed  the 
variation  of  our  compasse  at  the  sunnes  going  downe,  and  iifjg*'j."gg 
found  it  to  bee  6  degrees  from  the  north  to  the  westward.       n'^^tu.Ve'st. 

The  seven  and  twentieth,  faire  sun-shining  weather,  the 
winde  shifting  betweene   the   south-west  and  west  and  by 


nortli  a  stiffc  gale  ;  we  stood  to  the  southward  all  day,  and 
made  our  way  south  and  by  west,  seven  and  twentie  leagues. 
At  noone,  our  height  was  42  degrees,  50  minutes.  At  foure 
of  the  clocke  in  the  after-noone,  wee  cast  about  to  the  north- 
ward. At  eiglit  of  the  clocke,  we  tooke  in  our  top-saylcs 
and  our  fore-bonnet,  and  went  with  a  short  sayle  all  night. 

The  eight  and  twentieth,  very  thicke  and  mystie,  and  a 
stiffe  gale  of  wind,  varying  betweene  south  south-west  and 
south-west  and  by  west ;  we  made  our  way  north-west  and 
by  M'est,  seven  and  twentie  leagues  ;  wee  sounded  many 
times  and  could  get  no  ground.  At  five  of  the  clocke  we 
cast  about  to  the  southward,  the  wind  at  south-west  and 
by  west.  At  which  time  we  sounded,  and  had  ground  at 
seventie-five  fathoms.  At  eight,  wee  had  sixtie-five  fathoms. 
At  ten,  sixtie.  At  twelve  of  the  clocke  at  mid-night,  fiftie- 
sixe  fathoms,  gray  sand. 

The  compasse  varyed  6  degrees  to  the  north  point  to  the 

The  nine  and  twentieth,  faire  weather,  we  stood  to  the 
southward,  and  made  our  way  south  and  by  west  a  point 
south,  eighteene  leagues.  At  noone  we  found  our  height  to 
be  42  degrees,  56  minutes ;  wee  sounded  oft  and  had  these, 
60,  64,  65,  67,  65,  65,  70,  and  75  fathoms.  At  night  wee 
tryed  the  variation  of  our  compasse  by  the  setting  of  the 
sunne,  and  found  that  it  went  downe  37  degrees  to  the  north- 
ward of  the  west,  and  should  have  gone  downe  but  31  de- 
grees.    The  compasse  varyed  5  and  a  halfe  degrees. 

The  thirtieth,  very  hot,  all  the  fore  part  of  the  day  calme, 
the  wind  at  south  south-east ;  wee  steered  away  west  south- 
west and  sounded  many  times,  and  could  find  no  ground  at 
one  hundred  and  seventie  fathomcs.  We  found  a  great  cur- 
rent and  many  over-falls.  Our  current  had  deceived  us. 
For  at  noone  wc  found  our  height  to  be  41  degrees,  34 
minutes.  And  the  current  had  heaved  us  to  the  south- 
ward foureteene  leagues.     At  eight  of  the  clocke  at  night  I 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (1609).  63 

sounded,  and  had  ground  in  flftie-two  fathomes.  In  the  end 
of  the  mid-night  M'atch  wee  had  fiftie-threc  fathomes.  This 
last  ©bservation  is  not  to  be  trusted. 

The  one  and  thirtieth,  very  thicke  and  mystie  all  day, 
untill  tcnne  of  the  clocke.  At  night  the  wind  came  to  the 
south,  and  south-west  and  south.  We  made  our  way  west 
north-west,  nineteene  leagues.  Wee  sounded  many  times, 
and  had  difference  of  soundings,  sometimes  little  stones,  and 
sometimes  grosse  gray  sand,  fiftic-sixe,  fiftie-foure,  fortie- 
eight,  fortie-seven,  fortie-foure,  fortie-six'e,  fiftie  fathoms  ; 
and  at  eight  of  the  clocke  at  night  it  fell  calme,  and  we  had 
fiftie  fathomes.  And  at  ten  of  the  clocke  we  heard  a  great 
rut,  like  the  rut  of  the  shoare.  Then  I  sounded  and  found  -^  si'^^t  rut. 
the  former  depth  ;  and  mistrusting  a  current,  seeing  it  so 
still  that  the  ship  made  no  way,  I  let  the  lead  lie  on  the 
ground,  and  found  a  tide  set  to  the  south-west,  and  south- 
west and  by  west,  so  fast,  that  I  could  hardly  vere  the  line 
so  fast,  and  presently  came  an  hurlinor  current,  or  tyde  with  a  current 

'  -i  •'  O  '  .'  tothesouth- 

over-fals,  Avhich  cast  our  ship  round  ;  and  the  lead  was  so  ^f^t^^^est 
fast  in  the  ground  that  I  feared  the  lines  breaking,  and  we  over-feia!"^ 
had  no  more  but  that.     At  midnight  I  sounded  againe,  and 
we  had  seventie-five  fathomes  ;  and  the  strong  streame  had 
left  us. 

The^rs^  of  August,  all  the  fore  part  of  the  day  was  mys-  August. 
tie  ;  and  at  noone  it  cleered  up.  We  found  that  our  height 
was  41  degrees,  45  minutes,  and  w^e  had  gone  nineteene 
leagues.  The  after-noon  was  reasonable  cleere.  We  found 
a  rustling  tide  or  current  with  many  over-fals  to  continue 
still,  and  our  water  to  change  colour,  and  our  sea  to  bee  very 
deepe,  for  wee  found  no  ground  in  one  hundred  fathomes. 
The  night  was  cleere,  and  the  winde  came  to  the  north,  and 
north-east;  we  steered  west. 

The  second,  very  faire  weather  and  hot ;  from  the  morn- 
ing till  noone  we  had  a  gale  of  wind,  but  in  the  after-noone 
little  wind.     At  noone  I  sounded,  and  had  one  hundred  and 


ten  fathomes  ;  and  our  height  was  41  degrees,  56  minutes. 
And  wee  had  runne  four  and  twentie  leagues  and  an  halfe. 
At  the  sun-setting  we  observed  the  variation  of  the  Tom- 
passe,  and  found  that  it  was  come  to  his  true  place.  At 
eight  of  the  clocke  the  gale  increased,  so  wee  ranne  sixe 
leagues  that  watch,  and  had  a  very  faire  and  cleere  night. 

The  third,  very  hot  weather.      In  the  morning  we  had 

sight  of  the  land,  and  steered  in   with   it,  thinking   to   go 

to  the  northward  of  it.     So  we  sent  our  shallop  with  five 

men  to  sound  in  by  the  shore  :   and  they  found  it  deepe  five 

They  goeon  fathomcs  witliiu  a  bow-shot  of  the  shoare  ;  and  they  went  on 

land  iieere  •' 

Cape  Cod.  jj^j-j(j^  j^j^(j  found  goodly  grapes  and  rose  trees,  and  brought 
them  aboord  with  them,  at  five  of  the  clocke  in  the  eeven- 
ing.  We  had  seven  and  twentie  fathomes  within  two  miles 
of  the  shoare  ;  and  we  found  a  floud  come  from  the  south- 
east, and  an  ebbe  from  the  north-west,  with  a  very  strong 
streame,  and  a  great  hurling  and  noyses.  At  eight  of  the 
clocke  at  night  the  wind  began  to  blow  a  fresh  gale,  and 
continued  all  night  but  variable.  Our  sounding  that  wee 
had  to  the  land  was  one  hundred,  eightie,  seventie-foure, 
fiftie-two,  fortie-sixe,  twentie-nine,  twentie-seven,  twentie- 
foure,  nineteene,  sometimes  oze,  and  sometimes  gray  sand. 

The  fourth,  was  very  hot ;  we  stood  to  the  north-Avest, 
two  watches,  and  one  south  in  for  the  land,  and  came  to  an 
anchor  at  the  norther  end  of  the  headland,  and  heard  the 
voyce  of  men  call.  Then  we  sent  our  boat  on  shoare,  think- 
ing they  had  beene  some  Christians  left  on  the  land  :  but 

Savages,  wcc  found  them  to  bee  savages,  which  seemed  very  glad  of 
our  comming.  So  wee  brought  one  aboard  with  us,  and 
gave  him  mcate,  and  he  did  eate  and  drinke  with  us.  Our 
master  gave  him  three  our  foure  glasse  buttons,  and  sent 
him  on  land  with  our  shallop  againe.  And  at  our  boats 
comming  from  the  shoare  he  leapt  and  danced,  and  held  up 
liis  hands,  and  pointed  us  to  a  river  on  the  other  side  :  for 
we  had  made  signes  that  we  came  to  fish  there.     The  bodie 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (1609).  65 

of  this  headland  lyeth  in  41  degrees,  45  minutes.^  "We  set 
sayle  againe  after  dinner,  thinking  to  have  got  to  the  west- 
ward of  this  headland,  but  could  not ;  so  we  beare  up  to  the 
southward  of  it,  and  made  a  south-east  way  ;  and  the  souther 
point  did  beare  west  at  eight  of  the  clocke  at  night.  Our 
soundings  about  the  easter  and  norther  part  of  this  headland, 
a  league  from  the  shoare,  are  these  :  at  the  easterside,  thir- 
tie,  twentie-seven,  twentie-seven,  twentie-foure,  twentie-five, 
twentie.  The  north-east  point,  17  degrees,  18  minutes,  and 
so  deeper.  The  north  end  of  this  headland,  hard  by  the 
shoare,  thirtie  fathomes  :  and  three  leagues  off  north  north- 
west, one  hundred  fathomes.  At  the  south-east  part  a 
league  off,  fifteene,  sixteene,  and  seventeene  fathomes.  The 
people  have  greene  tabacco  and  pipes,  the  boles  whereof  are 
made  of  earth  and  the  pipes  of  red  copper.  The  land  is 
very  sweet. 

T\iejift,  all  mystie.  At  eight  of  the  clocke  in  the  morn- 
ing wee  tact  about  to  the  westward,  and  stood  in  till  foure 
of  the  clocke  in  the  after-noone  ;  at  which  time  it  cleered, 
and  wee  had  sight  of  the  head-land  againe  five  leagues  from 
us.  The  souther  point  of  it  did  beare  west  off  us  :  and  we 
sounded  many  times,  and  had  no  ground.  And  at  foure  of 
the  clocke  we  cast  about,  and  at  our  staying  wee  had  seven- 
tie  fathomes.  Wee  steered  away  south  and  south  by  east 
all  night,  and  could  get  no  ground  at  seventie  and  eightie 
fathomes.  For  wee  feared  a  great  riffe  that  lyeth  off  the 
land,  and  steered  away  south  and  by  east. 

The  sixth,  faire  weather,  but  many  times  mysting.  Wee 
steered  away  south  south-east,  till  eight  of  the  clocke  in  the 
morning  ;  then  it  cleered  a  little,  and  we  cast  about  to  the 
westward.  Theji  we  sounded  and  had  thirtie  fathomes,  grosse 
sand,  and  were  come  to  the  riffe.  Then  wee  kept  our  lead, 
and  had  quicke  shoalding  from  thirtie,  twentie-nine,  twentie- 
seven,  twentie-foure,  twentie-two,  twentie  and  an  halfe, 
1  At  the  south  side  of  Stage  Harbour,  Massachusetts. 


This  flnn- 
pei-ous  rifle 
is  in  41 


twentie,  twentie,  nincteene,  ninetccne,  nineteene,  ei^htceiie, 
cighteene,  seventeene  ;  and  so  deeping  againe  as  proportion- 
ally as  it  shoalded.  For  we  steered  south  and  south-east  till 
we  came  to  twentic-sixe  fathomes.  Then  we  steered  south- 
west, for  so  the  tyde  doth  set.  By  and  by,  it  being  calme,  we 
tryed  by  our  lead;  for  you  shall  have  sixteene  or  seventeene 
fathomes,  and  the  next  cast  but  seven  or  six  fathomes.  And 
farther  to  the  westward  you  shall  have  foure  and  five  foot 
water,  and  see  rockes  under  you,  and  you  shall  see  the  land 
in  the  top.  Upon  this  riffe  we  had  an  observation,  and  found 
Jfe"^*^,  10  that  it  lyeth  in  40  degrees,  10  minutes.  And  this  is  that 
aiid  lyetii  off  headland  which  Captaine  Bartholomew  Gosnold  discovered 

east  from 

Cape  Cod     jn  the  yeere  1602,  and  called  Cape  Cod,^  because  of  the  store 

into  the  sea.  •'  '■ 

of  cod-fish  that  hee  found  thereabout.  So  we  steered  south- 
west, three  leagues,  and  had  twentie  and  twentie-foure 
fathomes.  Then  we  steered  west  two  glasses,  halfe  a  league, 
and  came  to  fifteene  fathomes.  Then  we  steered  off  south- 
east foure  glasses,  but  could  not  get  deepe  water  ;  for  there 
the  tyde  of  ebbc  laid  us  on  ;  and  the  streame  did  hurle  so, 
that  it  laid  us  so  neere  the  breach  of  a  shoald  that  wee  were 
forced  to  anchor.     So  at  seven  of  the  clocke  at  night  wee 

^  The  real  locality  here  described  is  probably  some  rifF  near  Cape 
Malabar,  for  Cape  Cod  is  under  42°  4',  130  miles  farther  north  than  the 
point  mistaken  for  it  by  Hudson.  Gosnold's  explorations  were  but 
vaguely  known  to  him,  and  this  accounts  for  his  mistake.  Purchas,  who 
edited  Juet's  journal  sixteen  years  after  it  was  written,  had  a  better, 
though  not  an  exact  knowledge  of  the  real  situation  of  Cape  Cod,  which 
had  frequently  been  visited  in  the  meantime.  Struck  by  Hudson's 
mistake,  he  makes,  in  his  side  note,  the  conjecture  that  the  40°  10'  of 
the  journal  was  originally  meant  for  41°  10'.  This  supposition,  which 
would  shake  our  faith  in  all  the  latitudes  recorded  in  that  same  paper, 
is  fortunately  not  borne  out  by  the  preceding  part  of  tlie  A'oyage.  Hud- 
son was,  on  the  4th  of  August,  under  41°  45'  ;  he  sailed  south  and  south 
by  east  the  whole  night  of  the  r)th,  and  part  of  the  Gth,  and  it  is  there- 
fore impossible  that  he  should  have  been  only  5'  (about  six  and  a  quarter 
miles)  farther  south  on  the  6th  than  on  the  4th,  Besides,  41°  10'  is  still 
nearly  a  degree  to  the  south  of  Cape  Cod.  We  ought  to  thank  Purchas 
for  not  having  introduced  his  conjecture  into  the  text. 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (1609).  67 

were  at  an  anchor  in  tenne  fathomes  :  and  I  give  God  most 
heartie  thankes,  the  least  Avater  wee  had  was  seven  fathomes 
and  an  halfe.  We  rode  still  all  night,  and  at  a  still  water 
I  sounded  so  farre  round  about  our  ship  as  we  could  see 
a  light ;  and  had  no  lesse  then  eight,  nine,  ten,  and  eleven 
fathomes  :  the  myst  continued  being  very  thicke. 

The  seventli,  faire  weather  and  hot,  but  mystie.  Wee 
rode  still  hoping  it  would  cleere,  but  on  the  floud  it  fell 
calme  and  thicke.  So  we  rode  still  all  day  and  all  night. 
The  floud  commeth  from  the  south-west,  and  riseth  not 
above  one  fathome  and  an  halfe  in  nepe  streames.  Toward 
night  it  cleered,  and  I  went  with  our  shallop  and  sounded, 
and  found  no  lesse  water  then  eight  fathomes  to  the  south- 
east off  us;  but  we  saw  to  the  north-west  off  us  great  breaches. 

The  eight,  faire  and  cleere  weather.  In  the  morning,  by 
sixe  of  the  clocke,  at  slake  water,  wee  weighed,  the  wind  at 
north-east,  and  set  our  fore-sayle  and  mayne  top-sayle,  and 
got  a  mile  over  the  flats. ^  Then  the  tyde  of  ebbe  came,  so  The  flats. 
we  anchored  againe  till  the  floud  came.  Then  we  set  sayle 
againe,  and  by  the  great  mercie  of  God  wee  got  cleere  off 
them  by  one  of  the  clocke  this  afternoone.  And  wee  had 
sight  of  the  land  from  the  west  north-west  to  the  north  north- 
west. So  we  steered  away  south  south-east  all  night,  and 
had  ground  untill  the  middle  of  the  third  watch.  Then  we 
had  fortie-five  fathomes,  white  sand  and  little  stones.  So 
all  our  soundings  are  twentie,  twentie,  twentie-two,  twentie- 
seven,  thirtie-two,  fortie-three,  fortie-three,  fortie-five.  Then 
no  ground  in  seventie  fathomes. 

The  ninth,  very  faire  and  hot  weather,  the  Avind  a  very 
stifle  gale.  In  the  morning,  at  foure  of  the  clocke,  our 
shallop  came  running  up  against  our  sterne,  and  split  in  all 
her  stemme  ;  so  we  were  faine  to  cut  her  away.     Then  wee 

^  There  are  so  many  sandbanks  in  these  parts,  that  it  is  impossible  to 
guess,  from  Hudson's  rather  vague  observations,  what  sandbank  he 


tooke  in  our  mayne-sayle,  and  lay  atric  under  our  fbre-sayle 
untill  twelve  of  the  clocke  at  mid-day.  Then  the  wind 
eased  to  a  faire  gale,  so  wee  stood  away  south-west.  Then 
we  lay  close  by,  on  many  courses  a  south  by  west  way  fif- 
teene  leagues  ;  and  three  watches  south-east  by  east,  ten 
leagues.  At  eight  of  the  clocke  at  night  wee  tooke  in  our 
top-sayles,  and  went  with  a  low  sayle,  because  we  were  in 
an  unknowne  sea.  At  noone  we  observed,  and  found  our 
heigth  to  be  38  degrees,  39  minutes. 

The  tenth,  in  the  morning,  some  raine  and  cloudie  wea- 
ther :  the  winde  at  south-west,  wee  made  our  way  south-east 
by  east,  ten  leagues.  At  noone  wee  observed,  and  found 
our  heigth  to  bee  38  degrees,  39  minutes.  Then  wee  tackt 
about  to  the  westward,  the  wind  being  at  south  and  by  east, 
little  wind.  At  foure  of  the  clocke  it  fell  calme,  and  we  had 
two  dolphines  about  our  ship,  and  many  small  fishes.  At 
eight  of  the  clocke  at  night  wee  had  a  small  lingring  gale. 
All  night  we  had  a  great  sea  out  of  the  south-west,  and 
another  great  sea  out  of  the  north-east. 

The  eleventh,  all  the  fore  part  of  the  day  faire  weather, 

and  very  hot.     We  stood  to  the  west  south-west  till  noone. 

•  Then  the  wind  shorted,  and  we  could  lye  but  south-west 

and  by  south.     At  noone  wee  found  our  heigth  to  bee  39 

A  current    degrees,  11  minutes,  and  that  the  current  had  laid  us  to  the 

setting  to  "  '  ' 

theuorth.  northward  thirtie-two  minutes  contrary  to  our  expectation. 
At  foure  of  the  clocke  in  the  after-noone  there  came  a  myst, 
which  endured  two  houres,  but  wee  had  it  faire  and  clccre 

oue'l'ioinf.  all  night  after.  The  compasse  varied  the  north  point  to  the 
west  one  whole  point. 

The  tivelfth,  faire  weather,  the  wind  variable  betweene 
the  south-west  and  by  south  and  the  north  :  little  wind.  In 
the  morning  we  killed  an  extraordinary  fish,  and  stood  to 
the  westward  all  day  and  all  night.  At  noone  we  found  our 
heigth  to  be  38  degrees,  13  minutes.  And  the  observation  the 

^Mi'"'i't"g  *^^y  before  was  not  good.  This  noone,  we  found  the  com- 
passe to  vary  from  the  north  to  the  west  ton  degrees. 

THIKD    VOYAGE    (1G09).  G9 

The  thirteenth,  faire  weather  and  hot,  the  wind  at  north- 
east. Wee  steered  away  west,  and  by  our  compasse  two 
and  twentie  leagues.  At  noone  Avec  found  our  height  to  bee 
37  degrees,  45  minutes,  and  that  our  way  from  noone  to 
noone  was  west  south-west,  halfe  a  point  southerly.  The 
compasse  was  T  degrees  and  a  halfe  variation  from  the  north 
point  to  the  west. 

lL\\e  fourteenth,  faire  weather,  but  cloudie  and  a  stifFe  gale 
of  wind,  variable  betweene  north-east  and  south-west ;  wee 
steered  away  west  by  south,  a  point  south,  all  day  untill 
nine  of  the  clocke  at  night ;  then  it  began  to  thunder  and 
lighten,  whereupon  we  tooke  in  all  our  sayles  and  layd  it  a 
hull,  and  hulled  away  north  till  mid-night,  a  league  and  a 

The  fifteenth,  very  faire  and  hot  weather,  the  winde  at 
north  by  east.  At  foure  of  the  clocke  in  the  morning  we 
set  sayle,  and  stood  on  our  course  to  the  westward.  At 
noone  wee  found  our  height  to  bee  37  degrees,  25  minutes.  37  degrees, 

iio  minutes. 

The  after-noone  proved  little  wind.  At  eight  of  the  clocke 
at  night  the  winde  came  to  the  north,  and  wee  steered  west 
by  north  and  west  north-west,  and  made  our  way  west.  The 
compasse  varyed  7  degrees  from  the  north  to  the  west. 

The  sixteenth,  faire  shining  weather  and  very  hot,  the 
"wind  variable  betweene  the  north  and  the  west ;  wee  steered 
away  west  by  north.  At  noone  wee  found  our  height  to  bee 
37  degrees,  6  minutes.     This  morning  we  sounded  and  had  ar  degrees, 

,    .  .  .        ^     1  ,     .  .  ,  .  .     •;  minutes. 

ground  m  ninetie  latnomes,  and  in  sixe  glasses  running  it 
shoalded  to  fiftie  fathoms,  and  so  to  eight  and  twentie 
fathoms,  at  foure  of  the  clocke  in  the  after-noone.  Then  wee 
came  to  an  anchor,  and  rode  till  eight  of  the  clocke  at  night, 
the  wind  being  at  south  and  moone-light;  we  resolved  to 
goe  to  the  northward  to  finde  deeper  water.  So  we  weighed 
and  stood  to  the  northward,  and  found  the  water  to  shoald 
and  deepe  from  eight  and  twentie  to  twentie  fathomes. 
The  seventeenth,  faire  and  cleere  sun-shining  weather,  the 


winde  at  south  by  west ;  wee  steered  to  the  northward  till 
foure  of  the  clocke  in  the  morning  ;  then  wee  came  to  cigh- 
teene  fathomes.  So  we  anchored  untill  the  sunne  arose,  to 
looke  abroad  for  land,  for  wee  judged  there  could  not  but  bo 
land  neere  vis,  but  we  could  see  none.  Then  we  weighed, 
and  stood  to  the  westward  till  noone.  And  at  eleven  of  the 
A  low  land    docke  wcc   had   sight   of  a  low  land,  with  a  white  sandie 

with  awiiitc  <->  ' 

shoare.  shoarc.  By  twelve  of  the  clocke  we  were  come  into  live 
fathomes,  and  anchored  ;  and  the  land  was  foure  leagues 
from  us,  and  wee  had  sight  of  it  from  the  west  to  the  north- 

37  degrees,  wcst  bv  north.     Our  height  was   37   dearrees,  26  minutes. 

2(J  miuutes.  *'  °  n  ' 

Then  the  wind  blew  so  stifFe  a  gale,  and  such  a  sea  Ment, 
that  we  could  not  weigh;  so  we  rode  there  all  night  an  hard 
rode  (sic). 

The  eighteenth,  in  the  morning,  faire  weather,  and  little 
winde  at  north  north-east  and  north-east.  At  foure  of  the 
clocke  in  the  morning  we  weighed,  and  stood  into  the  shoare 
to  see  the  deeping  or  shoalding  of  it,  and  finding  it  too 
deepe  we  stood  in  to  get  a  rode  :  for  wee  saw,  as  it  were, 
three  Hands.  So  wee  turned  to  windward  to  get  into  a  bay, 
as  it  shewed  to  us  to  the  westward  of  an  iland.  For  the 
three  Hands  did  beare  north  oiF  us.  But  toward  noone  the 
wind  blew  northerly,  with  gusts  of  wind  and  rayne.  So  we 
stood  off  into  the  sea  againe  all  night ;  and  running  off  we 
found  a  channell,  wherein  we  had  no  lesse  then  eight,  nine, 
ten,  eleven,  and  twelve  fathomes  water.  For  in  comming 
over  the  barre  wee  had  five  and  foure  fathomes  and  a  halfe, 
Barreof      ^ud  it  lyctli  fivc  Icagucs  from  the  shoare,  and  it  is  the  barre 

virgiuia.  JO  ' 

of  Virginia.  At  the  north  end  of  it,  it  is  ten  leagues  broad, 
and  south  and  north,  but  deepe  water  from  uintie  fathomes 
to  five  and  foure  and  a  halfe.  The  land  lyeth  south  and 
javor  north.  This  is  the  entrance  into  the  King's  River  in  \'\v- 
ginia,  where  our  English-men  are.^     The  north  side  of  it 

'  The  early  settlement  alluded  to,  the  romantic  history  of  which  every 
schoolboy  knows,  was  more  than  thirty  miles  farther  south  than  the 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (1G09).  71 

lyetli  in  37  degrees,  2(5  minutes :  you  shall  know  when 
30U  come  to  shoakl  water  or  sounding,  for  the  water  will 
looke  greene  or  thicke,  you  shall  have  ninctie  and  eightic 
fathomes,  and  shoalding  a  pace  till  you  come  to  ten,  eleven, 
nine,  eight,  seven,  ten,  and  nine  fathomes,  and  so  to  five, 
and  foure  fathomes  and  a  halfe. 

The  nineteenth,  faire  weather,  but  an  hard  gale  of  winde 
at  the  north-east ;  wee  stood  off  till  noone,  and  made  our 
way  south-east  by  east,  two  and  twentie  leagues.  At  noone 
wee  cast  about  to  the  westward,  and  stood  till  sixc  of^°'®' 
the  clocke  in  the  after-noone,  and  went  five  leagues  and  a 
halfe  north-west  by  north.  Then  wee  cast  about  againc  to 
the  eastward,  and  stood  that  way  till  foure  the  next  morning. 

The  twentieth,  faire  and  cleere  weather,  the  winde  varia- 
ble betweene  east  north-east  and  north-east.  At  foure  of 
the  clocke  in  the  morning  wee  cast  about  to  the  westward, 
and  stood  till  noone  ;  at  which  time  I  sounded,  and  had  two 
and  thirtie  fathomes.  Then  we  tackt  to  the  eastward  againe ; 
wee  found  our  height  to  bee  37  degrees,  22  minutes.  We  almhuuea 
stood  to  the  eastward  all  night,  and  had  very  much  wind. 
At  eight  of  the  clocke  at  night  we  tooke  off  our  bonnets, 
and  stood  with  small  sayle. 

The  one  and  twentieth,  was  a  sore  storme  of  winde  and 
rayne  all  day  and  all  night,  wherefore  wee  stood  to  the  east- 
ward with  a  small  sayle,  till  one  of  the  clocke  in  the  after- 
noone.  Then  a  great  sea  brake  into  our  fore-corse  and  split 
it ;  so  we  were  forced  to  take  it  from  the  yard  and  mend  it : 

locality  here  alluded  to  by  Hudson.  Our  navigator  was  but  imper- 
fectly acquainted  with  its  whereabouts,  and  this  explains  his  failing 
to  visit  his  friend  John  Smith,  though  the  opportunity  was  so  tempt- 
ing. If  the  latitudes  in  the  journal  are  correct,  the  description  here 
given  applies  to  the  coast  of  Northampton  (Virginia)  under  37°  26'. 
The  three  islands  are  a  group  to  the  north-east  of  Prout  Island,  and 
between  them  and  Prout  Island  there  is  a  sort  of  strait,  which  may  be 
mistaken  for  the  entrance  of  a  river.  The  journal  shows  plainly  that 
Hudson  never  attempted  to  explore  the  supposed  river,  and  thus  had  no 
opportunity  for  finding  out  his  mistake. 


wee  lay  a  trie  with  our  niayne-corse  all  night.  This  night 
our  cat  ranne  crying  from  one  side  of  the  ship  to  the  other, 
looking  over-boord,  which  made  us  to  wonder  ;  but  we  saw 

The  two  and  twentieth,  stormy  weather,  with  gusts  of 
rayne  and  wind.  In  the  morning,  at  eight  of  the  clocke, 
we  set  our  fore- corse,  and  stood  to  the  eastward  under  our 
fore-sayle,  mayne-sayle  and  misen;  and  from  noone  to  noone, 
we  made  our  way  east  south-east,  fourteene  leagues.  The 
night  reasonable  drie  but  cloudie,  the  winde  variable  all  day 
and  night.     Our  compasse  was  varyed  4  degrees  westward. 

The  three  and  twentieth,  very  faire  weather,  but  some 
thunder  in  the  morning,  the  winde  variable  betweene  east 
by  north.  At  noone  wee  tackt  about  to  the  northward,  the 
winde  at  east  by  north.  The  after-noone  very  faire,  the 
wind  variable,  and  continued  so  all  night.  Our  way  we 
made  east  south-east,  till  noone  the  next  day. 

Theybt^re  and  twentieth,  faire  and  hot  weather,  Avith  the 
wind  variable  betweene  the  north  and  the  east.  The  after- 
noone  variable  winde.  But  at  foure  of  the  clocke,  the  ■wind 
came  to  the  east  and  south-east ;  so  wee  steered  away  north 
by  west,  and  in  three  watches  wee  went  thirteene  leagues. 
At  noone  our  height  was  35  degrees,  41^  minutes,  being 
farre  off  at  sea  from  the  land. 

The  jive  and  twentieth,  faire  weather  and  very  hot.  All 
the  morning  was  very  calme  untill  eleven  of  the  clocke  ;  the 
wind  came  to  south-east  and  south  south-east;  so  wee  steered 
away  north-west  by  north  two  watches  and  a  halfe,  and  one 
watch  north-west  by  west,  and  went  eightecne  leagues.  At 
noone  I  found  our  height  to  bee  36  degrees,  20  minutes, 
being  without  sight  of  land. 

The  sixe  and  tioentieth,  faire  and  hot  weather,  the  winde 
variable  upon  all  the  points  of  the  compasse.  From  two  of 
the  clocke  in  the  morning  untill  noone  wee  made  our  way 
'   Off  Nag's  Head,  South  Carolina. 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (1609).  73 

north  by  cast,  seven  leagues.     In  the  after-noone  tlie  wind 

came  to  the  north-east,  and  vering  to  the  east  south-cast ; 

wee  steered  away  north-west  fiftccnc  leagues,  from  noone  till 

ten  of  the  clocke  at  night.     At  eight  of  the  clocke  at  night 

wee  sounded,  and  had  eighteene  fathomes,  and  were  come 

to  the  banke  of  Virginia,  and  could  not  see  the  land.     ^Vec  ^f  viry"^ia. 

kept  sounding  and  steered  away  north,  and  came  to  eight 

fathomes   and   anchored   there  ;    for   the  wind  was   at  east 

south-east,  so  that  wee  could  not  get  off.    For  the  coast  lyeth  lyetu  south 


along  south  south-west  and  north  north-east.     At  noone  our  and  north 


height  was  37  desrrees,  15  minutes.     And  m'cc  found  that  ?;"^j'"''^ 

O  o  -J  37  degrees, 

we  were  returned  to  the  same  place  from  whence  we  -^vere  ^''' ™""^''^' 
put  off  at  our  first  seeing  land.^ 

The  seve7i  and  iicentieiJi,  faire  weather  and  very  hot,  the 
winde  at  east  south-east.  In  the  morning,  as  soonc  as  the 
sunne  was  up,  wee  looked  out  and  had  sight  of  the  land. 
Then  wee  weighed,  and  stood  in  north-west  two  glasses,  and 
found  the  land  to  bee  the  place  from  whence  wee  put  off 
first.  So  wee  kept  our  loofe  and  steered  along  the  land, 
and  had  the  banke  lye  all  along  the  shoare ;  and  wee  had  in  Jg,-ecth 

1  /-fii  I'  '  •    ^  •  T  with  Robert 

two  leagues  oil  the  shoare,  nve,  sixe,  seven,  eight,  nine,  and  Tjndaii. 
ten  fathomes.  The  coast  lyeth  south  south-west,  and  is  a 
white  sandie  shoare,  and  sheweth  full  of  bayes  and  points. 
The  streame  setteth  west  south-west  and  east  north-east.  At 
sixe  of  the  clocke  at  night  wee  were  thwart  of  an  harbour 
or  river,  but  we  saw  a  barre  lye  before  it ;  and  all  within 
the  land  to  the  northward,  the  water  ranne  with  many  ilands 
in  it.  At  sixe  of  the  clocke  we  anchored,  and  sent  our  boate 
to  sound  to  the  shore-ward,  and  found  no  lesse  then  foure 
and  a  halfe,  five,  sixe,  and  seven  fathomes. 

The  eight  and  tioentietli,  faire  and  hot  weather,  the  winde 

^  Hudson,  on  his  return  from  the  south,  sailed  along  the  mainland  of 
Virginia,  and  thus  entered  Chesapeake  Bay.  It  is  not  quite  clear  how 
far  he  explored  it.  The  latitude  37°  15'  seems  to  be  a  mistake.  He 
probably  means  37^  10' :  that  is  to  say,  Charles'  Cape,  which  he  called 

Dry  Cape,  according  to  De  Laet. 

10  * 


at  south  south-west.  In  the  morninfr,  at  sixe  of  the  clocke,  wee 

weighed,  and  steered  away  north  twelve  leagues  till  noone, 

Thepnhit    and  came  to  the  point  of  land  ;^  and  being  hard  by  the  land 

of  laud.  -l  '  r>  J 

in  five  fathomes,  on  a  sudden  wee  came  into  three  fathomes ; 
then  Ave  bearc  up  and  had  but  ten  foote  water,  and  joined  to 
the  point.  Then  as  soone  as  wee  were  over,  wee  had  five, 
sixe,  seven,  eight,  nine,  ten,  twelve  and  thirtecne  fathomes. 
Then  wee  found  the  land  to  trend  away  north-west,  with  a 
Apreatbay  trreat  bay  and  rivers.     But  the  bay  wee  found  shoald:  and 

and  rivers.     <=>  •/  J 

in  the  offing  wee  had  ten  fathomes,  and  had  sight  of  breaches 
and  drie  sand.  Then  wee  were  forced  to  stand  backe  againe  ; 
so  we  stood  backe  south-east  by  south,  three  leagues.  And 
at  seven  of  the  clocke  wee  anchored  in  eight  fathomes  water ; 
and  found  a  tide  set  to  the  north-west,  and  north  north-west, 
and  it  riseth  one  fathome  and  floweth  south  south-east.  And 
he  that  will  thoroughly  discover  this  great  bay,  must  have 

^laiTop^  ^  small  pinasse,  that  must  draw  but  foure  or  five  foote 
water,  to  sound  before  him.  At  five  in  the  morning  wee 
weighed,  and  steered  away  to  the  eastward  on  many  courses. 

The  nortiier  for  tlic  nortlicr  land  is  full  of  shoalds.     Wee  were  among 

liiud  is  lull  ^ 

ofshoiiius.  them,  and  once  wee  strooke ;  and  wee  went  away,  and 
steered  away  to  the  south-east.  So  wee  had  two,  three, 
foure,  five,  sixe,  and  seven  fathomes,  and  so  deeper  and 

The  nine  and  twentieth,  faire  weather,  with  some  thunder 
and  showers,  the  winde  shifting  betweene  the  south  south- 
west and  the  north  north-west.  In  the  morning  wee  weighed 
at  the  breakc  of  day,  and  stood  toward  the  norther   land, 

Many         wliicli  wc  fouud  to  bcc  all  ilands  to  our   sight,   and  great 


^  Juct's  account  of  the  explorations  marie  on  the  26th,  27th,  and  2Sth, 
is  very  far  from  clear.  But  by  making  De  Laet  (see  p.  1 56)  bear  upon 
it,  we  see  that  the  Half  Moon  explored  during  those  days  the  neighbour- 
hood and  the  mouth  of  Delaware  River.  The  bay  described  on  the  present 
page  is  Delaware  Bay.  Later  historians,  chiefly  Van  der  Donck,  have 
asserted  that  Hudson  took  possession  of  the  surrounding  country.  This 
seems,  however,  a  pure  invention. 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (1609).  75 

stormes  from  them,  and  are  shoald  three  leagues  off.     For 

we  comming  by  them  had  but  seven,  sixe,  five,  foure,  three, 

and  two  fathoms  and  a  halfe,  and  strooke  ground  with  our  They  strike. 

rudder ;  we  steered  off  south-west  one  glasse,  and  had  five 

fathoms.     Then  wee  steered  south-east  three  ghasses  ;    then 

we  found  seven  fathomes,   and  steered   north- cast  by  east 

foure  leagues,  and  came  to  twelve   and   thu-teene  fathoms. 

At  one  of  the  clocke  I  went  to  the  top-mast  head  and  set  the 

land,  and  the  bodie  of  the  Hands  did  beare  north-west  by 

north.     And   at  foure   of  the  clocke,  wee  had  gone  foure 

leagues  east  south-east,  and  north-east  by  east,  and  found 

but  seven  fathoms  ;  and  it  was  calme,  so  we  anchored.    Then 

I  went  againe  to  the  top-mast  head,  to  see  how  farre  I  could 

see  land  about  us,  and  could  see  no  more  but  the  ilands. 

And  the  souther  point  of  them   did  beare  north-west  by 

west  eight  leagues  off.     So  wee  rode  till  mid-night.     Then 

the  winde  came  to  the  north  north-west,  so  wee  waighed  and 

set  sayle. 

The  thirtieth,  in  the  morning,  betweene  twelve  and  one, 
we  weighed,  and  stood  to  the  eastward,  the  winde  at  north 
north-west  -,  wee  steered  away  and  made  our  way  east  south- 
east. From  our  weighing  till  noone,  eleven  leagues.  Our 
soundings  were  eight,  nine,  ten,  eleven,  twelve  and  thirteene 
fathomes  till  day.  Then  we  came  to  eighteene,  nineteene, 
twentie,  and  sixe  and  twentie  fathoms  by  noone.  Then  I 
observed  the  sunne,  and  found  the  height  to  bee  39  degrees.  Latitude 

'  °  °  ^         '  30  degrees, 

5  minutes,^  and  saw  no  land.  In  the  after-noone,  the  winde  ^i^ii'iutes. 
came  to  north  by  west ;  so  wee  lay  close  by  with  our  fore- 
sayle  and  our  mayne-sayle,  and  it  Avas  little  winde  untill 
twelve  of  the  clocke  at  mid-night ;  then  wee  had  a  gale  a 
little  while.  Then  I  sounded,  and  all  the  night  our  sound- 
ings were  thirtie  and  sixe  and  thirtie  fathomes,  and  wee 
went  little. 

The  one  and  thirtieth,  faire  weather  and  little  wind.     At 
^  Off  Hereford  Inlet. 


76  MASTEll    HENRY    HUDSON. 

sixe  of  the  clocke  in  the  morning  wc  cast  about  to  the  north- 
ward, the  wind  being  at   the   north-east,   little  wind.     At 

i.atituiie      noone  it  fell  calme,  and  I  found  the  heisrht  to  bee  88  de- 

DeJ^euiiu?'  gi'cos,  39  minutcs.  And  the  streames  had  deceived  us,'  and 
our  sounding  was  eight  and  thirtie  fathoms.  In  the  after- 
noone  I  sounded  againe,  and  had  but  thirtie  fathoms.  So 
we  found  that  we  were  heaved  too  and  fro  with  the  streames 
of  the  tide,  both  by  our  observations  and  our  depths.  From 
noone  till  foure  of  the  clocke  in  the  afternoone  it  was  calme. 
At  sixe  of  the  clocke  we  had  a  little  gale  southerly,  and  it 
continued  all  night,  sometimes  calme  and  sometimes  a  gale ; 
wee  went  eight  leagues  from  noone  to  noone,  north  by  east. 

soiiemLei-.  The  Jiist  of  September,  faire  weather,  the  wind  variable 
betweene  east  and   south ;  we  steered   away  north  north- 

Luiimie  west.  At  noone  we  found  our  height  to  bee  39  degrees,  3 
minutes.^  Wee  had  soundings  thirtie,  twentie-seven,  twen- 
tie-foure,  and  twentie-two  fathomes,  as  wee  went  to  the 
northward.  At  sixe  of  the  clocke  wee  had  one  and  twentie 
fathomes.  And  all  the  third  watch,  till  twelve  of  the  clocke 
at  mid-night,  we  had  soundings  one  and  twentie,  two  and 
twentie,  eighteene,  two  and  twentie,  one  and  twentie,  eigh- 
tecne,  and  two  and  twentie  fathoms,  and  went  sixe  leagues 
necre  hand  north  north-west. 

The  second,  in  the  morning,  close  weather,  the  winde  at 
south  in  the  morning  ;  from  twelve  untill  two  of  the  clocke 
we  steered  north  north-west,  and  had  sounding  one  and 
twentie  fathoms ;  and  in  running  one  glasse  we  had  but  six- 
teene  fathoms,  then  seventeene,  and  so  shoalder  and  shoalder 
untill  it  came  to  twelve  fathoms.  We  saw  a  great  fire,  but 
could  not  see  the  land  ;  then  we  came  to  ten  fathoms,  whcre- 

^  Twenty-six  minutes  farther  south  than  according  to  his  hist  observa- 
tion. Un.acquainted  with  the  nature  of  the  pohir  current  along  these 
coasts,  Hudson  had  been  unconsciously  drifted  back.  "The  streams  had 
deceived  him,"  as  Juet  says. 

'■^  Still  two  minutes  farther  south  than  they  had  been  on  the  31st  of 
August.     The  polar  currents  made  them  lose  two  entire  days. 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (1609).  77 

upon  we  brought  our  tackcs  aboorcl,  and  stood  to  the  cast- 
ward  east  south-east,  foure  glasses.  Then  the  sunne  arose, 
and  Avee  steered  away  north  againe,  and  saw  the  hmd  from 
the  west  by  north  to  the  north-west  by  north,  all  like  broken  ^i'.'' i';^.",'^',,,^ 
islands,^  and  our  soundings  were  eleven  and  ten  fathoms.""'*' 
Then  wee  looft  in  for  the  shoare,  and  fliire  by  the  shoare 
we  had  seven  fathoms.     The  course  alonor  the  laud  we  found  The  course 

"  aloiitr  tlie 

to  be  north-east  by  north.     From  the  land  which  we  had  [hemouth 
first  sight  of,  untill  we  came  to  a  great  lake  of  water,  as  wee  "oUKfrnoiuii 
could  judge  it  to  bee,  being  drowned  land,  which  made  it  to  noniierbay 

or  lake. 

rise  like  islands,  which  was  in  length  ten  leagues.  The 
mouth  of  that  land  hath  many  shoalds,  and  the  sea  breaketh 
on  them  as  it  is  cast  out  of  the  mouth  of  it.  And  from  that 
lake  or  bay  the  land  lyeth  north  by  east,  and  wee  had  a 
great  streame  out  of  the  bay  ;  and  from  thence  our  sounding 
was  ten  fathoms  two  leagues  from  the  land.  At  five  of  the 
clocke  we  anchored,  being  little  winde,  and  rode  in  eight 
fathoms  water ;  the  night  was  faire.  This  night  I  found  the 
land  to  hall  the  compasse  8  dearrees.     For  to  the  northward  variation 

'■  <->  8  degrees 

ofi"  us  we  saw  high  hils.^     For  the  day  before  we  found  not  j^fj^^®  "^® 
above  2  desrrees  of  variation.     This  is  a  very  ijood  land  to  ~  '^^sjeea 

~  JO  vanatmu  off 

fall  with,  and  a  pleasant  land  to  see.  ''^^^''^ 

^  Sandy  Ilook,  the  well  known  island  at  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson. 
The  following  extracts  from  modern  works  on  American  geography  will 
show  how  minutely  this  locality  was  explored  by  its  discoverer,  and  how 
well  it  is  described  in  the  Journal :  "  Sandy  Hook  Bay  is  a  sandy  beach, 
extending  north  from  Old  Shrewsbury  Inlet  (New  Jersey)  and  the  south 
point  of  the  highlands  of  Nevesinck,  six  miles,  and  is  from  half  a  mile 
to  a  mile  wide." — Thomson's  Geogr.  Diet.  "  Sandy  Hook  Eay  runs  south 
into  the  town  of  Middleton,  and  is  bounded  to  the  south-west  by  the 
highlands  of  Nevesinck,  and  on  the  east  by  the  sand  beach  forming  Sandy 
Hook.  Drained  by  Swimming  and  Nevisinck  rivers." — U.  S.  Gazetteer, 
"  In  approaching  Sandy  Hook,  Harbour  Hill,  on  Long  Island,  and  Nevi- 
sinck, on  the  Jersey  shore,  may  be  seen  at  the  distance  of  about  twenty- 
four  to  twenty-five  miles.  The  first  is  319,  the  second  281  feet  above 
the  water." — Mitchill,  Geology  ;  and  Akerley,  Geology  of  Ihuhon  River: 
quoted  by  Moulton,  Hist,  of  the  State  of  ^ew  York,  i,  p.  209. 

^  See  last  note. 


The  third,  the  morning  mystic,  untill  ten  of  the  clocke  ; 

then  it  clecrecl,  and  the  wind  came  to  the  south  south-east, 

so  wee  weighed  and  stood  to  the  northward.     The  Lmd'  is 

ui^'haiuia  vcrv  lilcasant  and  hiyh,  and  bokl  to  fall  withall.     At  tlu'ec 

bold  shoai-o.  "^    •■■  ° 

Tiiice  gieut  ^^f  ^\^q  clock  in  thc  after-noone,  wee  came  to  three   great 

rivers.  o 

The  rivers.'^     So  we  stood  along:  to  the  northermost,  thinkinsc  to 

norther-  °  '  o 

barred.       havc  gouc  into  it,  but  we  found  it  to  have  a  very  shoald 

barrc  before  it,  for  we  had  but  ten  foot  water.     Then  we 

An  pxooi-     gj^st  about  to  tlic  southward,  and  found  two  fathoms,  three 

luiU  river. 

fathoms,  and  three  and  a  quarter,  till  we  came  to  the  souther 
side  "of  them;  then  we  had  five  and  sixe  fathoms,  and 
anchored.  So  wee  sent  in  our  boate  to  sound,  and  they 
found  no  lesse  water  then  foure,  five,  sixe,  and  seven  fathoms, 
and  returned  in  an  houre  and  a  halfe.  So  wee  weighed  and 
went  in,  and  rode  in  five  fathoms,  oze  ground,  and  saw 
Liiuiuao      manv   salmons,  and  mullets,  and  raves,  very   srreat.      The 

40  degrees,  ^  '  '  J       '  J     b 

30  minutes,  height  is  40  degrees,  30  minutes. 

liYie  fourth,  in  the  morning,  as  soonc  as  the  day  was  light, 

wee  saw  that  it  was  good  riding  farther  up.     So  we  sent  our 

A  very  good  boatc  to  souud,  and  found  that  it  was  a  very  good  harbour,  and 

harbour.  *■ 

foure  and  five  fathomes,  two  cables  length  from  the  shoare. 
Then  we  weighed  and  went  in  with  our  ship.  Then  our 
boate  went  on  land^  Avith  our  net  to  fish,  and  caught  ten  great 
mullets,  of  a  foote  and  a  halfe  long  a  pecce,  and  a  ray  as 

^  The  south  coast  of  Staten  Island. 

^  It  is  impossible  to  make  the  observations  of  the  3rd  fully  agree  with 
the  real  localities.  Wheresoever  we  place  the  three  rivers,  some  diffi- 
culties arise  which  cannot  be  explained  away.  Mr.  Brodhead's  opinion, 
"that  two  of  the  three  rivers  are  unJoubtecU^  the  Rariton  and  Narrows, 
the  third  i>rohahhj  Rockaway  Inlet,"  we  can  subscribe  in  neither  of  its 
parts.  It  is  not  even  certain  whether  the  place  where  Iludsou  anchored 
under  40°  30',  is  to  the  east  or  west  of  Staten  Island. 

'  According  to  a  generally  received  American  tradition,  Coney  Island 
(near  Long  Island).  This  is  quite  possible.  Only  it  seems  singular  that 
the  insulated  nature  of  this  small  spot  should  have  been  cither  over- 
looked, or  if  perceived,  not  noted  down  as  such,  iu  our  circumstantial 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (1609).  79 

great  as  foure  men  could  hale  into  the  ship.    So  wee  trimmed 
our  boate  and  rode  still  all  day.     At  night  the  wind  blew 
hard  at  the  north-west,  and  our  anchor  came  home,  and  wee 
drove  on  shoare,  but  tooke  no  hurt,  thanked  bee  God,  for 
the  ground  is  soft  sand  and  oze.     This  day  the  people  of  ^i"^  iHopie 
the  countrey  came  aboord  of  us,  seeming  very  srlad  of  our  ":"y  <■''"'« 
comraing,  and  brought  greene  tobacco,  and  gave  us  of  it  c'viiT^ 
for  knives  and  beads.     They  goe  in  deere  skins  loose,  well 
dressed.     They  have  yellow  copper.     They  desire  cloathes,  ^f]"^^^. 
and  are  very  civill.     They  have  great  store  of  maize  or  In- 
dian wheate,  whereof  they  make  good  bread.    The  countrey 
is  full  of  great  and  tall  oakes.  Tail  oakes. 

TX-ie  Jifth,  in  the  morning,  as  soone  as  the  day  was  light, 
the  wind  ceased  and  the  flood  came.  So  we  heaved  off  our 
ship  againe  into  five  fathoms  water,  and  sent  our  boate  to  ^iie  great 

^       °  '  bay  in  40 

sound  the  bay,  and  we  found  that  there  was  three  fathoms  ao^anutT'' 

hard  by  the  souther  shoare.     Our  men  went  on  land^  there, 

and  saw  great  store  of  men,  women,  and  children,  who  gave 

them  tabacco  at  their  comming  on  land.     So  they  went  up 

into  the  woods,  and  saw  great  store  of  very  goodly  oakes 

and  some   currants.      For   one   of  them   came  aboord   and  ^u'lTOnts. 

brought  some  dryed,  and  gave  me  some,  which  were  sweet 

and  good.     This  day  many  of  the  people  came  aboard,  some 

in  mantles  of  feathers,  and  some  in  skinnes  of  divers  sorts  of  ^r^i't'os  of 

'  feathers, 

good  furres.      Some  women  also   came  to  us  with  hempe.  '''"'S' hempe. 

They  had  red  copper  tabacco  pipes,  and  other  things   of  ^^a  copper. 

copper  they  did  weare  about  their  neckes.     At  night  they 

went  on  land  againe,  so  wee  rode  very  quiet,  but  durst  not 

trust  them. 

The  sixth,  in  the  morning,  was  faire  weather,  and  our 

master  sent  John  Colman,  with  foure  other  men  in  our  boate, 

^  According  to  the  American  historians,  "  in  Monmouth  County,  New- 
Jersey,"  that  is  to  say,  either  on  the  mainland  or  New  Jersey,  or  some- 
where near  Richmond,  on  Staten  Island.  We  should  not  even  presume 
on  this  vague  assertion.  There  is  no  evidence  to  show  that  the  landing 
place  was  not  still  further  east,  on  or  near  Long  Island. 


over  to  tlic  north-side  to  sound  the  other  river/  being  fourc 
leagues  from  us.  They  found  by  the  way  shoakl  water,  two 
fathoms;  but  at  the  north  of  the  river  eighteen,  and  twen- 
tie  fathoms,  and  very  good  riding  for  ships  ;  and  a  narrow 
river"  to  the  westward,  betweene  two  ilands.  The  lands, 
they  told  us,  were  as  pleasant  with  grasse  and  flowers  and 
goodly  trees  as  ever  they  had  seene,  and  very  sweet  smells 
came  from  them.  So  they  went  in  two  leagues  and  saw  an 
open  sea,  and  returned ;  and  as  they  came  backe,  they  were 
set  upon  by  two  canoes,  the  one  having  twelve,  the  other 
fourteene  men.  The  night  came  on,  and  it  began  to  rayne, 
so  that  their  match  went  out ;  and  they  had  one  man  slaine 
in  the  fight,  which  was  an  Englishman,  named  John  Colman, 
with  an  arrow  shot  into  his  throat,  and  two  more  hurt.  It 
grew  so  darke  that  they  could  not  find  the  ship  that  night, 
but  labored  too  and  fro  on  their  oares.  They  had  so  great 
a  streame,  that  their  grapnell  would  not  hold  them. 

The  seventh,  was  faire,  and  by  ten  of  the  clocke  they  re- 
turned aboord  the  ship,  and  brought  our  dead  man  with 
them,  whom  we  carried  on  land  and  buryed,  and  named 
the  point  after  his  name,  Colmans  Point.^  Then  we  hoysed 
in  our  boate,  and  raised  her  side  with  waste  boords  for  de- 
fence of  our  men.  So  we  rode  still  all  night,  having  good 
regard  to  our  watch. 

^  The  Narrows  % 

-  The  hills  between  Staten  Island  and  Bergen  Neck.  JNIoulton,  Hist. 
oj  New  York,  i,  p.  211. 

^  According  to  the  Dutch  maps  and  charts  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, Colman's  Point  (also  called  Godyn's  Point  and  Sand  or  Sant  Point), 
is  identical  with,  or  forms  part  of,  Sandy  Hook.  No  great  amount  of 
criticism  is,  however,  displayed  in  those  delineations ;  and  they  cannot 
be  considered  as  sufficient  proofs  that  Colman  really  was  buried  on 
Sandy  Hook.  We  have,  on  the  contrary,  every  reason  to  believe  that 
Hudson  was,  on  the  7th  of  September,  farther  north  than  the  above  sup- 
positions would  lead  us  to  assume.  Hudson's  Colman  s  Point  and  the 
Cuhiuins  Point  or  Punt  of  the  early  maps,  arc  therefore  probably  not 

0U3  savagi. 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (l()09j.  81 

The  eight,  was  very  faire  weather,  wee  rode  still  very 
quietly.  The  people  came  aboord  us,  and  brought  tabacco 
and  Indian  wheat  to  exchange  for  knives  and  bcades,  and 
offered  us  no  violence.  So  we  fitting  up  our  boate  did  marke 
them,  to  see  if  they  would  make  any  shew  of  the  death  of 
our  man  ;  which  they  did  not. 

The  ninth,  faii'e  weather.  In  the  morning,  two  great 
canoes  came  aboord  full  of  men  ;  the  one  with  their  bowes 
and  arrowes,  and  the  other  in  shew  of  buvina:  of  knives  to  '^ 
betray  us  ;  but  we  perceived  their  intent.  Wee  tooke  two 
of  them  to  have  kept  them,  and  put  red  coates  on  them,  and 
would  not  suffer  the  other  to  come  neere  us.  So  they  went 
on  land,  and  two  other  came  aboord  in  a  canoe  ;  we  tooke 
the  one  and  let  the  other  goe;  but  hee  which  wee  had  taken, 
got  up  and  leapt  over-boord.  Then  we  weighed  and  went 
off  into  the  channell  of  the  river,  and  anchored  there  all 

The  tenth,  faire  weather,  we  rode  still  till  twelve  of  the 
clocke.  Then  we  weighed  and  went  over,  and  found  it 
shoald  all  the  middle  of  the  river,  for  wee  could  finde 
but  two  fathoms  and  a  halfe  and  three  fathomes  for  the 
space  of  a  league  ;  then  wee  came  to  three  fathomes  and 
foure  fathomes,  and  so  to  seven  fathomes,  and  anchored, 
and  rode  all  night  in  soft  ozie  ground.  The  banke  is  • 

The  eleventh  was  faire  and  very  hot  weather.  At  one  of 
the  clocke  in  the  after-noone  wee  weighed  and  went  into 
the  river,  the  wind  at  south  south-west,  little  winde. 
Our  soundings  were  seven,  sixe,  five,  sixe,  seven,  eight, 
nine,  ten,  twelve,  thirteene,  and  fourteene  fathomes.  Then 
it  shoalded  againe,  and  came  to  five  fathomes.  Then  wee 
anchored,  and  saw  that  it  was  a  very  good  harbour  for  all  ^'"?'^ 

'  JO  harbour. 

windes,  and  rode  all  night.      The   people  of  the   country 

came  aboord  of  us,  making  shew  of  love,  and  gave  us  teibacco 

^  East  Sandbank,  in  the  Narrows.     Moulton,  i,  p.  211. 


and  Indian  wheat,*    and   departed  for   that  night ;  but   we 
durst  not  trust  thcni.- 

The  twelfth,  vcrj-  faire  and  hot.     In  the  after-noonc,  at 

two  of  the  clocke,  wee  weighed,  the  winde  being  variable 

bctweene  the  north  and  the  north-west.     So  we  turned  into 

the  river  two  leagues  and  anchored.     This  morning,  at  our 

28  cauoes     first  rodo  in  the  river,  there  came  eight  and  twentie  canoes 

full  uf  men.  _  ° 

full  of  men,  women  and  children  to  betray  us  :  but  we  saw 
their  intent,  and  suffered  none  of  them  to  come  aboord  of  us. 
At  twelve  of  the  clocke  they  departed.  They  brought  with 
Oysters  and  thcm  ovstcrs  and  beanes,  whereof  wee  bought  some.  They 
ropper  have  great  tabacco  pipes  of  yellow  copper,  and  pots  of  earth 
to  dresse  their  nieate  in.  It  floweth  south-east  by  south 

The  tliirteentli,  faire  weather,  the  wind  northerly.  At 
seven  of  the  clocke  in  the  morning,  as  the  floud  came  we 
weighed,  and  turned  foure  miles  into  the  river.  The  tide 
being  done  wee  anchored.  Then  there  came  foure  canoes 
aboord  :  but  we  suffered  none  of  them  to  come  into  our 
ship.  They  brought  great  store  of  very  good  oysters  aboord, 
which  we  bought  for  trifles.^  In  the  night  I  set  the  varia- 
vaiiation     tiou  of  the  compassc,  and  found  it  to  be  13  degrees.     In  the 

13  degrees.  "■       ,  _  ,  ^ 

after  noone  we  weighed,  and  turned  in  with  the  floud,  two 

.  leagues  and  a  halfe  further,  and  anchored  all  night;  and  had 

five  fathoms  soft  ozie  ground;  and  had  an  high  point  of  land, 

^  According  to  Van  der  Donck  maize  had  been  first  brought  to  these 
regions  by  the  Spaniards. 

^  So  says  Juet.  Hudson  himself,  in  the  few  scraps  of  his  original  log- 
book preserved  by  De  Laet,  and  also  in  the  communications  which  Van 
Metercn  seems  to  have  received  from  him,  always  speaks  most  kindly  of 
the  North  American  Indians.  He  and  his  crew  entirely  disagreed  with 
regard  to  the  treatment  due  to  the  poor  natives ;  and  his  kindness  was 
rewarded  by  friendship,  their  sullen  mistrust  by  acts  of  hostility.  The 
poor  Indian  has  but  too  often  been  thus  both  ill-treated  and  ill-judged  by 
prejudiced  Euroiteans. 

^  According  to  the  opinion  of  Moulton,  Hist,  of  N.  Y.,  i,  p.  238,  near 
the  point  where  Manhattansville  now  stands. 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (1609).  83 

which  shewed  out  to  us,  beai-ing  north  by  cast  five  leagues 
off  us. 

'Yh.e  fourteenth,  in  the  morning,  being  very  faire  weather, 
the  wind  south-east,  we  sayled  up  the  river  twelve  leagues, 
and  had  five  fathoms,  and  five  fathoms  and  a  quarter  lesse  ; 
and  came  to  a  streight  betweene  two  points,^  and  had  eight, 
nine,  and  ten  fathoms ;  and  it  trended  north-east  by  north, 
one  league  :  and  wee  had  twelve,  tliirteene,  and  fourteene 
fathomes.     The  river  is  a  mile  broad:  there  is  very  high '''I'f  V^®""" 

•'  O       mile  bruau. 

land  on  both  sides. ^    Then  we  went  uj)  north-west,  a  league 
and  an  halfe  deepe  water.     Then  north-east  by  north,  five 
miles  ;  then  north-west  by  north,  two  leagues,  and  anchored. 
The  land  grew  verv  high  and  mountainous.     The  river  is  very  hsah. 
full  offish.  t«'"°"s 


The  JifteetitJi ,  in  the  morning,  was  misty,  untill  the  sunne 
arose :  then  it  cleered.  So  wee  weighed  with  the  wind  at 
south,  and  ran  up  into  the  river  twentie  leagues,  passing  by 
high  mountaines.^  Wee  had  a  very  good  depth,  as  sixe, 
seven,  eight,  nine,  ten,  twelve,  and  thirteene  fathomes,  and 
great  store  of  salmons  in  the  river.  This  morning  our  two 
savages  got  out  of  a  port  and  swam  away.  After  wee  were 
under  sayle,  they  called  to  us  in  scorne.  At  night  we  came 
to  other  mountaines,  which  lie  from  the  rivers  side.  There 
wee  found  very  loving  people,  and  very  old  men:  where  very  loving 


wee  were  well  used.     Our  boat  went  to   fish,   and  caught 
great  store  of  very  good  fish. 

The  sixteenth,  faire  and  very  hot  weather.     In  the  moru- 

^  Between  Stony  and  Verplanck  points,  according  to  Moulton's  com- 
putation {Hist  of  N.  Y.  i,  p.  238). 

^  Near  Peakskill.  The  land,  as  described  by  Juet,  is  high  and  moun- 
tainous on  both  sides.  The  hills  rise  in  several  places  to  more  than  a 
thousand  feet,  and  the  most  elevated  side  is  often  near  the  water's 
edge.  Hudson  seems  to  have  sailed  on  the  14th  to  the  neighbourhood 
of  West  Point,  at  present  the  site  of  the  celebrated  military  academy. 

^  Hudson  now  saw  the  highest  of  the  mountains  that  border  the  river, 
the  noble  range  of  the  Kaatshenge  or  Catskill  Mountains,  several  peaks 
of  which  rise  above  3000',  the  highest  (the  Round  Top)  to  near  4000'. 


ing  our  boat  went  againc  to  fishing,  but  could  catch  but  few, 
by  reason  their  canoes  had  beenc  there  all  night.  This 
morning  the  people  came  aboord,  and  brought  us  cares 
^imi'L'Hnu  °^  Indian  come,  and  pompions,  and  tabacco  :  which  wee 
tabacio.  -bought  fo^.  triflcs.  Wcc  rodc  still  all  day,  and  filled  fresh 
water  ;  at  night  wee  weighed  and  went  two  leagues  higher, 
and  had  shoald  water  :  so  wee  anchored  till  day.^ 

The  secenteenth,  faire  sun-shining  weather,  and  very  hot. 
In  the  morning,  as  soone  as  the  sun  was  up,  we  set  sayle, 
shonids  and  qj^j  y-^xi  up  sixc  Icagucs  higher,  and  found  shoalds  in  the 
iiands.  middle  of  the  channell,  and  small  Hands,  but  seven  fathoms 
water  on  both  sides.  Toward  night  we  borrowed  so  neere 
the  shoare,  that  we  grounded  :  so  we  layed  out  our  small 
anchor,  and  heaved  off  againe.  Then  we  borrowed  on  the 
banke  in  the  channell,  and  came  aground  againe  ;  while  the 
floud  ran  we  heaved  off  againe,  and  anchored  all  night. ^ 

The  eighteenth,  in  the  morning,  was  faire  weather,  and 
we  rode  still.  In  the  after-noone  our  masters  mate  went  on 
land  with  an  old  savage,  a  governor  of  the  countrey  ;  M'ho  car- 
ried him  to  his  house,  and  made  him  good  cheere.  'Y\ienific- 
teenth  was  faire  and  hot  weather  :  at  the  floud,  being  neere 
Orarc^ani  clcvcn  of  the  clocke,  Avee  weisfhed,  and  ran  hioher  up  two 

pumi.i  us.  '  O  '  O  r 

Beavers  and  Icagucs  abovc  tlic  slioalds,  and  had  no  lesse  water  then  five 

oilers  skius. 

fathoms  ;  Avee  anchored,  and  rode  in  eight  fathomes.     The 

^  According  to  Moulton,  Hist,  of  N.  Y.,  i,  244,  near  the  shoal  or  marsh 
iu  the  river,  between  Athens,  and  directly  opposite  that  and  the  city 
that  now  bears  the  name  of  Hudson ;  according  to  Brodhead,  between 
Schadak  and  Castleton  ;  a  place  situated,  according  to  Haskell  and 
Smith's  Gazetteer,  in  Rensselaer  county,  New  York,  8  S.  bj'  E.  Albany, 
3G2  W.,  on  the  eastern  bank  of  Hudson  river.  These  American  histo- 
rians are,  better  than  we,  able  to  compare  Juet's  account  with  the  real 
features  of  the  country,  and  it  is  impossible  for  us  to  decide  between 
them  where  they  disagree. 

"  All  this  happened  undoubtedly  at  the  distance  of  a  few  miles  from 
the  spot  where  Albany  now  stands.  The  American  authors  disagree  as 
to  the  exact  locality,  and  the  mutter  is  both  beyond  our  cognizance  and 
(if  but  small  interest  to  us  Europeans. 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (1609).  85 

people  of  the  countrie  came  flocking  aboord,  and  brought 
US  grapes  and  ponipions,  which  wee  bought  for  trifles. 
And  many  brought  us  bevers  skinnes  and  otters  skinnes, 
which  wee  bought  for  bcades,  knives,  and  hatchets.  So  we 
rode  there  all  night. ^ 

•  The  ticentieth,  in  the  morning,  was  faire  weather.  Our 
masters  mate  with  foure  men  more  went  up  with  our  boat  to 
sound  the  river,  and  found  two  leagues  above  us  but  two 
fathomes  water,  and  the  channell  very  narrow  ;  and  above 
that  place,  seven  or  eight  fathomes.  Toward  night  they  re- 
turned :  and  we  rode  still  all  night.  The  one  and  twentieth 
was  faire  weather,  and  the  wind  all  southerly :  we  deter- 
mined yet  once  more  to  go  farther  up  into  the  river,  to  trie 
what  depth  and  breadth  it  did  bcare  ;  but  much  people 
resorted  aboord,  so  wee  went  not  this  day.  Oar  carpenter 
went  on  land,  and  made  a  fore-yard.  And  our  master  and 
his  mate  determined  to  trie  some  of  the  chiefe  men  of  the 
countrey,  whether  they  had  any  treacheric  in  them.^  So 
they  tooke  them  downe  into  the  cabbin,  and  gave  them  so 
much  wine  and  aqua  mice,  that  they  were  all  merrie  :  and 
one  of  them  had  his  wife  with  them,  which  sate  so  modestly, 
as  any  of  our  countrey  women  would  doe  in  a  strange  place. 
In   the   ende   one   of  them   was   drunke,  which  had  beene 

^  It  would  undoubtedly  be  of  interest  to  ascertain  the  exact  locality 
of  this  point,  the  highest  reached  by  Hudson's  ships.  The  American 
historians  have  spared  no  pains  to  arrive  at  a  satisfactory  result.  But 
the  data  on  which  their  discussions  rest  do  not  warrant  any  positive 
conclusion.  The  most  exact  statement,  that  of  Van  Meteren,  gives  42°  40' 
as  the  latitude  reached  ;  it  forms,  however,  part  of  a  mere  summary, 
in  which  the  latitudes  are  but  approximatively  exact.  For  us  Euro- 
peans it  is  quite  sufficient  to  know  that  the  Half  Moon  reached  either 
the  very  spot  where  Albany  now  stands,  or  its  immediate  neighbour- 
hood. The  latitude  of  Albany  is,  according  to  Haskell  and  Smith's 
Gazetteer,  42°  39'  3"  N. 

^  "The  prejudices,"  says  Moulton,  "which  they  imbibed  in  Europe, 
or  on  their  coasting  voyage,  against  a  people  whom  the  Europeans  de- 
nominated savages,  had  given  a  tone  of  suspicion  to  their  intercourse." 
See  also  note  2,  p.  82. 


aboord  of  our  ship  all  the  time  that  we  had  bcene  there : 
and  that  was  strange  to  them  ;  for  they  could  not  tell  how 
to  take  it.^  The  canoes  and  folke  went  all  on  shoare  :  but 
some  of  them  came  againc,  and  brought  stropes  of  beades  r 
some  had  sixe,  seven,  eight,  nine,  ten  ;  and  gave  him.  So 
he  slept  all  night  quietly. 

The  tioo  and  tioentieth  was  faire  weather  :  in  the  morning 
our  masters  mate  and  foure  more  of  the  companie  went  up 
with  our  boat  to  sound  the  river  higher  up.  The  people  of 
the  countrey  came  not  aboord  till  noone  :  but  when  they 
came,  and  saw  the  savages  well,  they  were  glad.  So  at  three 
of  the  clocke  in  the  afternoone  they  came  aboord,  and 
brought  tabacco,  and  more  beades,  and  gave  them  to  our 
Oration.  master,  and  made  an  oration,  and  shewed  him  all  the  coun- 
trey round  about.  Then  they  sent  one  of  their  companie  on 
land,  who  presently  returned,  and  brought  a  great  platter 
full  of  venison  dressed  by  themselves  ;  and  they  caused  him 
to  eate  with  them  :  then  they  made  him  reverence  and  de- 
parted, all  save  the  old  man  that  lay  aboord.  Tliis  night,  at 
ten  of  the  clocke,  our  boat  returned  in  a  showre  of  raine 
rivei's°*^ '^"^  from  sounding  of  the  river  ;  and  found  it  to  bee  at  an  end 
nelsl*  '^  for  shipping  to  goe  in.  For  they  had  beene  up  eight  or 
nine  leagues,  and  found  but  seven  foot  water,  and  uncon- 
stant  soundings.^ 

^  A  tradition  connected  with  this  scene  of  drunkenness  seems  to  have 
subsisted  at  the  end  of  the  last  century  among  the  Delaware  and  ]Mo- 
hican  Indians.  We  reprint  as  part  of  the  present  collection  the  observa- 
tions of  the  Rev.  John  Ilerkewelder,  where  this  fact  is  noted  down. 

^  These  beads  were  made  of  some  sort  of  shells,  and  strung.  The 
strings  served  both  as  a  rude  sort  of  jewelry  and  as  money.  They  were 
called  wampum.  The  early  travellers  in  these  regions  make  frequent 
mention  of  them.  We  refer  the  reader  to  the  extracts  from  Van  der 
Donck's  descrijition  of  New  Nethcrland,  which  forms  part  of  the  present 

•'  We  refer  the  American  reader  to  the  interesting  observations  on 
this  passage,  in  Moulton,  i,  pp.  25i)  to  2()().  To  Europeans,  who  are  un- 
acquainted with  the  localities  themselves,  these  observations  are  of  less 
interest.     Mr.  Brodhead  thinks  that  Hudson's  boat  reached  the  place 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (1609).  87 

The  three  and  twentieth,  faire  weather.  At  twelve  of  the 
clocke  wee  weighed,  and  went  downe  two  leasrucs  to  a  I'lipy  re- 
shoald  that  had  two  channels,  one  on  the  one  side,  and  another  ''"-'  ''^'^'"• 
on  the  other,  and  had  little  wind,  whereby  the  tyde  layed 
us  upon  it.  So  there  wee  sate  on  ground  the  space  of  an 
houre  till  the  floud  came.  Then  wee  had  a  little  gale  of 
Avind  at  the  west.  So  wee  got  our  ship  into  deepe  water, 
and  rode  all  night  very  Avell. 

The  foure  and  t^centieth  was  faire  weather  :  the  winde  at 
the  north-west,  wee  weighed,  and  went  downe  the  river 
seven  or  eight  leagues  ;  and  at  halfe  ebbe  wee  came  on 
ground  on  a  banke  of  oze  in  the  middle  of  the  river,  and 
sate  there  till  the  floud.  Then  wee  went  on  land,  and  ga- 
thered ffood  store  of  chest-nuts.^    At  ten  of  the  clocke  yvce^l°^^°\ 

"  chestuuta. 

came  oflf  into  deepe  water,  and  anchored. 

The^'ye  a7id  iioentieth  was  faire  weather,  and  the  wind  at 
south  a  stifFe  gale.  We  rode  still,  and  went  on  land-  to 
walke  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  and  found  good  ground 
for  come  and  other  earden  herbs,  with  great  store  of  sroodly  okes.wai- 

O  JO  n  J    ,im  trees, 

oakes,  and  walnut-trees,  and  chest-nut  trees,  ewe  trees,  and  t'e'efg^e'^ve 
trees  of  sweet  wood  in  great  abundance,  and  great  store  of  [reesietc." 
slate  for  houses,  and  other  good  stones. 

The  sixe  and  tiventieth  was  faire  weather,  and  the  wind 
at  south  a  stiife  gale  ;  wee  rode  still.  In  the  morning  our 
carpenter  went  on  land,  with  our  masters  mate  and  foure 
more  of  our  companie,  to  cut  wood.  This  morning,  two 
canoes  came  up  the  river  from  the  place  where  we  first 
found  loving  people,  and  in  one  of  them  was  the  old  man 
that  had  lyen  aboord  of  us  at  the  other  place.  He  brought 
another  old  man  with  him,  which  brought  more  stropes  of 

where  the  town  of  Waterford  now  stands  (Brodhead,  Hist,  of  New  York, 
i,p.  32). 

^  According  to  the  computation  of  Moulton  (i,  p.  267),  near  the  spot 
where  the  town  of  Hudson  now  stands. 

^  At  or  near  Catskill  Landing,  three  miles  from  Hudson,  and  about 
forty  from  Albany. 


bcadcs  and  gave  thorn  to  our  master,  and  shewed  him  all  the 
countrey  there  about  as  though  it  were  at  his  command.  So 
he  made  the  two  old  men  dine  with  him,  and  the  old  mans 
wife  :  for  they  brought  two  old  women,  and  two  young 
maidens  of  the  age  of  sixteene  or  seventecne  yeares  with 
them,  who  behaved  themselves  very  modestly.  Our  master 
gave  one  of  the  old  men  a  knife,  and  they  gave  him  and  us 
tabacco.  And  at  one  of  the  clocke  they  departed  downe  the 
river,  making  signes  that  wee  should  come  downe  to  them  ; 
for  wee  were  within  two  leagues  of  the  place  where  they 

The  seven  and  twentieth,  in  the  morning,  was  faire  wea- 
ther, but  much  wind  at  the  north ;  we  weighed  and  set  our 
fore  top-sayle,  and  our  ship  would  not  flat,  but  ran  on  the 
ozie  banke  at  half  ebbe.  AVee  layed  out  anchor  to  heave  her 
off,  but  could  not.  So  wee  sate  from  halfe  ebbe  to  halfe 
floud  :  then  wee  set  our  fore-sayle  and  mayne  top-sayle,  and 
got  downe  sixe  leagues.  The  old  man  came  aboord,  and 
would  have  had  us  anchor,  and  goe  on  land  to  eate  with 
him :  but  the  wind  being  faire,  we  would  not  yeeld  to  his 
request ;  so  hee  left  us,  being  very  sorrowfull  for  our  de- 
parture. At  five  of  the  clocke  in  the  afternoone,  the  wind 
came  to  the  south  south-west.  So  wee  made  a  boord  or  two, 
and  anchored^  in  foureteene  fathomes  water.  Then  our  boat 
went  on  shoare  to  fish  right  against  the  ship.  Our  masters 
mate  and  boatswaine,  and  three  more  of  the  companie,  went 
on  land  to  fish,  but  could  not  finde  a  good  place.  They 
tooke  foure  or  five  and  twentie  mullets,  breames,  bases,  and 
barbils ;  and  returned  in  an  houre.  We  rode  still  all 

The  ciglit  and  twentieth,  being  faire  weather,  as  soone  as 
the  day  was  light,  wee  Aveighed  at  halfe  ebbe,  and  turned 
downe  two  leagues  belowe  water  ;  for  the  streamc  doth  runuc 

^  In  the  vicinity  of  Red  Hook  (Moulton,  267),  that  is  to  say,  fourteen 
miles  from  Catskill  Lauding. 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (1609).  89 

the  last  quarter  ebbe  :  then  we  anchored  till  high  water. ^  At 
three  of  the  clocke  in  the  after-noone  we  w^eighed,  and 
turned  downe  three  leagues,  untill  it  was  darke  :  then  wee 

The  nine  and  twentieth  was  drie  close  weather ;  the  wind 
at  south,  and  south  and  by  west ;  we  weighed  early  in  the 
morning,  and  turned  downe  three  leagues  by  a  lowe  water, 
and  anchored  at  the  lower  end  of  the  long  reach ;  for  it  is 
sixe  leagues  long.  Then  there  came  certaine  Indians  in  a 
canoe  to  us,  but  would  not  come  aboord.  After  dinner 
there  came  the  canoe  with  other  men,  whereoff  three  came 
aboord  us.  They  brought  Indian  wheat,  which  we  bought 
for  trifles.  At  three  of  the  clocke  in  the  after-noone  wee 
weighed,  as  soone  as  the  ebbe  came,  and  turned  downe  to 
the  edge  of  the  mountaines,  or  the  northerniost  of  the  moun-  Moun- 


taines,  and  anchored  :  because  the  high  land  hath  many 
points,  and  a  narrow  channcll,  and  hath  manie  eddie  winds.^ 
So  we  rode  quietly  all  night  in  seven  fathoms  water. 

The  thirtieth  was  faire  weather,  and  the  wind  at  south- 
east, a  stiife  gale  betweene  the  mountaynes.     We  rode  still 
the  afternoone.     The  people  of  the  countrey  came  aboord 
US  and  brought   some   small  skinnes  with  them,  which  we  smaii  skins. 
bousjht  for  knives  and  trifles.     This  is  a  very  pleasant  place  -^  r'easant 

^  ./    X  X  place  to 

to  build  a  towne  on.    The  road  is  very  neere,  and  very  good  |'",vne''on. 
for  all  windes,  save  an  east  north-east  wind.     The  moun-  i-ikeiibood 

of  niiuerals. 

taynes  look  as  if  some  metall  or  minerall  were  in  them.    For 

^  Probably  near  the  Esopus  Island,  twelve  miles  from  Red  Hook. 

2  Below  Poughkeepsie  (Moulton).  Beacon  Hill,  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  that  place  and  opposite  New  Windsor,  is  1685  feet  high.  This  part 
of  Hudson  river  is  noted  for  its  heavy  winds.  "  The  banks  of  Hudson 
river,  especially  on  the  west  side,  as  far  as  the  highlands  extend,  are 
chiefly  rocky  cliffs.  The  passage  through  the  highlands,  which  is  sixteen 
or  eighteen  miles,  affords  a  wild  romantic  scene.  In  this  narrow  pass,  on 
each  side  of  which  the  mountains  tower  to  a  great  height,  the  wind,  if 
there  be  any,  is  collected  and  compressed,  and  blows  continually  as 
through  a  bellows.  Vessels,  in  passing  through  it,  are  often  obliged  to 
lower  their  sails"  (Thompson,  Geogr.  Diet,  of  America). 





the  trees  that  grow  on  them  were  all  blasted,  and  some  of 
them  barren,  with  few  or  no  trees  on  them.  The  people 
brought  a  stone  aboord  like  to  an  emery  (a  stone  vised  by 
glasicrs  to  cut  glasse),^  it  would  cut  iron  or  stcelc  :  yet  being 
bruised  small,  and  water  put  to  it,  it  made  a  colour  like 
blacke  lead  glistering  :  it  is  also  good  for  painters  colours. 
At  three  of  the  clocke  they  departed,  and  we  rode  still  all 

'^Jih.c  Jirst  of  October,  faire  weather,  the  wind  variable  be- 
tweene  the  west  and  the  north.  In  the  morning  we  weighed 
at  seven  of  the  clocke  with  the  ebbe,  and  got  downe  below 
the  mountaynes,  which  was  seven  leagues.  Then  it  fell 
calme  and  the  floud  was  come,  and  wee  anchored  at  twelve 
of  the  clocke.  The  people  of  the  moinitaynes  came  aboord 
us,  wondring  at  our  ship  and  weapons.  We  bought  some 
small  skinnes  of  them  for  trifles.  This  afternoone,  one  canoe 
kept  hanging  under  our  sterne  with  one  man  in  it,  which 
we  could  not  keepe  from  thence,  who  got  up  by  our  rudder 
to  the  cabin  window,  and  stole  out  my  pillow,  and  two 
shirts,  and  two  bandeleeres.  Our  masters  mate  shot  at  him, 
and  strooke  him  on  the  brest,  and  killed  him.  Whereupon 
all  the  rest  fled  away,  some  in  their  canoes,  and  so  leapt  out 
of  them  into  the  water.  We  manned  our  boat,  and  got  our 
things  againe.  Then  one  of  them  that  swamme  got  hold  of 
our  boat,  thinking  to  overthrow  it.  But  our  cooke  tookc  a 
sword,  and  cut  ofl"  one  of  his  hands,  and  he  was  drowned. 
By  this  time  the  ebbe  was  come,  and  we  weighed  and  got 
downe  two  leagues  :  by  that  time  it  was  darke.  So  we 
anchored  in  foure  fathomes  water,  and  rode  well. 

The  second,  faire  weather.  At  break  of  day  wee  weighed, 
the  wind  being  at  north-west,  and  got  downe  seven  leagues; 
then  the  floud  Avas  come  strong,  so  we  anchored.  Then 
came  one  of  the  savages  that  swamme  aM'ay  from  us  at  our 
going  up  the  river  with  many  other,  thinking  to  betray  us. 

1  Pyrilis  I 

THIRD    VOYAGE    (1609).  91 

But  wee  perceived  their  intent,  and  suffered  none  of  them 

to  enter  our  ship.     Whereupon  two  canoes  full  of  men,  with  i;\„f^"""^'^ 

their   bowcs  and   arrowes   shot   at   us   after   our  sterne  :   in  Inuc  ^'^ 

recompence  Avhereof  we  discharged  sixe  muskets,  and  killed 

two   or  three  of  them.     Then   above  an  hundred  of  them 

came  to  a  point  of  land  to  shoot  at  us.    There  I  shot  a  falcon 

at  them,  and  killed  two  of  them  :  whereupon  the  rest  fled 

into  the  woods.     Yet  they  manned  ofi'  another  canoe  with 

nine  or  ten  men,  which  came  to  meet  us.    So  I  shot  at  it  also 

a  falcon,  and  shot  it  through,  and  killed  one  of  them.     Then 

our  men  with  their  muskets  killed  three  or  foure  more  of 

them.^     So  they  went  their  way  ;  within  a  while  after  wee 

got  downe  two  leagues  beyond  that  place,  and  anchored  in 

a  bay,  cleere  from  all  danger  of  them  on  the  other  side  of 

the  river,  where  we  saw  a  very  good  piece  of  ground  :  and 

hard  by  it  there  was  a  cliffe,  that  looked  of  the  colour  of 

a  white  greene,  as  thouarh  it  were  either  copper  or  silver  "^  "'^'""^  °^ 

a  ^  ^  1  i  cojilier  or 

myne  :  and  I  thinke  it  to  be  one  of  them,  by  the  trees  that  ^''"^'' 
grow  upon  it.     For  they  be  all  burned,  and  the  other  places 
are  greene  as  grasse  ;  it  is  on  that  side  of  the  river  that  is 
called   Manna-hata."      There  we  saw   no  people   to  trouble  ^ 

The  couu- 
rey  of 

us  :   and  rode  quietly  all  night ;    but  had  much  wind  and  hat'u'.' 

^  Moulton  (i,  271)  thinks  that  this  scene  took  place  at  the  upper  end 
of  the  island  of  JManhattan  (on  which  New  York  now  stands),  near  Fort 
Washington  and  Fort  Lee,  and  that  the  next  place  mentioned  (see 
note  2)  was  opposite  Manhattan  island.  This  assertion  seems  doubtful, 
as  will  be  explained  in  the  next  note. 

^  Moulton  (i,  272)  places  this  site  nesiv  Hoboke7i,  opposite  New  York. 
This  opinion  of  the  else  so  accurate  historian  is  very  improbable.  Hud- 
son's words,  "  That  side  of  the  river  which  is  called  Manna-liatta''\ 
cannot  possibly  apply  to  anything  but  Manhattan  island  itself.  All  the 
early  chroniclers,  as  well  as  the  early  maps  and  views,  agree  in  giving 
to  that  island  the  Indian  name  which  it  still  bears ;  whilst  the  opposite 
shore,  though,  perhaps,  also  inhabited  by  the  Manhattan  tribe,  is  never 
called  Manhattan.  It  had,  on  the  contrary,  an  Indian  name  of  its  own, 
Ilopogkan,  now  corrupted  into  Ilohohen.  Moulton,  indeed,  adduces  no 
reason  for  his  supposition. 


The  third,  was  very  stormie  ;  the  wind  at  east  north-east. 
In  the  morning,  in  a  gust  of  wind  and  raine,  our  anchor 
came  home,  and  we  drove  on  ground,  but  it  was  ozie.  Then 
as  we  were  about  to  have  out  an  anchor,  the  wind  came  to 
the  north  north-west,  and  drove  us  off  againe.  Then  we 
shot  an  anchor,  and  let  it  fall  in  foure  fathomes  water,  and 
Aveighed  the  other.  Wee  had  much  wind  and  raine,  with 
thicke  weather  ;  so  we  roade  still  all  night. 

The  fourth,   was   faire   weather,  and  the   wind   at   north 

north-west ;  wee  weighed  and  came  out  of  the  river,  into 

which  we  had  runne  so  farre.^     Within  a  while  after,  wee 

came  out  also  of  the  great  mouth  of  the   great  river,  that 

The  great     runnctli  UD  to  the  north-wcst,~  borrowing  upon  the  norther 

mouth  of  _  ^  _        _  •'  o       1 

the  great      gj([g  of  the  Same,  thinking  to  have  cleepe  water  :  for  wee  had 

river.  '  o  i  ' 

sounded  a  great  way  Avith  our  boat  at  our  first  going  in,  and 
found  seven,  six,  and  five  fathomes.  So  we  came  out  that 
Avay,  but  we  were  deceived,  for  we  had  but  eight  foot  and 
an  halfe  water  :  and  so  three,  five,  three,  and  two  fathomes 
and  an  halfe.  And  then  three,  foure,  five,  sixe,  seven, 
eight,  nine  and  ten  fathomes.  And  by  twelve  of  the  clocke 
Theyieave    wc  Were  clecrc  of  all  the  inlet.     Then  we  took  in  our  boat, 

the  coasi  of 

Virginia,  and  Set  our  mayne-sayle,  and  sprit-sayle,  and  our  top-sayles, 
and  steered  away  east  south-east,  and  south-east  by  east  off 
into  the  mayne  sea  :  and  the  land  on  the  souther  side  of  the 
bay  or  inlet  did  beare  at  noone  west  and  by  south  foure 
leagues  from  us. 

The  Jifth  was  fciire  weather,  and  the  wind  variable  be- 
tweene  the  north  and  the  east.  Wee  held  on  our  course 
south-east  by  east.  At  noone  I  observed  and  found  our 
height  to  bee  39  degrees,  30  minutes.  Our  compasse  varied 
sixe  degrees  to  the  west. 

Wc  continued  our  course  toward  England,  without  seeing 

^  Hudson  river,  from  the  source  to  New  York  V>Ay. 
-  The  mouLli  of  the  Hudson  trends  to  the  north-west,  where  Raritou 
ri\cr  falls  into  it. 


any  land  by  the  way,  all  the  rest  of  this  moncth  of  October  : 
and  on  the  secenth  day  of  November,  stilo  novo,  being  Satur- 
day, by  the  grace  of  God  we  safely  arrived  in  the  range  of 
Dartmouth,  in  Devonshire,  in  the  yeere  1609. 



The  seventeenth  of  Aprill,    1610,    we  brake   ground,  and  April  ir. 
went  downe  from  Saint  Katharines  Poole,^  and  fell  downe  to 
Blackewall ;  and   so  plyed   downe   with  the   ships   to   Lee, 
which  was  the  two  and  twentieth  day. 

The  two  and  twentieth,  I  caused  Master  Coleburne-  to  bee 
put  into  a  pinke  bound  for  London,  with  my  letter  to  the 
Adventurars,  importing  the  reason  wherefore  I  so  put  him 
out  of  the  ship,  and  so  plyed  forth. 

The  second  of  May,  the  wind  southerly,  at  eeven  we  were  May. 
thwart  of  Flamborough  Head. 

The /f/if,  we  were  at  the  iles  of  Orkney,  and  here  I  set  the  xheiiesof 


north  end  of  the  needle,  and  the  north  of  the  flie  all  one. 

The   sixt,  wee   were   in  the   latitude   of  59   degrees,   22  Note. 

^  Where  St.  Katharine's  Dock  now  is ;  near  the  Tower. 

^  According  to  Pricket  the  man's  name  was  Colbert ;  according  to  Fox 
(X.  W.  Fox,  p.  70)  it  was  Coolbrand.  The  occurrence  took  place  near 
Sheppey  island,  in  the  road  of  Lee.  Fox's  curious  notice  about  this 
Master  Coolbrand  is  given  in  the  present  collection. 


minutes,  and  there  perceived  that  the  north  end  of  Scotland, 
Orney,  and  Shetland'  are  not  so  northerly  as  is  commonly 
set  downc.-  The  eight  day  wee  saw  Farre  Ilands,^  in  the 
latitude  of  G2  degrees,  24  minutes.  The  eleventh  day  we 
fell  with  the  easter  part  of  Island,  and  then  plying  along  the 

westmony.  souther  part  of  the  land  we  came  to  Westmony,*  being 
the  ffteenth  day,  and  still  plyed  about  the  mayne  iland 
untill  the  last  of  May,  with  contrary  winds,  and  we  got 
some  fowles  of  divers  sorts. 

June.  The  first  clay  of  June  we  put  to  sea  out  of  an  harbour,  in 

the  westermost  part  Island,  and  so  plyed  to  the  westward  in 
the  latitude  of  66  degrees,  34  minutes,  and  the  second  day 
plyed  and  found  ourselves  in  65»degrees,  57  minutes,  with 
little  wind  easterly. 

The  third  day  wee  found  ourselves  in  Qih  degrees,  30 
minutes,  with  winde  at  north-east ;  a  little  before  this  we 
sayled  neere  some  ice. 

Groneiand.  'W\c  fouvth  day  wc  saw  Gronclaud''^  over  the  ice  perfectly, 
and  this  night  the  sunnc  went  downe  due  north,  and  rose 
north-north  east.  So  plying  the  fift  day  we  were  in  65 
degrees,  still  encombred  with  much  ice,  which  hung  upon 
the  coast  of  Groneiand. 

Frobishera        xhc  ninth  dav  wcc  wcrc  off  Frobishers  Streights,^'  with  the 

Streights.  •'  o         ' 

winde  northerly,  and  plyed  unto  the  south-westwards  untill 
Xhe.  fifteenth  day. 

1l\\q  fifteenth  day  we  were  in  sight  of  the  land,  in  latitude 

^  Orkney  and  Shetland. 

^  They  are  often  laid  down  on  old  charts  nearly  a  degree  too  high. 

^  The  Faroer  islands. 

■*  The  Westman  or  Westnianna  islands,  south  of,  and  close  to,  Iceland. 
They  belong  to  the  province  of  Iceland. 

°  That  is  to  say,  the  northern  part  of  Greenland.  The  southern  part 
•was  called  Desolation.  Frobishcr's  strait,  which  Hudson's  contempora- 
ries believed  to  be  in  Greenland,  was  thought  to  separate  Gronland 
from  Desolation.  The  origin  of  these  notions  is  most  curious.  The  reader 
will  find  them  explained  in  the  Introduction  to  the  present  volume. 

"  Sec  last  note. 


59  degrees,  27  minutes/  which  was  called  by  Captayne  John 

Davis  Desolation,  and  found  the  errour  of  the  former  laying  i^esoiation, 

downe  of  that  land  :  and  then  running  to  the  north-westward 

untill  the  twentieth  day,  wee  found  the  ship  in  60  degrees, 

42  minutes,  and  saw  much  ice,  and  many  riplings  or  over- 

fals,  and  a  strong  streame   setting   from  east  south-east  to  ^^  c"'"'ent 

west  north-west.  '^^^'• 

The  one  and  twentie,  tivo  and  ticcntle,  and  three  and 
tioentie  dayes,  with  the  winde  variable,  we  plyed  to  the 
north-westward  in  sight  of  much  ice,  into  the  height  of 
62  degrees,  29  minutes.- 

The  foure  and  twentie  and  five  and  tiventie  dayes,  sayling  East 

^  -^  •!        '        J  ^  entrance 

to  the  westward  about  midnight,  wee  saw  land  north,  which  "trei'ius. 
was  suddenly  lost  againe.     So  wee  ranne  still  to  the  west- 
ward in  62  degrees,  17  minutes.^ 

The  fift  of  July  wee  plyed  up  upon  the  souther  side,  "^"'y- 
troubled  Avith  much  ice  in  seeking  the  shoare  untill  the  Jift 
day  of  July,  and  we  observed  that  day  in  59  degrees,  16 
minutes.^  Then  we  plyed  off  the  shoare  againe,  untill  the 
eight  day,  and  then  found  the  height  of  the  pole  in  60  de- 
grees, no  minutes.  Here  we  saw  the  land  from  the  north- 
west by  west,  halfe  northerly,  unto  the  south-west  by  west, 
covered  with  snow,  a  champaigne  land,  and  called  it  Desire  pryfcfj-gti, 

We  still  plyed  up  to  the  westward,  as  the  land  and  ice 
would  suffer  untill  the  eleventh  day ;  when  fearing  a  storme, 
we  anchored   by  three  rockie  ilands  in   uncertayne   depth, 

^  This  latitude,  59°  27',  can,  unfortunately,  not  be  maintained.  The 
most  southern  part,  even  of  the  islands  about  Cape  Farewell,  does  not 
reach  down  farther  than  59°  35'.  The  cape  itself  is,  according  to  the 
best  authorities,  under  59°  45'.  Hudson's  mistake  therefore  extends  to 
eight  or  nine  minutes  at  least,  and  may  be  greater. 

^  Near  Cape  Elizabeth,  coast  of  Labrador. 

^  In  Hall's  sound,  south  of  Resolution  island. 

*  Near  Ittimenaktok  island,  eastern  shore  of  Ungava  bay,  and  south- 
east of  Akpatok  island. 


"betweene  two  and  nine  fatliomes  ;  and  found  it  an  harbour 

unsufficient  by  reason  of  sunken  rockes,  one  of  which  was 

next  morning  two  fathomes  above  water.     Wee  called  them 

lies  of  Gods  the  Isles  of  Gods  Mercies.'      The  water  floweth  here  better 


then  foure  f^ithomes.  The  floud  commeth  from  the  north, 
flowing  eight  the  change  day.  The  latitude  in  this  place  is  62 
degrees,  9  minutes.  Then  plying  to  the  south-westward  the 
sixteenth  day,  wee  were  in  the  latitude  of  58  degrees,  50 
minutes,-  but  found  our  selves  imbayed  with  land,  and  had 
much  ice  :  and  we  plyed  to  the  north-westward  untill  the 
nineteenth    day,   and    then    wee    found    by   observation    the 

Hold  with  height  of  the  pole  in  61  degrees,  24  minutes,  and  saw  the 
land,  which  I  named  Hold  with  Hope.-^  Hence  I  plyed  to 
the  north-westward  still,  untill  the  one  and  txoentieth  day, 

Amightie    "with  the  wiud  variable.    Here  I  found  the  sea  more  growne 

growiie  sea. 

then  any  wee  had  since  wee  left  England. 

The  three  and  twentieth  day,  by  observation  the  height  of 

the  pole  was  61  degrees,  33  minutes.     The  jite  and  ticen- 

Magna        ticth  dav  WO  saw  the  land,  and  named  it  Magna  Britannia,'* 

Britauuia.  •'  ■- 

The  size  and  twentieth  day  wee  observed  and  found  the  lati- 
tude in  62  degrees,  44  minutes.  The  eight  and  twentieth 
day  we  were  in  the  height  of  63  degrees,  10  minutes,^  and 
plyed  southerly  of  the  west.  The  owe  and  thirtieth  day, 
plying  to  the  westward,  at  noonc  wee  found  ourselves  in  62 
degrees,  24  minutes. 

The^rs^  of  August  we  had  sight  of  the  northerne  shoare, 
from  the  north  by  east  to  the  west  by  south  off  us  :  the  north 
part  twelve  leagues,  and  the  wester  part  twentie  leagues  from 
us :  and  we  had  no  ground  there  at  one  hundred  and  cightie 
fathomes.     And  I  thinke  I  saw  land  on  the  sunnc  side,  but 

^  Saddle  Back,  and  the  surrounding  islands,  to  the  south  of  Jack- 
man's  sound,  (62°  10'  N.;  70"  25'  W.) 

'^  Between  Akpatok  (59°  15')  and  Tessiujak  (58°  50'),  on  the  west 
shore  of  Ungava  bay. 

=•  Long  island  (Hudson's  bay);  GF  25'  N.;  70°  20'  W. 

"  About  01°  25'  N.;  70°  20'  W.  •"'  To  the  of  Charles  island. 


could  not  make  it  perfectly,  bearing  east  north-east.  Here 
I  found  the  latitude  62  degrees,  50  minutes.^ 

The  second  day  we  had  sight  of  a  faire  headland  on  the 
norther  shoare,  six  leagues  off,  which  I  called   Salisburies  fn'Ssijuiiea 

"  -^  I'  ore-laud. 

Fore-land :-  wee  ranne  from  them  west  south-west,  fourtecne 
leagues  :  in  the  midway  of  which  wee  were  suddenly  come 
into  a  great  and  whurling  sea,  whether  caused  by  meeting  a  great  ana 


of  two  streames  or  an  over-fall,  I  know  not.    Thence  sayling  sea. 
west  and  by  south  seven  leagues  farther,  we  were  in  the 
mouth  of  a  streight  and   sounded,  and  no   ground  at  oncAstreigut 

T  I        ,     ,.     I  ,  •     1        1      •  1  1  which  led  US 

nunclred  latnomes  :  the  streight  being  there  not  above  two  into  the 

.  ,  deepe  bay 

leagues  broad,  in  the  passage  in  this  wester  part :  which,  of  goJs 
from  the  caster  part  of  Fretum  Davis,  is  distant  two  hun-  ^^'■"^^• 
dred  and  fiftie  leagues  thereabouts."^ 

The  third  day  we  put  through  the  narrow  passage,  after 
our  men  had  beene  on  land,  which  had  well  observed  there, 
that  the  floud  did  come  from  the  north,  flowing  by  the 
shoare  five  fathomes.  The  head  of  this  entrance  on  the  south 
side  I  named  Cape  Worsenholme;*  and  the  head  on  the  north-  cape  wor- 
wester  shoare  I  called  Cape  Digs.''  After  wee  had  sailed  with  capeDigs. 
an  easterly  winde,  west  and  by  south  ten  leagues,  the  land 
fell  away  to  the  southward,  and  the  other  iles,  and  land  left 
us  to  the  westward.  Then  I  observed  and  found  the  ship  at 
noone  in  61  degrees,  20  minutes,  and  a  sea  to  the  westward. 

^  The  land  they  saw  was  Charles  island,  the  most  northern  point  of 
which  is  about  62°  47'.     (Latitude  77°  20'  W.) 

2  Salisbury  island,  63°  40'  N.  ;  77°  W. 

^  This  calculation  is  not  far  wrong.  The  real  distance,  as  the  crow 
flies,  is  about  one  thousand  English  miles. 

■*  Cape  Wolstenholme  of  our  present  maps.  The  spelling  of  the  name 
was  not  settled.  That  which  now  prevails  is  taken  from  Purchas,  who 
follows  it  generally,  though  not  always. 

^  Not  the  cape  which  bears  this  name  at  the  present  day,  but  a  cape 
on  a  small  island,  one  of  the  Diggs'  islands  group,  opposite  Cape  Wolsten- 
holme, and  only  two  leagues  (about  six  sea  miles  or  knots)  from  it.  The 
present  Cape  Diggs  owes  its  name,  most  probably,  to  a  mistake.  On  the 
original  chart  of  Hudson's  Bay,  the  names  are  not  very  carefully  put 
down  near  the  places  to  which  they  belong  ;  thus  early  geographers  were 
misled,  and  their  successors  have  faithfully  copied  them.  13 




AVe  began  our  voyage  for  the  north-west  passage,  the  seccn- 

tecnth  of  Aprill,  1610,     Thwart  of  Shepey,'  our  master  sent 

Master   Colbert  back   to  the  owners  with  his  letter.     The 

next  day  we  weighed  from  hence  and  stood   for  Harwich, 

and  came  thither  the  eight  and  twentieth  of  Apr  ill.     From 

Harwich  we  set  sayle  theirs/ q/Jfr/y,  along  the  coast  to  the 

Orkney,       north,  till  we  came  to  the  isles  of  Orkney,  from  thence  to 

Island.  ^*'    the  iles  of  Faro,  and  fiom  thence  to  Island  :  on  which  we 

fell  in  a  fogge,  hearing  the  rut  of  the  sea  ashoare,  but  saw 

not   the   land   whereupon   our    master   came   to   an   anchor. 

The  south-    Hccrc  wc  werc  embayed  in  the  south-east  part  of  the  land. 

east  part 

of  Island.  Wcc  Weighed  and  stood  along  the  coast,  on  the  west  side 
towards  the  north  :  but  one  day  being  calme  we  fell  a  fish- 
ing, and  caught  good  store  of  fish,  as  cod,  and  ling,  and 
butte,  with  some  other  sorts  that  we  knew  not.  The  next 
day  we  had  a  good  gale  of  wind  at  south-west,  and  raysed 

wostmouie  the  ilcs  of  Wcstmonie,  where  the  king  of  Denmarke  hath  a 
fortresse,  by  which  we  passed  to  rayse  the  Snow  Hill  foot,- 
a  mountayne  so  called  on  the  north-west  part  of  the  land. 

Mount        But  in  our  course  we  saw  that  famous  hill.  Mount  Hecla, 


castethout   ^yhich  cast  out  much  fire,  a  si^nc  of  foule  weather  to  come 

fire.  ^  ^ 

in  short  time.     Wee  leave  Island  a  stcrne  of  us,  and  met  a 

A  uiayne      mayuc  of  icc,  which  did  hang  on  the  north  part  of  Island, 

and  stretched  downe  to  the  west,  which  when  our  master 

saw,  he  stood  back  for  Island  to  find  an  harbour,  which  wc 

'  Shcppey  islam!,  in  the  muutli  of  the  Tiiames. 

"^  Sncefials-Jiikull,  a  luountaiu  on  the  west  coast  of  Icohiud,  in  Wost- 
hunl,  ili.strict  of  Sucefieldness,  -Ij.OOO'  high. 


did  on   the  north-west   part,   called    Derefcr,*' where  wee'ornim- 


killed  good  store  of  fowle.  From  hence  we  put  to  sea  againe, 
but  neither  wind  nor  weather  serving,  our  master  stood 
backe  for  this  harbour  againe,  but  could  not  reach  it,  but 
fell  with  another  to  the  south  of  that,  called  by  our  English- 
men Lousie  Bay  :^  where  on  the  shoare  we  found  an  hot  LousieBrtv. 
bath,  and  here  all  our  Englishmen  bathed  themselves:  the '^"''''"'''^''' 
water  was  so  hot  that  it  would  scald  a  fowle. 

From  hence,  the  -first  of  June,  we  put  to  sea  for  Grone- The  first 

^  J  J  '  i:  ^         of  June. 

land,  but  to  the  west  wee  saw  land  as  we  thought,  for  which 
we  beare  the  best  part  of  a  day,  but  it  proved  but  a  foggie 
banke.  So  wee  gave  it  over  and  made  for  Gronland,  which 
we  raysed  the  fourth  of  June.  Upon  the  coast  thereof  hung 
good  store  of  ice,  so  that  our  master  could  not  attayne  to  the 
shoare  by  any  meanes.  The  land  in  this  part  is  very  moun- 
taynous,  and  full  of  round  hils,  like  to  sugar-loaves,  covered 
with  snow.  AVe  turned  the  land  on  the  south  side,  as  neere 
as  the  ice  would  suffer  us.  Our  course  for  the  most  part 
was  betweene  the  west  and  north-west,  till  we  raysed  the 
Desolations,  which  is  a  great  Hand  in  the  west  part  of  {]g"^',j^jj^,i 
Groneland.  On  this  coast  we  saw  store  of  whales,  and  at  whales! 
one  time  three  of  them  came  close  by  us,  so  as  wee  could 
hardly  shunne  them:  then  two  passing  very  neere,  and  the 
third  going  under  our  ship,  wee  received  no  harme  by  them, 
praysed  be  God. 

From  the  Desolations  our  master  made  his  way  north- 
west, the  wind  being  against  him,  who  else  would  have  gone 
more  to  the  north  :  but  in  this  course  we  saw  the  first  great 
iland  or  mountayne  of  ice,  whereof  after  we  saw  store. 
About  the  latter  end  of  June^  we  raysed  land  to  the  north  of 

^  Dyre  fiord,  a  gulf  on  the  north-west  coast  of  the  northern  peninsula 
of  Iceland,  66=  42'  N.;  24°  20'  W. 

'■^  Breyde  Fiord  (mostly  called  Brede  Bay  on  English  maps),  a  large 
bay  on  the  west  coast  of  Iceland,  where  some  hot  springs  rise  from  the 
bottom  of  the  sea.  (65°  20'  N.  ;  23°  W.) 

100  A    LARGER    DISCOURSE    OF    THE    SAME    VOYAGE, 

US,  which  our  master  tooke  to  bee  that  iland  which  Master 
Davis  setteth  downe  in  his  chart.*  On  the  west  side  of  his 
strcight,  our  master  would  have  gone  to  the  north  of  it,  but 
the  wind  would  not  suffer  him  :  so  \\c  fell  to  the  south  of  it, 
into  a  great  rippling  or  overfall  of  current,  the  which  setteth 
to  the  west.  Into  the  current  we  went,  and  made  our  way 
to  the  north  of  the  west,  till  we  met  with  ice  which  hung  on 
this  iland.  Wherefore  our  master  casting  about,  cleered 
himselfe  of  this  ice,  and  stood  to  the  south,  and  then  to  the 
west,  through  store  of  floting  ice,  and  upon  the  ice  store  of 
scales.  AVe  gained  a  cleere  sea,  and  continued  our  course 
till  wee  mcete  ice ;  first,  with  great  ilands,  and  then  with 
store  of  the  smaller  sort.  Betweene  them  we  made  our 
course  north-west,  till  we  met  with  ice  againe.  But,  in  this 
our  going  betweene  the  ice,  we  saw  one  of  the  gri'at  ilands  of 
ice  overt urne,  which  was  a  good  warning  to  us,  not  to  come 
nigh  them  nor  within  their  reach. ^  Into  the  ice  wee  put 
ahead,  as  betweene  two  lands.  The  next  day  wee  had  a 
stormc,  and  the  wind  brought  the  ice  so  fast  upon  us,  that 
in  the  end  we  were  driven  to  put  her  into  the  chiefest  of  the 
ice,  and  there  to  let  her  lie.  Some  of  our  men  this  day  fell 
sicke,  I  will  not  say  it  was  for  feare,  although  I  saw  small 
signe  of  other  griefe. 

The  storme  ceasing,  we  stood  out  of  the  ice,  where  wee 
saw  any  cleere  sea  to  go  to  :  which  was  sometime  more  and 
sometime  lesse.  Our  course  was  as  the  ice  did  lye,  some- 
time to  the  north,  then  to  the  north-west,  and  then  to  the 
west   and   to   the   south-west :    but    still   inclosed   with   ice. 

^  Resolution  island.  Two  delineations  taken  from  Davis's  survey 
are  still  in  existence.  The  one  is  on  an  engraved  planisphere,  in- 
serted into  a  copy  of  Ilakluyt,  in  the  British  Museum  ;  the  other 
on  the  celebrated  globe  by  Molyneux,  quoted  in  Davis's  summary 
account  of  his  voyages,  and  still  preserved  in  the  library  of  the  Middle 

-  According  to  IJarrow,  this  overturning  is  caused  by  the  melting  and 
conscijuent  splitting  of  the  icebergs. 


Which  when  our  master  saw,  he  made  his  course  to  the 
south,  thinking  to  cleere  himselfe  of  the  ice  that  way  :  but 
the  more  he  strove  the  worse  he  Avas,  and  the  more  inclosed, 
till  wee  could  goe  no  further.  Here  our  master  was  in 
dcspaire,  and  (as  he  told  me  after)  he  thought  he  should 
never  have  got  out  of  this  ice,  but  there  have  perished. 
Therefore  hee  brought  forth  his  card,^  and  shewed  all  the 
com  pan  V,  that  hee  was  entered  above  an  hundred  leasfues  Hudson 

i         -  '  ^  O      ^     entered  100 

further  then  ever  any  English  was  :  and  left  it  to  their  jher"hen"^' 
choice,  whether  they  would  proceed  any  further ;  yea,  or  been!""^ 
nay.  Whereupon  some  were  of  one  minde  and  some  of  ano- 
ther, some  wishing  themselves  at  home  and  some  not  caring 
where,  so  they  were  out  of  the  ice  :  but  there  were  some 
who  then  spake  words,  which  were  remembred  a  great  while 

There  was  one  who  told  the  master,  that  if  he  had  an  Discontents, 
hundred  pounds,  hee  would  give  foure-score  and  ten  to  be 
at  home :   but  the  carpenter  made  answere,  that  if  hee  had 
an  hundred,  hee  would  not  give  ten  upon  such  condition, 
but  would  thinke  it  to  be  as  good  money  as  ever  he  had  any, 

'  There  is  an  evident  blunder  in  Pricket's  rather  vague  recollections. 
The  card  here  mentioned  must  have  been  based  on  Weymouth's  explo- 
rations, which  Hudson  was  made  acquainted  with  by  Peter  Plancius, 
learning,  as  is  expressly  stated,  that  Weymouth  entered  100  leagues  into 
the  strait.  If  Hudson  had  really  said  that  he  had  proceeded  100  leagxies 
farther  than  any  Englishman,  he  would  be  guilty  either  of  an  idle  boast, 
or  of  a  most  enormous  mistake.  Desire  Provokes  (Akpatok),  which  he 
reached  immediately  after  the  mutiny,  is  no  more  than  60  leagues  even 
from  the  north-eastern  extremity  of  the  strait  (where  he  entered  it). 
Several  of  his  statements,  beside  the  chart,  prove  that  he  had  a  very  fair 
idea  of  the  distances  he  had  sailed.  It  is  therefore  impossible  to  suppose 
that  he  believed  himself  to  be  200  leagues  from  the  mouth  of  the  strait, 
when  he  was  really  not  more  than  60.  The  following  explanation  may, 
perhaps,  solve  the  difficulty.  Hudson  had,  undoubtedly,  not  sailed  200 
leagues  into  the  strait,  when  the  mutiny  took  place.  He  had,  however, 
most  probably  sailed  200  leagues  within  it,  exploring,  as  he  did,  both 
the  northern  and  southern  shore,  which  are  in  some  places  more  than 
4  degrees  (80  leagues)  distant  from  each  other.  The  scene  of  the  mutiny 
is  in  Ungava  Bay,  between  the  south-eastern  shore  and  Akpatok  island. 

102         A    LARCxER    DISCOURSE    OF    THE    SAME    VOYAGE, 

and  to  bring  it  as  well  home,  by  the  leave  of  God.     After 
many  words  to  no  purpose,  to  workc  we  must  on  all  hands, 
to  get  ourselves  out  and  to  cleerc  our  ship.     After  much 
labour  and  time  spent,  we  gained  roome  to  turne  our  ship 
in,  and  so  by  little  and  little,  to  get  cleere   in  the   sea   a 
league  or  two  off,  our  course  being  north  and  north-west. 
In  the  end  we  raysed  land  to  the  south-west,  high  land  and 
Dosire        covcrcd  witli  suow.     Our  master  named  this  land.  Desire 
Provokes.'    Lying  here,  wee  heard  the  noyse  of  a  great  over- 
fall of  a  tyde,  that  came  out  of  the  land :  for  now  we  might 
see  well  that  wee  had  beene  embayed  before,  and  time  had 
made  us  know,  being  so  well  acquainted  with  the  ice,  that 
when  night,  or  foggie  or  foule  weather  tooke  us,  we  would 
seek  out  the  broadest  iland  of  ice  and  there  come  to  anchor. 
Exercises  of  and  runue,  and  sport,  and  fill  water  that  stood  on  the  ice  in 
nii.i  profit     ponds,  both  sweete  and  ffood.     But  after  we  had  brou2:ht 

on  the  ice.      ^    .  °  ° 

this  land  to  beare  south  of  us,  we  had  the  tyde  and  the  cur- 

Difference    ^'^^t  to  opcu  thc  icc,  as  bciug  carricd  first  one  way  and  then 

bayes.^"''"   auotlicr:  bvit  in  bayes  they  lye  as  in  a  pond  witliout  moving. 

In  this  bay^  where  wee  were  thus  troubled  with  ice,  wee 

saw  many  of  those  mountaynes  of  ice  aground,  in  sixc  or 

sevenscore   fathome   water.     In  this   our   course   we  saw  a 

bcare  ujion  a  piece  of  ice  by  itsclfe,  to  the  which  our  men 

gave  chase  with  their  boat :  but  before  they  came  nigh  her, 

Jce  about     the  tyde  had  carried  thc  ice  and  the  beare  on  it,  and  joined  it 

lUOl'ulliunu'.       .  .  I'll 

with   the   other  ice  :    so   they  lost   their  labour,  and  came 
aboord  againe. 

^  Akpatok  island.  There  is  again  some  confusion  in  the  course  as 
given  by  Pricket.  It  lies  too  much  west  and  not  enough  south.  The  posi- 
tive statement  by  Hudson,  that  he  was  in  59°  IG'  a  few  days  before 
he  reached  Desire  Provokes,  in  G0°,  proves  beyond  all  doubt  that  the 
scene  of  these  explorations  was  Ungava  Bay,  and  that  Desire  Provokes 
is  Akpatok.  This  is  also  supported  by  Pricket's  own  statement  (see 
note  2)  that  they  had  been  embayed  before  thoy  reached  Desire  Provokes. 

"  Thc  bay  in  which  thoy  had  been  embayed  before  they  reached 
Desire  Pruvokes  (sec  nine  Hues  higher  up),  that  is  to  say,  Ungava  Bay. 


We  continued  our  course  to  the  north-west,  and  rayscd 
land  to  the  north  of  our  course,  toward  which  we  made,  and 
comming  nigh  it,  there  hung  on  the  eastermost  point  many 
Hands  of  floting  ice,  and  a  beare  on  one  of  them,  which  from 
one  to  another  came  towards  us,  till  she  was  readie  to  come 
aboord.  But  when  she  saw  us  looke  at  her,  she  cast  her 
head  betweene  her  hinde  legges,  and  then  dived  under  the 
ice  :  and  so  from  one  piece  to  another,  till  she  was  out  of 
our  reach.  We  stood  along  by  the  land  on  the  south  side 
ahead  of  us  ;  wee  met  with  ice  that  hung  on  a  point  of  land 
that  lay  to  the  south,  more  then  this  that  we  came  up  by  : 
which  when  our  master  saw,  he  stood  in  for  the  shoare.  At 
the  west  end  of  this  iland  (for  so  it  is)  we  found  an  har- 
bour, and  came  in  (at  a  full  sea)  over  a  rocke,  which  had  Adnnyerous 

^  V  /  5  rocke. 

two  fathome  and  an  halfe  on  it,  and  was  so  much  bare  at  a 
low  water.  But  by  the  great  mercie  of  God,  we  came  to  an 
anchor  cleere  of  it :  and  close  by  it  our  master  named  them 
the  lies  of  Gods  Mercie.     This  is  an  harbour  for  need,  but  uesof  coda 


there  must  be  care  had  how  they  came  in.  Heere  our  master 
sent  me,  and  others  with  me,  to  discover  to  the  north  and 
north-west :  and  in  going  from  one  place  to  another,  we 
sprung  a  covey  of  partridges  which  were  young  :  at  the  Partridges. 
which  Thomas  Woodhouse  shot,  but  killed  only  the  old 

This  iland  is  a  most  barren  place,  having  nothing  on  it  but 
plashes  of  water  and  riven  rockes,  as  it  were  subject  to  earth- 
quakes. To  the  north  there  is  a  great  bay  or  sea^  (for  I 
know  not  what  it  will  prove),  where  I  saw  a  great  iland  of 
ice  aground,  betweene  the  two  lands  which  with  the  spring- 
tide was  set  afloat,  and  carried  into  this  bay  or  sea  to  the 
north-westward,  but  came  not  backe  againe,  nor  within 
sight.  Heere  wee  tooke  in  some  drift  wood  that  we  found  Driftwood, 

From  hence  we  stood  to  the  south-west,  to  double  the  land 
^  Jackman's  sound. 

104         A    LARGER    DISCOURSE    OF    THE    SAME    VOYAGE, 

to  the  west  of  us/  through  much  floting  ice  :  in  the  ende  wee 
found  a  cleere  sea,  and  continued  therein,  till  wee  raysed 
land  to  the  north-west.  Then  our  master  made  his  course 
more  to  the  south  then  before,  but  it  was  not  long  ere  we 
met  with  ice  which  lay  ahead  of  us.  Our  master  would  have 
doubled  this  ice  to  the  north,  but  could  not ;  and  in  the  end 
put  into  it  downe  to  the  south-west  through  much  ice,  and 
then  to  the  south,  where  we  embayed  againe.  Our  master 
strove  to  get  the  shoare,  but  could  not,  for  the  great  store  of 
ice  that  was  on  the  coast.  From  out  of  this  bay  we  stood  to 
the  north,  and  were  soone  out  of  the  ice:  then  downe  to  the 
south-west,  and  so  to  the  west,  where  we  were  enclosed  (to 
our  sight)  with  land  and  ice.  For  wee  had  land  from  the 
south  to  the  north-west  on  one  side,  and  from  the  east  to  the 
west  on  the  other  ;  but  the  land  that  was  to  the  north  of  us 
and  lay  by  east  and  west,  was  but  an  ilaud.  On  we  went 
till  Ave  could  goe  no  further  for  ice  :  so  we  made  our  ship 
fast  to  the  ice  which  the  tyde  brought  upon  us,  but  when 
the  ebbe  came,  the  ice  did  open,  and  made  way  ;  so  as  in 
seven  or  eight  houres  we  were  cleere  from  the  ice,  till  we 
came  to  weather ;  but  onely  some  of  the  great  ilands,  that 
were  carried  along  with  us  to  the  north-west. 

Having  a  cleere  sea,  our  master  stood  to  the  west  along 
by  the  south  shoare,  and  raysed  three  capes  or  head-lands 

Three  capes,  lying  ouc  aboYC  another.  The  middlemost  is  an  iland,  and 
maketh  a  bay  or  harbour,  Avhich  (I  take)  will  prove  a  good 

rrince        ouc.    Our  uiastcr  named  them  Prince  Henries  Cape  or  Fore- 


^''^po-  land.  When  we  had  layd  this  we  raised  another,  which  was 
the  extreme  point  of  the  land  looking  towards  the  north  : 
upon  it  are  two  hills/  but  one  (above  the  rest)  like  an  hay- 

^  The  Upper  Savage  Islands,  and  the  land  around  North  Bay.  (62''  30' 
N.  ;  70'  W.) 

•■»  North  Bluff.  (62°  36'  N.;  71°  26'  W.) 

''  A  pretty  accurate  description  of  the  southern  sliorc  of  the  strait, 
from  Cape  Hope  (or  Hope's  Advance)  to  Deception  Bay. 


cocke,  which  our  master  named  King  James  his  Cape.^    To  King.rnmos 

his  Ctipe. 

the  north  of  this  lie  ccrtaine  ilancls,  which  our  master  named 
Queene  Annes  Cape  or  Fore-Land.~  Wee  followed  the  north  (lueeu 
shoare  still,  iieyond  the  Kings  Oape  there  is  a  sound  or 
bay,  that  hath  some  Hands  in  it :  and  this  is  not  to  be  for- 
gotten, if  need  be.  Beyond  this  lyeth  some  broken  land, 
close  to  the  maync,  but  what  it  is  I  know  not,  because  we 
passed  by  it  in  the  night. 

Wee  stood  to  the  north  to  double  this  land,  and  after  to 
the  west  againe,  till  wee  fell  with  land  that  stretched  from 
the  mayne,  like  a  shewer^  from  the  south  to  the  north,  and 
from  the  north  to  the  west,  and  then  downe  to  the  south 
againe.  Being  short  of  this  land  a  storme  took  us,  the  wind 
at  west :  we  stood  to  the  north  and  raised  land,  which  when 
our  master  saw  he  stood  to  the  south  againe,  for  he  was 
loath  at  any  time  that  wee  should  see  the  north  shoare.  The 
storme  continuing,  and  comming  to  the  south  shoare  againe,  Nntc 
our  master  found  him.self  shot  to  the  west  a  great  way,  which 
made  him  muse,  considering  his  leeward  way.  To  the  south- 
west of  this  land,  on  the  mayne,  there  is  an  high  hill,  which 
our  master  named  Mount  Charles.*    To  the  north  and  beyond  Mnnnt 


this  lieth  an  Hand,  that  to  the  east  had  a  faire  head,  and 

1  Probably  Cape  Weggs.    (G2'  25'  N.  ;  73°  40'  W.) 

2  Evidently  north-east  of  Charles's  island  ;  about  63°  50'  N.;  73°  40'  W. 
This  shore  is  very  imperfectly  known,  at  least  according  to  the  last 
Admiralty  chart  of  the  Arctic  Sea  (1853) ;  and  it  would  be  hazardous  to 
make  any  positive  statement  about  this  site. 

^  A  skewer  1  The  rather  confused  course,  before  and  afterwards,  till 
they  reached  Charles  Island,  allows  us  no  satisfactory  guess  about  the 
position  of  this  s/iewer  or  skewer.  Did  they  perhaps  fall  in  with  Charles 
Island,  then  sail  to  the  north,  then  a  little  to  the  west,  and  then  to  the 
south,  and  thus  again  to  Charles  Island  1  The  above  description  is  in 
accordance  with  the  real  aspect  of  the  northern  shore  of  the  island. 

*  Charles's  Island.  According  to  Becherelle,  "  siiue  a  30  ou  35  kilo- 
metres  de  la  cote  N.  du  Labrador,  dans  le  detroit  de  Hudson,  long,  de  3(i 
kil.  sur  40  ;  lat.  68°  40'  ;  longit.  77°  20'."  Hudson  mistook  it  for  part  of 
the  mainland.  ^ 

106  A    LARGER    DISCOURSE    OF    THE    SAME    VOYAGE, 

beyond  it  to  the  west  other  broken  land/  which  niakcth  a 
bay  within,  and  a  good  road  may  be  found  there  for  ships. 
Cape  Sals-    Qyj.  niastor  named  tbe  first  Cape  Salsburie.^ 

bune.  '■ 

When  we  had  left  this  to  the  north-east,  we  fell  into  a 
rippling  or  overfall  of  a  current,  which  at  the  first  we  tooke 
to  bee  a  shoald  :  but  the  lead  being  cast,  wee  had  no 
ground.  On  we  passed,  still  in  sight  of  the  south  shoarc, 
till  we  raised  land  lying  from  the  mayne  some  two  leagues. 
Our  master  tooke  this  to  bee  a  part  of  the  mayne  of  the 
north  land ;  but  it  is  an  iland,  the  north  side  stretching  out 
to  the  west  more  then  the  south.  This  iland  had  a  faire 
head  to   the   east,   and  very  high  land,  which   our   master 

Deepes  named  Decpes  Cape  :^  and  the  land  on  the  south  side,  now 
fidling  away  to  the  south,  makes  another  cape  or  headland. 

Worsen-       whicli  our  master  named  Worsenhams  Cape.*     AVhen  wee 

linms  Cape. 

were  nigh  the  North  or  Iland  Cape,  our  master  sent  the  boat 
ashoare,  with  my  selfe  (who  had  the  charge)  and  the  car- 
penter, and  divers  others,  to  discover  to  the  west  and  north- 
west, and  to  the  south-west ;  but  we  had  further  to  it  then 
we  thought,  for  the  land  is  very  high,  and  we  were  over- 
taken with  a  storme  of  rainc,  thunder  and  lightning.  But 
to  it  we  came  on  the  north-east  side,  and  up  we  got  from 
one  rock  to  another,  till  we  came  to  the  highest  of  that  part. 
Bccro.  Here  we  found  some  plaine  ground,  and  saw  some  deere  ; 
as  first,  foure  or  five,  and  after,  a  dozen  or  sixteene  in  an 
herd,  but  could  not  come  nigh  them  -with  a  musket  shot. 

Thus,  going  from  one  place  to  another,  wee  saw  to  the 
west  of  us  an  high  hill  above  all  the  rest,  it  being  nigh  us  : 
but  it  proved  further  ofi^"  then  we  made  account ;  for,  when 

'  Pricket's  statement  is  obscure.  Docs  he  mean  that  the  brokon  land 
here  mentioned  lies  east  or  west  of  Salisbury  Island  I 

2  Salisbury  Island,  (J3°  40'  N.;  7^"  W.  It  is  marked  as  an  island  (not 
as  a  cape)  on  the  chart.  That  clears  up  one  part  of  Pricket's  confused 
sentence,  the  other  part  remains  obscure. 

'   /■''//,'A'i  "ot  Deepes.     For  the  real  locality,  see  above,  p.  !)7,note  ;">. 

■'  ('.  VVolstenhclmc. 


wee  came  to  it,  the  land  was  so  steepe  on  the  cast  and  north- 
east parts  that  wee  couki  not  get  unto  it.  To  the  south- 
west we  saw  that  Avee  might,  and  towards  that  ^lart  wee  went 
along  by  the  side  of  a  great  pond  of  water,  which  lieth 
under  the  east  side  of  this  hill :  and  there  runneth  out  of  it 
a  streame  of  water  as  much  as  would  drive  an  over-shot 
mill;  which  falleth  downe  from  an  high  clifFe  into  the  sea 
on  the  south  side.     In  this  place  great  store  of  fowle  breed,  5'T"'i 

I  O  '  tuule  aim 

and  there  is  the  best  grasse  that  I  had  scene  since  we  came  s'''"'''"- 
from  England.     Here  wee  found  sorell,  and  that  which  wee  g",','®" ""'' 
call  scurvy-grass  in  great  abundance.     Passing  along  wee  ^"'^'*''" 
saw  some  round  hills  of  stone,  like  to  grasse  cockes,  which 
at  the  first  I  tooke  to  be  the  worke  of  some  Christian.     Wee 
passed  by  them,  till  we  came  to  the  south  side  of  the  hill ; 
we  went  unto  them  and  there  found  more  ;  and  being  nigh 
them  I   turned   off  the   uppermost  stone,   and  found   them 
hollow  within  and  full  of  fowles  hanged  by  their  neckes.  ^°i7gej. 
Then  Greene  and  I  went  to  fetch  the  boat  to  the  south- 

side,  while  Robert  Billet^  and  hee  got  downe  a  valley  to  the 
sea  side,  where  wee  tooke  them  in. 

Our  mas  (in  this  time)  came  in  betweene  the  two  lands, 
and  shot  off  some  peeces  to  call  us  aboord  ;  for  it  Avas  a 
fogge.  Wee  came  aboord  and  told  him  what  we  had  scene, 
and  perswaded  him  to  stay  a  day  or  two  in  this  place,  telling 
him  what  refreshing  might  there  bee  had  :  but  by  no  meanes 
would  he  stay,  who  was  not  pleased  with  the  motion.  So 
we  left  the  fowle,  and  lost  our  way  downe  to  the  south-west, 
before  they  went  in  sight  of  the  land  which  now  beares  to 
the  east  from  us,  being  the  same  mayne  land  that  wee  had 
all  this  while  followed.  Now  we  had  lost  the  sight  of  it, 
because  it  falleth  away  to  the  east  after  some  five  and  twenty 

'  Robert  Bylot  (thus  his  name  is  written  by  Fox  and  Purchas),  was 
perhaps  the  most  active  northern  navigator  after  Hudson  had  perished. 
He  was  also,  as  we  shall  see,  made  captain  of  Hudson's  ship,  after  Green's 
death,  and  brought  her  safely  home. 

108  A    LARGER    UISCOURSH    OF    THE    SAME    VOYAGE, 

or  thirty  leagues/  Now  we  came  to  the  shallow  water, 
Avhercwith  wee  were  not  acquainted  since  we  came  from 
Island ;  now  we  came  into  broken  ground  and  rockes, 
through  which  wc  passed  downe  to  the  south.  In  this  our 
course  we  had  a  storme,  and  the  water  did  shoald  apace. 
Our  master  came  to  an  anchor  in  fifteene  fathoms  water. 

Wee  weighed  and  stood  to  the  south-east,  because  the  land 
in  this  place  did  lie  so.  When  we  came  to  the  point  of  the 
west  land'-^  (for  we  now  had  land  on  both  sides  of  us),  we 
came  to  an  anchor.  Our  master  sent  the  boat  ashoare  to 
see  what  that  land  was,  and  whether  there  were  any  ^vay 
through.  They  soone  returned,  and  shewed  that  beyond 
the  point  of  land  to  the  south  there  was  a  large  sea.  This 
land  on  the  west  side  was  a  very  narrow  point.  Wee  weighed 
from  hence  and  stood  in  for  this  sea  betAveene  the  two  lands, 
Avhich  (in  this  place)  is  not  two  leagues  broad  downe  to  the 
south,  for  a  great  M'ay  in  sight  of  the  east  shoare.  In  the 
end  we  lost  sight  thereof,  and  saw  it  not  till  we  came  to  the 
bottome  of  the  bay,  into  sixc  or  seven  fathomes  water. 
Hence  Ave  stood  up  to  the  north  by  the  west  shoare,  till  Avee 
came  to  an  iland  in  53,^  Avhere  we  tooke  in  water  and  ballast. 

From  hence  wee  passed  tOAvards  the  north  :  but  some  two 
or  three  dayes  after  (reasoning  concerning  our  coniming 
into  this  bay  and  going  oiit)  our  master  took  occasion  to 
revive  old  matters,  and  to  displace  Robert  Juct  from  being 
his  mate,  and  the  boatswaine  from  his  place,  for  the  Avords 
spoken  in  the  first  great  bay  of  ice.      Then  lice  made  Kobcrt 

'  Somewhat  to  the  north  of  the  dccj)  recess  called  JMosc^uito  Bay,  the 
eastern  shore  of  James  Bay  begins  to  trend  in  a  south-east  direction. 

-  Perhaps  Charlton  Island,  in  James's  Bay,  52'  12'  N.,  the  eastern 
coast  being  the  terra  firma  of  Labrador. 

^  There  are  several  small  islands  in  that  latitude.  They  have  no 
names  on  the  charts  the  editor  has  seen. 

•*  This  description  corresponds  very  well  Avith  a  recess  in  the  south- 
east corner  of  James's  Bay,  which  has  no  name  on  the  charts  I  am 
ac(|uainted  witli.     There  is  an  island,  also  without  name,  at  its  mouth. 


Billet  Ills  mate,  and  AVilliam  Wilson  our  boatswaine.  Up 
to  the  north  wee  stood  till  we  raised  land,  then  down  to  the 
south,  and  up  to  the  north,  then  downc  againe  to  the  south: 
and  on  Michaelmasse  day  came  in  and  went  out  of  certaine  Mieimei- 

masse  day 

lands,  which  our  master  sets  downe  by  the  name  of  Michael-  and  bay. 
masse  Bay,'  because  we  came  in  and  went  out  on  that  day. 
From  hence  wee  stood  to  the  north,  and  came  into  shoald 
water  ;  and  the  weather  being  thicke  and  foule,  wee  came  to 
an  anchor  in  seven  or  eight  fathome  water,  and  there  lay 
eight  dayes  :  in  all  which  time  wee  could  not  get  one  houre 
to  weigh  our  anchor.  But  the  eight  day,  the  wind  begin- 
ning to  cease,  our  master  would  have  the  anchor  up,  against 
the  mind  of  all  who  knew  what  belonged  thereunto.  Well, 
to  it  we  went,  and  when  we  had  brought  it  to  a  peake,  a  sea 
tooke  her,  and  cast  us  all  off  from  the  capstone  and  hurt 
divers  of  us.  Here  wee  lost  our  anchor,  and  if  the  carpenter  Anchor  lost. 
had  not  beene,  we  had  lost  our  cable  too  ;  but  he  (fearing 
such  a  matter)  was  ready  with  his  axe,  and  so  cut  it. 

From  hence  we  stood  to  the  south  and  to  the  south-west, 
through  a  cleere  sea  of  divers  sounding,  and  came  to  a  sea  seaoftwo 

^  .  .  colours. 

of  two  colours,  one  blacke  and  the  other  white,  sixteene  or 
seventeene  fathome  water,  betvveene  which  we  went  foure 
or  five  leagues.  But  the  night  comming  we  tooke  in  our 
top-sayles,  and  stood  afore  the  wind  with  our  maine-sayle 
and  fore-sayle,  and  came  into  five  or  sixe  fathomes,  and  saw 
no  land,  for  it  was  darke.  Then  we  stood  to  the  east  and  had 
deepe  water  againe,  then  to  the  south  and  south-Avest,  and 
so  came  to  our  westermost  bay  of  all,^  and  came  to  an  anchor 
neerest  to  the  north  shoare.  Out  went  our  boat  to  the  land 
that  was  next  us;  when  they  came  neere  it  our  boat  could 
not  flote  to  the  shoare  it  was  so  shallow  :  yet  ashoare  they 
got.  Here  our  men  saw  the  footing  of  a  man  and  a  ducke  Footing  of 
in  the  snowy  rockes,  and  wood  good  store,  whereof  they 

^  Hannah  Bay  1 

^  Probably  North  Bay,  the  south-west  corner  of  James's  Bay. 



tooke  some  and  returned  aboord.  Being  at  anchor  in  this 
place,  we  saw  a  ledge  of  rockcs  to  the  south  of  us,  some 
league  of  length  ;  it  lay  north  and  south,  covered  at  a  full 
sea;  for  a  strong  tide  setteth  in  here.  At  midnight  wee 
weighed,  and  stood  to  go  out  as  we  came  in  ;  and  had  not 
gone  long,  but  the  carpenter  came  and  told  the  master,  that 
if  he  kept  that  course  he  would  be  upon  the  rockes :  the 
master  conceived  that  he  was  past  them,  when  presently  wee 
ranne  on  them,  and  there  stucke  fast  twelve  houres  ;  but  (by 
the  mercy  of  God)  we  got  off  unhurt,  though  not  unscarred. 

Wee  stood  up  to  the  east  and  raysed  three  hills,  lying 
north  and  south  :  we  went  to  the  furthermost,  and  left  it  to 
the  north  of  us,  and  so  into  a  bay,  where  we  came  to  an 
anchor.^  Here  our  master  sent  out  our  boat,  with  myselfe 
and  the  carpenter  to  seeke  a  place  to  winter  in  ;  and  it  was 
time,  for  the  nights  were  long  and  cold,  and  the  earth 
covered  with  snow.  Having  spent  three  moneths  in  a 
labyrinth  without  end,  being  now  the  last  of  October,  we 
went  downc  to  the  east,  to  the  bottome  of  the  bay  ;  but  re- 
turned without  speeding  of  that  we  went  for.  The  next  day 
we  went  to  the  south  and  the  south-west,  and  found  a  place, 
whereunto  we  brought  our  ship,  and  haled  her  aground  :  and 
this  was  the  Jirst  of  November.  By  the  tenth  thereof  we 
were  frozen  in :  but  now  we  were  in,  it  behoved  us  to  have 
care  of  what  we  had ;  for  that  we  were  sure  of,  but  what  we 
had  not  was  uncertainc. 

Wee  were  victualled  for  six  moneths  in  good  proportion, 
and  of  that  which  was  good  :  if  our  master  would  have  had 
more,  he  might  have  had  it  at  home  and  in  other  places. 
Here  we  were  now,  and  therefore  it  behoved  us  so  to  spend, 
that  we  might  have  (when  time  came)  to  bring  us  to  the 
capes  where  the  fowle  bred,*^  for  that  was  all  the  hope  wee 

^  Probably  the  south-eastern  corner  of  James'  Bay.  This  bay  cor- 
responds in  almost  every  respect  with  the  above  description. 

■■'  Capo  Wostcnholmc  and  the  opposite  cape  on  one  of  the  Diggs' 
J.shuuls  (sec  p.  107). 


had  to  bring  us  home.  AVhcrcfore  our  master  toolcc  order, 
first  for  tlie  spending  of  that  Avee  had,  and  then  to  increase 
it,  by  propounding  a  reward  to  them  that  killed  either  beast, 
fish,  or  fowle,  as  in  his  journall  you  have  seene.  About  the 
middle  of  this  moneth  of  Noccmhcr,  dyed  John  Williams, '•^o^mW''-, 

'       •>  '  liams  dyeth. 

our  gunner  :  God  pardon  the  masters  uncharitable  dealing 
Avith  this  man.  Now  for  that  I  am  come  to  speake  of  him, 
out  of  whose  ashes  (as  it  were)  that  unhappy  deed  grew 
which  brought  a  scandall  upon  all  that  are  returned  home, 
and  upon  the  action  itselfc,  the  multitude  (like  the  dog)  run- 
ning after  the  stone,  but  not  at  the  caster  :  therefore,  uot  to 
wrong  the  living  nor  slander  the  dead,  I  will  (by  the  leave 
of  God)  deliver  the  truth  as  neere  as  I  can. 

You  shall  understand  that  our  master  kept   (in  his  house 
at  London)  a  young  man,  named  Henrie  Greene,  borne  in  Hemy 

•'  '-'  '  Greenes 

Kent,  of  worshipful!  parents,  but  by  his  lend  life  and  con-  Ij-'t'lo"^,""" 
versation  hee  had  lost  the  good  will  of  all  his  frinds,  and 
had  spent  all  that  hee  had.  This  man  our  master  would 
have  to  sea  with  him,  because  he  could  write  well :  our 
master  gave  him  meate,  and  drinke,  and  lodging,  and  by 
meanes  of  one  Master  Venson,  with  much  adoe  got  foure 
pounds  of  his  mother  to  buy  him  clothes,  wherewith  Master 
Venson  would  not  trust  him  :  but  saw  it  laid  out  himselfe. 
This  Henrie  Greene  was  not  set  downe  in  the  owners  booke, 
nor  any  wages  made  for  him.  Hee  came  first  aboord  at 
Gravesend,  and  at  Harwich  should  have  gone  into  the  field, 
with  one  Wilkinson.  At  Island^  the  surgeon  and  hee  fell 
out  in  Dutch,  and  hee  beat  him  a  shoare'"'  in  English,  which 
set  all  the  company  in  a  rage  ;  so  that  wee  had  much  adoe 
to  get  the  surgeon  aboord.  T  told  the  master  of  it,  but  hee 
bade  mee  let  it  alone,  for  (said  he)  the  surgeon  had  a  tongue 
that  would  wrong  the  best  friend  hee  had.  But  Tlobert 
Juet  (the  masters  mate)  would  needs  burne  his  finger  in  the 
embers,  and  told  the  carpenter  a  long  tale  (when  hee  was 
^  A  Iceland.  ^  A  sore  ? 

112  A    LARGER    DISCOURSE    OF    THE    SAME    VOYAGE, 

tlrunke)  that  our  master  had  brought  in  Greene  to  cracke 
his  credit  that  shouhl  displease  him  :  which  words  came  to 
the  masters  cares,  Avho  when  hee  vmderstood  it,  would  have 
gone  backc  to  Island,  when  he  was  fortie  leagues  from 
thence,  to  have  sent  home  his  mate  Robert  Juet  in  a  fisher- 
man. But,  being  otherAvise  perswaded,  all  was  well.  So 
Henry  Greene  stood  upright,  and  very  inward  with  the 
master,  and  was  a  serviceable  man  every  way  for  manhood  : 
but  for  religion  he  would  say,  he  was  cleane  paper  whereon 
he  might  write  what  he  would.  Xow,  M'hen  our  gunner  was 
dead,  and  (as  the  order  is  in  such  cases)  if  the  company 
stand  in  need  of  any  thing  that  belonged  to  the  man  de- 
ceased, then  is  it  brought  to  the  mayne  mast,  and  there  sold 
to  them  that  will  give  most  for  the  same.  This  gunner  had 
a  gray  cloth  gowne,  which  Greene  prayed  the  master  to 
friend  him  so  much  as  to  let  him  have  it,  paying  for  it  as 
another  would  give  :  the  master  saith  hee  should,  and  there- 
upon he  answered  some,  that  sought  to  have  it,  that  Greene 
should  have  it,  and  none  else,  and  so  it  rested. 
Greenes  Now  out  of  scasou  and  time  the  master  calleth  the  car- 

penter to  goe  in  hand  with  an  house  on  shear e,  which  at  the 
beginning  our  master  would  not  heare,  when  it  might  have 
been  done.  The  carpenter  told  him,  that  the  snow  and  frost 
were  such,  as  hee  neither  could  nor  would  goe  in  hand  with 
such  worke.  Which  when  our  master  heard,  hee  ferreted 
him  out  of  his  cabbin  to  strike  him,  calling  him  by  many 
foule  names,  and  threatning  to  hang  him.  The  carpenter 
told  him  that  hee  knew  what  belonged  to  his  place  better 
than  himselfe,  and  that  hee  Avas  no  house  carpenter.  So  this 
passed,  and  the  house  was  (after)  made  with  much  labour,  but 
to  no  end.  The  next  day  after  the  master  and  the  carpenter 
fell  out,  the  carpenter  tooke  his  peece'  and  Henry  Greene 
with  him,  lor  it  was  an  order  that  none  should  goe  out  alone, 
but  one  with  u  pecee,  and  another  with  a  pike.     This  did 

'His  iivm. 



move  the  master  so  much  the  more  against  Henry  Greene, 
that  Robert  Billot  his  mate  must  have  the  gownc,  and  had 
it  delivered  unto  him  ;  which  when  Henry  Greene  saw,  he 
challenged  the  masters  promise  :  but  the  master  did  so  raile 
on  Greene,  with  so  many  words  of  disgrace,  telling  him, 
that  all  his  friends  would  not  trust  him  with  twenty  shillings, 
and  therefore  why  should  he.  As  for  wages  he  had  none, 
uor  none  should  have,  if  he  did  not  please  him  well.  Yet 
the  master  had  promised  him  to  make  his  wages  as  good  as 
any  mans  in  the  ship  ;  and  to  have  him  one  of  the  princes 
guard  when  we  came  home.  But  you  shall  see  how  the 
devil  out  of  this  so  wrought  with  Green,  that  he  did  the 
master  what  mischiefe  hee  could  in  seeking  to  discredit  him, 
and  to  thrust  him  and  many  other  honest  men  out  of  the  ship 
in  the  end.  To  speake  of  all  our  trouble  in  this  time  of 
winter  (which  was  so  cold,  as  it  lamed  the  most  of  our  com-  Their  hard 


pany,  and  my  selfe  doe  yet  feele  it)  would  bee  too  tedious. 

But  I  must  not  forget  to  shew  how  mercifully  God  dealt 
with  us  in  this  time  ;  for  the  space  of  three  moneths  wee  had 
such  store  of  fowle  of  one  kinde  (which  were  partridsres  as  store  of 

^  J.  o  partridges. 

white  as  milke)  that  wee  killed  above  an  hundred  dozen, 
besides  others  of  sundry  sorts  :  for  all  was  fish  that  came  to 
the  net.  The  spring  coming  this  fowle  left  us,  yet  they  were 
with  us  all  the  extreame  cold.     Then  in  their  places  came  other fowies 


divers  sort  of  other  fowle,  as  swanne,  geese,  duck,  and  teale, '°  '■''^''' 

■^  ^  o  ^  '  ^  seasous. 

but  hard  to  come  by.  Our  master  hoped  they  would  have 
bred  in  those  broken  grounds,  but  they  doe  not ;  but  came 
from  the  south,  and  flew  to  the  north,  further  then  we  were 
this  voyage  ;  yet  if  they  be  taken  short  with  the  wind  at 
north,  or  north-west,  or  north-east,  then  they  fall  and  stay 
till  the  winde  serve  them,  and  then  flye  to  the  north.  Now 
in  time  these  fowles  are  gone,  and  few  or  none  to  be 
scene.  Then  wee  went  into  the  woods,  hilles,  and  valleycs, 
for  all  things  that  had  any  shew  of  substance  in  them,  how 
vile  soever  :  the  mosse  of  the  ground,  then  the  which  I  take  ^f'f  "bie 

"  '  diet. 

114         A    LARGER    DISCOURSE    OF    THE    SAME    VOYAGE, 

the  powder  of  a  post  to  bee  much  better,  and  the  frogge  (in 
his  ingcndring  time  as  loathsome  as  a  toade)  was  not  spared. 
But  amongst  the  divers  sorts  of  buds,  it  pleased  God  that 
Thomas  Woodhousc  brought  home  a  budde  of  a  tree  full  of 
a  turpentine  substance.      Of  this  our  surgeon  made  a  dc- 

budde'""''''''  coction  to  drinke,  and  applyed  the  buddes  hot  to  them  that 
were  troubled  with  ach  in  any  part  of  their  bodies  ;  and  for 
my  part  I  confcsse,  I  received  great  and  present  ease  of  my 

Asavnge.  About  this  time,  when  the  ice  began  to  breahe  out  of  the 
bayes,  there  came  a  savage  to  our  ship,  as  it  were  to  see  and 
to  bee  scene,  being  the  first  that  wc  had  scene  in  all  this 
time  :  whom  our  master  intreated  well,  and  made  much  of 
him,  promising  unto  himselfe  great  matters  by  his  mcanes, 
and  therefore  would  have  all  the  knives  and  hatchets  (which 
any  man  had)  to  his  private  use,  but  received  none  but  from 
John  King  the  carpenter,  and  my  selfe.  To  this  savage  our 
master  gave  a  knife,  a  looking-glasse,  and  buttons,  who 
received  them  thankefully,  and  made  signes  that  after  hee 
had  slcjit  hee  would  come  againe,  W'hich  hee  did.  When 
hee  came  hee  brought  with  him  a  sled,  which  hee  drew  after 

Tmke.  him,  and  upon  it  two  deeres  skinnes  and  two  beaver  skinnes. 
Hee  had  a  scrip  under  his  arme,  out  of  which  hee  drew  those 
things  which  the  master  had  given  him.  Hee  tookc  the 
knife  and  laid  it  upon  one  of  the  beaver  skinnes,  and  his 
glasses  and  buttons  upon  the  other,  and  so  gave  them  to  the 
master,  who  received  them ;  and  the  savage  tookc  those 
things  which  the  master  had  given  him,  and  put  them  up 
into  his  scrip  againe.  Then  the  master  shewed  him  an 
hatchet,  for  which  hee  would  have  given  the  master  one  of 

^  The  decoction  here  mentioned  was  probably  an  antiscorbutic  medi- 
cine. Pricket's  description  of  the  malady,  though  so  extremely  vague, 
seems  to  justify  this  opinion.  The  editor  has  been  unable  to  ascertain 
what  tree  Pricket  refers  to,  or  whether  it  is  still  ai>plicd  to  medical 


his  dcere  skinnes,  but  our  master  would  have  them  both, 
and  so  hee  had,  although  not  wilHngly.  After  many  signes 
of  people  to  the  north  and  to  the  south,  and  that  after  so 
many  sleepes  he  would  come  againe,  he  went  his  way,  but 
never  came  more. 

Now  the  ice  being  out  of  the  sounds,  so  that  our  boat 
might  go  from  one  place  unto  another,  a  company  of  men 
were  appointed  by  the  master  to  go  a  fishing  with  our  net ; 
their  names  were  as  followeth  :  William  Wilson,  Henry 
Greene,  Michael  Perce,  John  Thomas,  Andrew  Motor, 
Bennet  Mathewes,  and  Arnold  Lodlo.  These  men,  the  first 
day  they  went,  caught  five  hundred  fish,  as  big  as  good 
herrings,  and  some  troutes  :  which  put  us  all  in  some  hope 
to  have  our  wants  supplied,  and  our  commons  amended  :  but 
these  were  the  most  that  ever  they  got  in  one  day,  for  many 
dayes  they  got  not  a  quarter  so  many.  In  this  time  of  their 
fishing,  Henry  Green  and  William  Wilson,  with  some  others, 
plotted  to  take  the  net  and  the  shallop,  which  the  carpenter 
had  now  set  up,  and  so  to  shift  for  themselves.  But  the  shallop 
being  readie,  our  master  would  goe  in  it  himselfe  to  the  south 
and  south-west,  to  see  if  hee  could  meete  with  the  people;  for 
to  that  end  was  it  set  up,  and  (that  way)  wee  might  see  the 
woods  set  on  fire  by  them.  So  the  master  tooke  the  sayne  and 
the  shallop,  and  so  much  victuall  as  would  serve  for  eight  or 
nine  dayes,  and  to  the  south  hee  w^ent.  They  that  remained 
aboord  were  to  take  in  water,  wood,  and  ballast,  and  to  have 
all  things  in  a  readinesse  against  hee  came  backe.  But  hee  set 
no  time  of  his  returne,  for  he  was  perswaded,  if  he  could 
meet  with  the  people,  he  should  have  flesh  of  them,  and  that 
good  store  :  but  hee  returned  worse  than  hee  went  forth. 
For  he  could  by  no  meanes  meete  with  the  people,  although 
they  were  neere  them,  yet  they  would  set  the  woods  on  fire 
in  his  sight. 

Being  returned,  hee  fitted  all  things  for  his  returne,  and 
first,  delivered  all  the  bread  out  of  the  bread  roome  (which 


1  16  A    LARGEK    DISCOURSE    OF    THE    SAME    VOYAGE, 

came  to  a  pound  a  piece  for  every  mans  share)  and  delivered 
also  a  bill  of  rcturne,  willing  them  to  have  that  to  shew,  if  it 
pleased  God  that  they  came  home  :  and  hee  wept  when  hee 
gave  it  unto  them.  But  to  helpe  us  in  this  poore  estate 
with  some  reliefe,  the  boate  and  sayne  went  to  work  on 
Friday  morning,  and  stayed  till  Sunday  noone  :  at  which 
time  they  came  aboord,  and  brought  fourescore  small  fish,  a 
poore  reliefe  for  so  many  hungry  bellies.  Then  we  wayed 
and  stood  out  of  our  wintering  place,  and  came  to  an  anchor 
without,  in  the  mouth  of  the  bay  :  from  whence  we  wayed 
and  came  to  an  anchor  without  in  the  sea,  where  our  bread 
being  gone,  that  store  of  cheese  we  had  was  to  stop  a  gap, 
whereof  there  were  five,  whereat  the  company  grudged, 
because  they  made  account  of  nine.  But  those  that  were  left 
were  equally  divided  by  the  master,  although  he  had  coun- 
sell  to  the  contrarie  :  for  there  were  some  who  having  it, 
would  make  hast  to  bee  rid  thereof,  becavise  they  could  not 
governe  it.  I  knew  when  Henrie  Greene  gave  halfe  his 
bread,  which  hee  had  for  fourteene  dayes,  to  one  to  keepe, 
and  prayed  him  not  to  let  him  have  any  untill  the  next 
Munday  :  but  before  Wednesday  at  night  hee  never  left  till 
hee  had  it  againe,  having  eaten  up  his  first  weekes  bread 
before.  So  Wilson  the  boat-swaine  hath  eaten  (in  one  day) 
his  fortnights  bread,  and  hath  beene  two  or  three  dayes 
sicke  for  his  labour.  The  cause  that  moved  the  master  to 
deliver  all  the  cheese,  was  because  they  M'ere  not  all  of  one 
goodncsse,  and  therefore  they  should  see  that  they  had  no 
wrong  done  them :  but  every  man  should  have  alike  the 
best  and  the  worst  together,  which  was  three  pounds  and  a 
halfe  for  seven  dayes. 

The  wind  serving,  wc  weighed  and  stood  to  the  north- 
west, and  on  IMunday  at  night  (the  eighteenth  day  of  JuneY 

^  The  vagueness  of  Pricket's  geographical  statements,  which  pre- 
cludes the  satisfactory  determination  of  the  spot  where  Hudson  wintered, 
makes  it  equally  impossible  to  ascertain  his  course  during  the  few  days 


wee  fell  into  the  ice,  and  the  next  clay,  the  wind  being  at 
west,  we  lay  there  till  Sunday  in  sight  of  land.  Now  being 
here,  the  master  told  Nicholas  Simnies  that  there  would  be 
a  breaking  up  of  chests  and  a  search  for  bread,  and  willed 
him,  if  hee  had  any,  to  bring  it  to  him,  which  hee  did,  and 
delivered  to  the  master  thirty  cakes  in  a  bagge.  This  deed 
of  the  master  (if  it  bee  true)  hath  made  me  marvell  what 
should  bee  the  reason  that  hee  did  not  stop  the  breach  in 
the  beginning,  but  let  it  grow  to  that  height,  as  that  it  over- 
threw himselfe  and  many  other  honest  men  :  but  "  there  are 
many  devices  in  the  heart  of  man,  hut  the  counsell  of  the 
Lord  shall  stand.'''' 

Being  thus  in  the  ice   on  Saturday,  the  one  and  tiven- 
tieth  of  June,  at  night,  Wilson  the  boatswayne,  and  Henry  wuson  and 

•^  .  .  .  Green,  their 

Greene,  came  to  mee  lying  (in  my  cabbin)  lame,  and  told  wicked- 
mee  that  they  and  the  rest  of  their  associates  would  shift 
the  company,  and  turne  the  master  and  all  the  sicke  men 
into  the  shallop,  and  let  them  shift  for  themselves.  For  there 
was  not  fourteen  dales  victuall  left  for  all  the  company,  at 
that  poore  allowance  they  were  at,  and  that  there  they  lay, 
the  master  not  caring  to  goe  one  way  or  other  :  and  that  they 
had  not  eaten  any  thing  these  three  dayes,  and  therefore  were 
resolute,  either  to  mend  or  end,  and  what  they  had  begun 
they  would  goe  through  with  it,  or  dye.  When  I  heard  this, 
I  told  them  I  marvelled  to  heare  so  much  from  them,  con- 
sidering that  they  were  married  men,  and  had  wives  and 
children,  and  that  for  their  sakes  they  should  not  commit  so 
foule  a  thing  in  the  sight  of  God  and  man  as  that  would 
bee  ;  for  why  should  they  banish  themselves  from  their 
native  countrie  ?  Henry  Greene  bad  me  hold  my  peace,  for 
he  knew  the  worst,  which  was,  to  be  hanged  when  hee  came 

he  spent  in  his  ship  after  leaving  his  harbour  of  refuge.  The  scene  of 
the  important  events  narrated  on  the  present  and  the  next  pages  was  at 
no  great  distance  (N.W.)  from  the  south-eastern  corner  of  James  Bay. 
It  seems  impossible  to  fix  the  locality  with  any  greater  degree  of  pre- 

118  A    LARGER    DISCOURSE    OF    THE    SAME    VOYAGE, 

home,  and  therefore  of  the  two  he  would  rather  be  hanged 
at  home  then  starved  abroad  :  and  for  the  good  will  they 
bare  me,  they  would  have  mee  stay  in  the  ship.  I  gave 
them  thankes,  and  told  them  that  I  came  into  her,  not  to  for- 
sake her,  yet  not  to  hurt  my  selfe  and  others  by  any  such 
deed.  Henry  Greene  told  me  then,  that  I  must  take  my 
fortune  in  the  shallop.  If  there  be  no  remedy  (said  1)  the 
will  of  God  bee  done. 

Away  went  Henry  Greene  in  a  rage,  swearing  to  cut  his 
throat  that  went  about  to  disturbe  them,  and  left  Wilson  by 
me,  with  whom  I  had  some  talke,  but  to  no  good  :  for  he 
was  so  perswaded,  that  there  was  no  remedie  now  but  to  goe 
on  while  it  was  hot,  least  their  partie  should  faile  them,  and 
the  mischiefs  they  had  intended  to  others  should  light  on 
themselves.  Henry  Greene  came  againe,  and  demanded  of 
him  what  I  said.  Wilson  answered  :  He  is  in  his  old  song, 
still  patient.  Then  I  spake  to  Henry  Greene  to  stay  three 
dayes,  in  which  time  I  would  so  deale  with  the  master  that 
all  should  be  well.  So  I  dealt  with  him  to  forbeare  but  two 
dayes,  nay  twelve  houres  ;  there  is  no  way  then  (say  they) 
but  out  of  hand.  Then  I  told  them,  that  if  they  would  stay 
till  Munday,  I  would  joyne  with  them  to  share  all  the  vic- 
tuals in  the  ship,  and  would  justify  it  when  I  came  home  ; 
but  this  would  not  serve  their  turnes.  Wherefore  I  told 
them,  it  was  some  worse  matter  they  had  in  hand  then  they 
made  shew  of,  and  that  it  was  bloud  and  revenge  hce  sought, 
or  else  he  would  not  at  such  a  time  of  night  undertake  such 
a  deed.  Henry  Greene  (with  that)  taketh  my  bible  which 
lay  before  me,  and  sware  that  hee  would  doe  no  man  harmc, 
and  what  he  did  was  for  the  good  of  the  voyage,  and  for 
nothing  else ;  and  that  all  the  rest  should  do  the  like.  The 
like  did  Wilson  sweare. 
sec'wia"'^^'  Henry  Greene  went  his  way,  and  presently  came  Juet, 
nmt  who,  because  hee  was  an  ancient  man,  I  hoped  to  have  found 
some  reason  in  him  ;  but  hee  was  worse  than  Henry  Greene, 

WRITTEN    BY    ABACUK    PllIClvKTT.  119 

for  hee  sware  plainly  that  he  would  justifie  this  deed  when 
he  came  home.  After  him  came  John  Thomas  and  iVIichael 
Perce  as  birds  of  one  feather  ;  but  because  they  are  not 
living,  I  will  let  them  goe,  as  then  I  did.  Then  came  INIoter 
and  Bennet,  of  whom  I  demanded,  if  they  were  well  advised 
what  they  had  taken  in  hand.  They  answered,  they  were, 
and  therefore  came  to  take  their  oath. 

Now,  because  I  am  much  condemned  for  this  oath,  as  one 
of  them  that  plotted  with  them,  and  that  by  an  oath  I  should 
bind  them  together  to  perform  what  they  had  begun,!  thought 
good  heere  to  set  downe  to  the  viewe  of  all,  how  well  their 
oath   and   deedes   agreed  :    and   thus  it   was  : — "  You  shall  oaiu 

"  ahused. 

sweare  truth  to  God,  your  prince  and  countrie  :  you  shall 
doe  nothing,  but  to  the  glory  of  God  and  the  good  of  the 
action  in  hand,  and  harme  to  no  man."  This  was  the  oath, 
without  adding  or  diminishing.  I  looked  for  more  of  these 
companions  (although  these  were  too  many)  but  there  came 
no  more.  It  was  darke,  and  they  in  a  readinesse  to  put  this 
deed  of  darkness  in  execution.  I  called  to  Henry  Greene 
and  Wilson,  and  prayed  them  not  to  goe  in  hand  with  it  in 
the  darke,  but  to  stay  till  the  morning.  Now,  everie  man 
(I  hope)  would  goe  to  his  rest,  but  wickednesse  sleepeth 
not ;  for  Henry  Greene  keepeth  the  master  company  all 
night  (and  gave  mee  bread,  which  his  cabbin-mate  gave 
him)  and  others  are  as  -watchfuU  as  he.  Then  I  asked 
Henrie  Greene,  whom  he  would  put  out  with  the  master  ? 
he  said,  the  carpenter  John  King,  and  the  sicke  men.  I 
said,  they  should  not  doe  well  to  part  with  the  carpenter, 
what  need  soever  they  should  have.  Why  the  carpenter 
was  in  no  more  regard  amongst  them  was,  first,  for  that  he 
and  John  King  were  condemned  for  wrong  done  in  the 
victuall.  But  the  chiefest  cause  Avas  for  that  the  master 
loved  him  and  made  him  his  mate,  upon  his  return  out 
of  our  wintering  place,  thereby  displacing  Robert  Billet, 
whereat  they  did  grudge,  because  hee  could  neither  write 

120         A    LARGER    DISCOURSE    OF    THE    SAME    VOYAGE, 

nor  read.  And  therefore  (said  they)  the  master  and  his 
ignorant  mate  would  carry  the  ship  whither  the  master 
pleased :  the  master  forbidding  any  man  to  keepe  account 
or  reckoning,  having  taken  from  all  men  whatsoever  served 
for  that  purpose.  Well,  I  obtained  of  Henry  Greene  and 
Wilson  that  the  carpenter  should  stay,  by  whose  meancs  I 
hoped  (after  they  had  satisfied  themselves)  that  the  master 
and  the  poore  man  might  be  taken  into  the  ship  againe.  Or, 
I  hoped,  that  some  one  or  other  would  give  some  notice, 
either  to  the  carpenter  John  King  or  the  master ;  for  so  it 
might  have  come  to  passe  by  some  of  them  that  were  the 
most  forward. 

Now,  it  shall  not  bee  amisse  to  shew  how  wee  were 
lodged,  and  to  begin  in  the  cooke  roome  ;  there  lay  Bennet 
and  the  cooper  lame ;  without  the  cooke  roome,  on  the 
steere-board  side,  lay  Thomas  Wydhouse^  sicke ;  next  to 
him  lay  Sydrack  Funer  lame  ;  then  the  surgeon,  and  John 
Hudson  with  him ;  next  to  them  lay  Wilson  the  boatswaine, 
and  then  Arnold  Lodlo  next  to  him  :  in  the  gun-roome  lay 
Bobert  Juet  and  John  Thomas ;  on  the  larboord  side  lay 
Michael  Bute  and  Adria  Moore,  who  had  never  beene  well 
since  wee  lost  our  anchor  ;  next  to  them  lay  Michael  Perce 
and  Andrew  Meter.  Next  to  them,  without  the  gun-roome, 
lay  John  King,  and  with  him  Bobert  Billet  r  next  to  them 
my  selfe,  and  next  to  me  Francis  Clements.  In  the  mid- 
ship, betweenc  the  capstone  and  the  pumpes,  lay  Hcnrie 
Greene  and  Nicholas  Simines.  This  night  John  King  was 
late  up,  and  they  thought  he  had  beene  with  the  master,  but 
he  was  with  the  carpenter,  who  lay  on  the  poope,  and  coni- 
ming  downe  from  him  was  met  by  his  cabbin-mate,  as  it 
were  by  chance,  and  so  they  came  to  their  cabbin  together. 
It  was  not  long  ere  it  was  day  :  then  came  Bennet  for  water 

'  The  "  student  of  mathcniatics,"  whose  "paper  t'ounJ  in  his  desk" 
foiiiis  part  of  the  present  collection. 
■■'  JJylut. 


for  the  kettle,  hee  rose  and  went  into  the  hohl :  when  hec 
was  in  they  shut  the  hatch  on  him  (but  who  kept  it  clownc 
I  know  not),  up  upon  the  deck  went  Bennet. 

In  the  meane  time  Henrie  Greene  and  another  went  to 
the  carpenter,  and  held  him  with  a  talke  till  the  master 
came  out  of  his  cabbin  (which  hee  soone  did)  ;  then  came  They  bind 

tlio  master 

John  Thomas  and  Bennet  before  him,  while  \yilson  bound 

his  amies  behind  him.     He  asked  them  what  they  meant  ? 

they  told  him  he  should  know  when  he  was  in  the  shallop. 

Now  Juet,  while  this  was  a  doing,  came  to  John  King  into 

the  hold,  who  was  provided  for  him,  for  he  had  got  a  sword 

of  his  own,  and  kept  him  at  a  bay,  and  might  have  killed  him, 

but  others  came  to  helpe  him  :  and  so  he  came  up  to  the 

master.     The  master  called  to  the  carpenter  and  told  him 

that  he  was  bound,  but  I  heard  no  answere  he  made.     Now 

Arnold  Lodlo  and  Michael  Bute  rayled  at  them,  and  told 

them   their  knaverie   would  shew   itselfe.      Then   was   the 

shallop  haled  up  to  the  ship  side,  and  the  poore,  sicke,  and 

lame  men  were  called  upon  to  get  them  out  of  their  cabbins 

into  the  shallop.     The  master  called  to  me,  who  came  out 

of  my  cabbin  as  well  as  I  could,  to  the  hatch  way  to  spcake 

with  him  :   where,  on  my  knees   I  besought  them,  for  the 

love  of  God,  to  remember  themselves,  and  to  doe  as  they 

would  be  done  unto.     They  bade  me  keepe  myselfe  well, 

and  get  me  into  my  cabbin ;  not  suffering  the  master  to 

speake  with  me.     But  when  I  came  into  my  cabbin  againe, 

hee  called  to   me  at  the  home  which  gave  light  into  my 

cabbin,  and  told  mee  that  Juet  would  overthrow  us  all ;  nay 

(said  I)  it  is  that  villaine  Henrie  Greene,  and  I  spake  it  not 


Now  was  the  carpenter  at  libertie,  who  asked  them  if  they 

would  bee  hanged  when  they  came  home  :  and  as  for  him- 

selfe,  hee  said,  hee  would  not  stay  in  the  ship  unlesse  they  The  carpen- 
ter let  gue. 

would  force  him  :  they  bad  him  goe  then,  for  they  would 
not  stay  him.    I  will  (said  hec)  so  I  may  have  my  chest  with 


122  A    LARGER    DISCOURSE    OF    THE    SAME    VOYAGE, 

mee,  and  all  that  is  in  it :  they  said  hoc  should,  and  presently 
they  put  it  into  the  shallop.  Then  hee  came  downe  to  mee 
to  take  his  leave  of  mee,  who  persuaded  him  to  stay,  which 
if  he  did,  he  might  so  worke  that  all  should  bee  well :  hee 
said,  hee  did  not  thinke  but  they  would  be  glad  to  take 
them  in  again c.  For  he  was  so  persuaded  by  the  master, 
that  there  was  not  one  in  all  the  ship  that  could  tell  how  to 
carry  her  home  ;  but  (saith  hee)  if  we  must  part  (which  wee 
will  not  willingly  doe,  for  they  wovild  follow  the  ship)  hee 
prayed  mee,  if  wee  came  to  the  Capes^  before  them,  that  I 
would  leave  some  token  that  we  had  been  there,  necre  to  the 
place  where  the  fowles  bred,  and  hee  would  doe  the  like  for 
us  :  and  so  (with  teares)  we  parted.  Now  were  the  sicke 
men  driven  out  of  their  cabbins  into  the  shallop  ;  but  John 
Thomas  was  Francis  Clements  friend,  and  Bennct  was  the 
Coopers,  so  as  there  were  words  betweene  them  and  Henric 
Greene,  one  saying  that  they  should  goc.  and  the  other 
swearing  that  they  should  not  goe,  but  such  as  were  in  the 
shallop  should  returne.  AVhcn  Henrie  Greene  heard  that, 
he  was  compelled  to  give  place,  and  to  put  out  Arnold 
Lodlo  and  Michael  Bute,  which  with  much  adoe  they  did. 

In  the  meane  time,  there  were  some  of  them  that  plyed 
their  worke  as  if  the  ship  had  been  entred  by  force  and  they 
had  free  leave  to  pillage,  breaking  up  chests  and  rifling  all 
places.  One  of  them  came  by  me,  who  asked  me,  what  they 
should  doe.  I  answered,  hee  should  make  an  end  of  what 
hee  had  begun  ;  for  I  saw  him  doe  nothing  but  sharke  up 
The  names   and  dowuc.     Nowc  wcrc  all  the  poorc  men  in  the  shallop, 

of  the  com- 

'!os','^r^  ti    whose  names  are  as  followcth  :  Ilenrie  Hudson,  John  Hud- 
''''"^""'"   "  son,2  Arnold  Lodlo,  Sidrack  Fancr,  Phillip  Staffc,  Thomas 

'  Cape  Worstcnholnic  and  Cape  Diggs. 

^  Several  works  on  arctic  discovery  assert  that  this  John  Hudson  was 
the  son  of  the  great  navigator.  This  is  merely  a  conjecture,  though  not 
an  luilikcly  one.  It  rests  upon  the  fact  that  John  was  a  bo}'  when  he 
lost  his  life  together  with  his  supposed  father. 


Wooclhouse  or  AVydhousc,  Adam  Moore,  Hcnric  King, 
Michael  Bute.  The  carpenter  got  of  thciu  a  peece,  and 
powder,  and  shot,  and  some  pikes,  an  iron  pot,  with  some 
meale,  and  other  things.  They  stood  out  of  the  ice,  the 
shallop  being  fast  to  the  sterne  of  the  shippe,  and  so  (when 
they  were  nigh  out,  for  I  cannot  say  they  were  cleane  out) 
they  cut  her  head  fast  from  the  sterne  of  our  ship,  then  out 
with  their  top-sayles,  and  towards  the  east  they  stood  in  a 
cleere  sea.  In  the  end  they  tookc  in  their  top-sayles,  righted 
their  helme,  and  lay  under  their  fore-sayle  till  they  had 
ransacked  and  searched  all  places  in  the  ship.  In  the  hold 
they  found  one  of  the  vessels  of  meale  whole,  and  the  other 
halfe  spent,  for  wee  had  but  two  ;  wee  found  also  two  firkins 
of  butter,  some  twentie-seven  pieces  of  porke,  halfe  a  bushcll 
of  pease  ;  but  in  the  masters  cabbin  we  found  two  hundred 
of  bisket  cakes,  a  pecke  of  meale,  of  beere  to  the  quantitie 
of  a  butt,  one  with  another.  Now  it  was  said  that  the 
shallop  was  come  within  sight,  they  let  fall  the  mainsayle, 
and  out  with  their  top-sayles,  and  fly  as  from  an  enemy. 

Then  I  prayed  them  yet  to  remember  themselves  ;  but 
William  Wilson  (more  than  the  rest)  would  heare  of  no  such 
matter.  Comming  nigh  the  east  shore  they  cast  about,  and 
stood  to  the  west  and  came  to  an  ilaud,^  and  anchored  in 
sixteene  or  seventeene  fathome  water.  So  they  sent  the 
boat  and  the  net  ashoare  to  see  if  they  could  have  a  draught ; 
but  could  not  for  rocks  and  great  stones.  Michael  Perse 
killed  two  fowle,  and  heere  they  found  good  store  of  that 
weede  which  we  called  cockle-grasse  in  our  wintering- 
place,  whereof  they  gathered  store,  and  came  aboard  againe. 
Heere  we  lay  that  night  and  the  best  part  of  the  next  day, 

1  Pricket's  geographical  statements  about  the  return  voyage  are  even 
vaguer  than  those  about  the  voyage  out.  A  few  of  them  only  serve 
as  foundations  for  guesses  at  the  real  localities  touched  by  the  returning 
party.  The  statement  to  which  the  present  note  refers  is  not  of  that 
number;  and  it  is  absolutely  impossible  to  guess  what  island  is  here 

124  A    LARGER    DISCOUllSE    OF    THE    SAIME    VOYAGE, 

i^ast  sight    in  all  whicli   time   we  saw  not  the  shallop,  or  ever   after. 

ol  the  ^ 

Bhaiiop.  Jvfow  Hcnric  Greene  came  to  me  and  told  mce,  that  it  was 
the  companies  will  tliat  I  should  come  up  into  the  masters 
cabbin  and  take  charge  thereof.  I  told  him  it  M'as  more  fit 
for  Robert  Juet :  he  said  he  should  not  come  in  it,  nor 
meddle  with  the  masters  card  or  journals.  So  up  I  came, 
and  Henrie  Greene  gave  me  the  key  of  the  masters  chest, 
and  told  me  then,  that  he  had  laid  the  masters  best  things 
together,  which  hee  would  use  himselfe  when  time  did  serve: 
the  bread  was  also  delivered  to  me  by  tale. 

The  wind  serving,  wee  stood  to  the  north-east,  and  this 
was  Robert  Billets  course,  contrarie  to  Robert  Juet,  who 
would  have  gone  to  the  north-west.  We  had  the  eastcrne 
shoare  still  in  sight,  and  (in  the  night)  had  a  stout  gale  of 
wind,  and  stood  afore  it  till  wee  met  with  ice,  into  the  which 
we  ranne  from  thinne  to  thicke,  till  we  could  goe  no  further 
for  ice,  which  lay  so  thicke  ahead  of  us  (and  the  Avind  brought 
it  after  us  asterne)  that  wee  could  not  stirre  backward  nor 
forward ;  but  so  lay  imbayed  fourteene  dales  in  worse  ice 
then  ever  wee  met  to  deale  withall,  for  we  had  beene  where 
there  was  greater  store,  but  it  was  not  so  broad  upon  the 
water  as  this;  for  this  floting  ice  contained  miles  and  halfe 
miles  in  compasse,  where  we  had  a  deepe  sea,  and  a  tide  of 
flood  and  ebbe,  Avhich  set  north-west  and  south-east.  Heere 
Robert  Juet  would  have  gone  to  the  north-west,  but  Robert 
Billet  was  confident  to  go  through  to  the  north-east,  which 

iiandl  ^^^  ^^^-  ^^  ^^^^'  being  cleere  of  this  ice,  he  continued  his 
course  in  sight  of  the  eastcrne  shore  till  he  rayscd  foure 
islands,  which  lay  north  and  south  ;  but  we  passed  them 
sixe  or  seven  leagues,  the  wind  tooke  us  so  short.  Then 
wee  stood  backc  to  them  againe,  and  came  to  an  anchor 
bctweenc  two  of  the  most  northernmost.  AVe  sent  the  boat 
ashoarc,  to  sec  if  there  were  any  thing  there  to  be  had,  but 
found  nothing  but  cockle-grasse,  M'hercof  tlu^y  gathered 
1   I'rubably  not  far  from  rortluiul  roiiit,  ,08°  50'  N.,  7!)"  W. 


store,  and  so  returned  aboord.  Before  we  came  to  tliis  place, 
I  might  well  see  that  I  was  kept  in  the  ship  against  Ilcnry 
Greenes  mindc,  because  I  did  not  favour  their  proceedings 
better  than  I  did.  Then  hee  began  (very  subtilly)  to  drawe 
me  to  take  upon  me  to  search  for  those  things  which  him- 
selfe  had  stolne  :  and  accused  me  of  a  matter  no  lesse  then 
treason  amongst  us,  that  I  had  deceived  the  company  of 
thirtie  cakes  of  bread.     Noav  they  beg^an  to  talke  amongst  pe  wicked 

•'  <-'  '^       flee  where 

themselves,  that  England  was  no  safe  place  for  them,  and  "uetu!'"'" 
Henry  Greene  swore  the  shippe  should  not  come  into 
any  place  (but  keepe  the  sea  still)  till  he  had  the  kings 
majesties  hand  and  scale  to  shew  for  his  safetie.  They  had 
many  devices  in  their  heads,  but  Henry  Greene  in  the  end 
was  their  captaine,  and  so  called  of  them. 

From  these  ilands  we  stood  to  the  north-east  and  the 
easter  land  still  in  sight :  wee  raysed  those  ilands,  that  our 
master  called  Rumnies  Ilands.^  Betweene  these  ilands  and 
the  shallow  ground,  to  the  east  of  them,  our  master  went 
downe  into  the  first  great  bay.^  We  kept  the  east  shoare 
still  in  our  sight,  and  comming  thwart  of  the  low  land,  wee 
ranne  on  a  rocke  that  lay  under  water,  and  strooke  but  once ; 
for  if  shee  had,  we  might  have  beene  made  inhabitants  of 
that  place  ;  but  God  sent  us  soone  off  without  any  harme 
that  wee  saw.  Wee  continued  our  course  and  raysed  land 
a  head  of  us,  which  stretched  out  to  the  north  :  which  when 
they  saw,  they  said  plainly,  that  llobort  Billet  by  his  north- 
erly course  had  left  the  capes  to  the  south,  and  that  they 
were  best  to  seeke  downe  to  the  south  in  time  for  reliefe 
before  all  was  gone;  for  we  had  small  store  left.  But  Robert 
Billet  would  follow  the  land  to  the  north,  saying  that  he 
hoped  in  God  to  find  somewhat  to  rclceve  us  that  way  as 

^  These  islands  are  not  marked  on  Hudson's  chart ;  they  are,  how- 
ever, certainly  near  the  mouth  of  Mosquito  Bay.  Perhaps  some  of  the 
islands  near  Cape  Smith  are  meant. 

^  Mosquito  liay. 

126  A    LAltGER    DISCOURSE    OF    THE    SAME    VOYAGE, 

soone  as  to  the  south.  I  told  them  that  this  land  was  the  mayne 
of  Worsenhome  Cajic,  and  that  the  shallow  rockie  ground 
was  the  same  that  the  master  went  downe  by  when  he  went 
into  the  great  bay.  llobert  Juet  and  all  said  it  was  not 
possible,  unlesse  the  master  had  brought  the  ship  over  land, 
and  willed  them  to  looke  into  the  masters  card  and  their 
course  how  well  they  did  agree.  We  stood  to  the  east  and 
left  the  mayne  land  to  the  north,  by  many  small  ilands  into 
a  narrow  gut  betweene  two  lands,  and  there  came  to  an 
anchor.'  The  boat  went  ashoare  on  the  north  side,  where 
we  found  the  great  home,  but  nothing  else.  The  next  day 
wee  went  to  the  south  side,  but  found  nothing  there  save 
cockle  grasse,  of  which  we  gatliercd.  This  grassc  was  a 
great  reliefe  unto  us,  for  without  it  we  should  hardly  have  got 
to  the  capes  for  want  of  victuall.  The  Avind  serving  we 
stood  out,  but  before  we  could  get  cleane  out  the  wind  came 
to  the  west,  so  that  wc  were  constrayned  to  anchor  on  the 
north  side. 

The  next  day,  wee  weighed  and  doubled  the  point  of  the 
North  Land,  which  is  high  land,  and  so  continued  to  the 
capes,  lying  north  and  south,  some  five-and-twentie  or  thirtie 
leagues.  To  the  north  we  stood  to  see  store  of  those  foulcs 
that  breed  in  the  Capes,  and  to  kill  some  with  our  shot,  and 
to  fetch  them  with  our  boat.  Wc  raised  the  Capes  with  joy 
and  bare  for  them,  and  came  to  the  ilands  that  lie  in  the 
mouth  of  the  strcight;^  but  bearing  in  betweene  the  Rockie 

^  They  were  near  the  eastern  coast  of  the  bay,  and,  as  appears  from  the 
statements  on  the  next  page,  about  twenty-five  leagues  (seventy-tive 
roots)  south  of  Cape  Worstenhohne.  But  they  themselves  had  entirely 
lost  their  way.  We  see  them  groping  about  like  children  in  a  strange 
place,  trying  to  find  some  locality  the  features  of  which  they  remember. 
The  capes,  that  is  to  say  Cape  Worstenholme  and  Cape  Diggs,  were  their 
great  hope.  Their  anxiety  to  reach  them  was  so  great,  that  they  actually 
were  afraid  they  had  passed  them  and  were  to  the  north  of  them,  whilst 
in  reality  they  were  more  than  a  degree  to  the  south  of  these  capes. 

'■^  The  strait  between  Cape  Worstenholme  and  Capo  Diggs.  The 
islaads  are  those  of  the  Diggs'  Islands  group. 


lies,  we  ranne  on  a  rocke  that  lay  under  water,  and  there  a  rocke. 
stucke  fast  eight  or  nine  houres.  It  was  ebbing  water  when 
we  thus  came  on,  so  the  floud  set  us  afloat,  God  guiding 
both  wind  and  sea,  that  it  was  calme  and  faire  weather  :  the 
ebbe  came  from  the  east,  and  the  floud  from  the  west.  When 
wee  were  afloat  wee  stood  more  neere  to  the  east  shore,  and  xoie. 
there  anchored. 

The  next  day,  being  the  seven  and  UventietJi  of  July,  we  J"iy2~- 
sent  the  boat  to  fetch  some  fowle,  and  the  ship  should  way 
and  stand  as  neere  as  they  could,  /or  the  wind  was  against 
us.  They  had  a  great  way  to  row,  and  by  that  meanes  they 
could  not  reach  to  the  place  where  the  fowle  bred  ;  but 
found  good  store  of  gulls,  yet  hard  to  come  by,  on  the  rocks 
and  cliffes  ;  but  with  their  peeces  they  killed  some  thirtie, 
and  towards  night  returned.  Now  wee  had  brought  our 
ship  more  neere  to  the  mouth  of  the  streights,^  and  there 
came  to  an  anchor  in  eighteene  or  twentie  fathom  water, 
upon  a  riffe  or  shelfe  of  ground  ;  which  after  they  had 
weighed  their  anchor,  and  stood  more  neere  to  the  place 
where  the  fowle  bred,^  they  could  not  find  it  againe,  nor  no 
place  like  it :  but  were  faine  to  turne  to  and  fro  in  the 
mouth  of  the  streight,  and  to  be  in  danger  of  rockes,  because 
they  could  not  find  ground  to  let  fall  an  anchor  in,  the  water 
was  so  deepe. 

The  eight  and  twentieth  day,  the  boat  went  to  Digges  his 
Cape  for  fowle,  and  made  directly  for  the  place  where  the 
fowle  bred,  and  being  neere,  they  saw  seven  boates  come 
about  the  easterne  point  towards  them.  When  the  savages  savages. 
saw  our  boate,  they  drew  themselves  together,  and  drew 
their  lesser  boats  into  their  bigger  :  and  when  they  had  done, 
they  came  rowing  to  our  boat,  and  made  signes  to  the  M'cst, 
but  they  made  readie  for  all  assayes.     The  savages  came  to 

^  The  northern  mouth  of  the  strait. 

^  The  reader  will  rememher,  that  on  their  first  visit  to  Cape  Diggs, 
they  had  found  there  an  abundance  of  liirds  and  eggs. 



tlicm,  and  by  signes  grew  familiar  one  with  another,  so  as 
our  men  tooke  one  of  theirs  into  our  boate,  and  they  tooke 
one  of  ours  into  their  boate.  Then  they  carried  our  man  to 
a  cove  where  their  tents  stood  towards  the  west  of  the  place, 
where  the  fowle  bred  :  so  they  carried  him  into  their  tents, 
where  he  remayned  till  our  men  returned  with  theirs.  Our 
boat  went  to  the  place  where  the  fowle  bred,  and  were 
desirous  to  know  how  the  savages  killed  their  fowle  :  he 
shewed  them  the  manner  how,  Avhich  was  thus  :  they  take 
a  long  pole  with  a  snare^  at  the  end,  which  they  put  about 
the  fowles  necke,  and  so  plucke  them  downe.  When  our 
men  knew  that  they  had  a  better  way  of  their  owne,  they 
shewed  him  the  use  of  our  peeces,  which  at  one  shot  would 
kill  seven  or  eight.  To  be  short,  our  boat  returned  to  their 
cove  for  our  man  and  to  deliver  theirs.  When  they  came 
they  made  great  joy,  with  dancing,  and  leaping,  and  stroking 
of  their  breasts  :  they  offered  divers  things  to  our  men,  but 
they  only  tooke  some  morses  teeth,  which  they  gave  them 
for  a  knife  and  two  glasse  buttons  :  and  so  receiving  our 
man  they  came  aboard,  much  rejoicing  at  this  chance,  as  if 
they  had  met  with  the  most  simple  and  kind  peof)le  of  the 

And  Henry  Greene  (more  then  the  rest)  was  so  confident, 
that  (by  no  meanes)  we  should  take  care  to  stand  on  our 
guard  :  God  blinding  him  so,  that  where  hee  made  reckon- 
ing to  receive  great  matters  from  these  people,  he  received 
more  then  he  looked  for,  and  that  suddenly,  by  being  made 
a  good  example  for  all  men :  that  make  no  conscience  of 
doing  evill,  and  that  we  take  heed  of  the  savage  people, 
how  simple  soever  they  secme  to  be. 

The  next  day,  the  nine  and  tivetttieth  of  July,  they  made 
haste  to  be  ashoare,'  and  because  the  ship  rid  too  farre  off, 

^  A  iioosc.  This  method  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Esciuimaux,  of  catchiug 
birds  with  a  sort  of  hisso,  has,  the  editor  beUeves,  not  been  mcutioned 
by  any  other  voyager  in  these  regions. 

"  On  Oape  Diggs'  Island. 


they  weighed  and  stood  as  ncere  to  the  place  ■where  the 
fowle  hred  as  they  could  ;  and  l^ecause  I  was  lame  T  was  to 
go  in  the  boat,  to  carry  such  things  as  I  had  in  the  cabbin,  of 
every  thing  somewhat ;  and  so,  with  more  haste  then  good 
speed  (and  not  without  swearing)  away  we  went,  Henry 
Greene,  William  Wilson,  John  Thomas,  Michael  Perse, 
Andrew  Moter,  and  my  selfe.  When  we  came  neere  the 
shoare,  the  people  were  on  the  hils  dancing  and  leaping :  to 
the  cove  we  came,  where  they  had  drawne  up  their  boatcs  : 
wee  brought  our  boate  to  the  east  side  of  the  cove,  close  to 
the  rockes.  Ashoare  they  went,  and  made  fast  the  boat  to  a 
great  stone  on  the  shoare ;  the  people  came,  and  every  one 
had  somewhat  in  his  hand  to  barter  ;  but  Henry  Greene 
swore  they  should  have  nothing  till  he  had  venison,  for  they 
had  so  promised  him  by  signes. 

Now  when  we  came,  they  made  signes  to   their  dog^es  savages 

'J  o  on       dogges. 

(whereof  there  were  many  like  mongrels,  as  bigge  as 
hounds),  and  pointed  to  their  mountaine  and  to  the  sunne, 
clapping  their  hands.  Then  Henry  Greene,  John  Tliomas, 
and  William  Wilson  stood  hard  by  the  boate  head,  Michael 
Perse   and   Andrew   Moter   were   got  up  upon  the  rock  a  savages 

o  1         i.  trechene. 

gathering  of  sorrell ;  not  one  of  them  had  any  weapon  about 
him,  not  so  much  as  a  sticke,  save  Henry  Greene  only,  who 
had  a  piece  of  a  pike  in  his  hand  :  nor  saw  I  any  tldng  that 
they  had  wherewith  to  hurt  us.  Henry  Greene  and  William 
Wilson  had  looking-glasses,  and  Jewes  trumps,'  and  bels, 
which  they  were  shewing  the  people.  The  savages  standing 
round  about  them,  one  of  them  came  into  the  boats  head  to 
me  to  shew  me  a  bottle  :  I  made  signes  to  him  to  get  him 
ashoare,  but  he  made  as  though  he  had  not  understood  me, 
whereu2:)on  I  stood  up  and  pointed  him  ashoare.  In  the 
meane-time  another  stole  behind  me  to  the  sterne  of  the 
boat,  and  when  I  saw  him  ashoare  that  was  in  the  head  of 
the  boat  I  sate  downe  againe,  but  suddenly  I  saw  the  legge 
^  .Jew's  harps. 

130  A    LARGER    DISCOURSE    OF    THE    SAME    VOYAGE, 

and  foote  of  a  man  by  mcc.  AVhcrcfore  I  cast  up  my  head, 
and  saw  the  savage  with  his  knife  in  his  hand,  who  strooke 
at  my  breast  over  my  head :  I  cast  up  my  right  arme  to  save 
my  brest,  he  wounded  my  arme,  and  strooke  me  into  the 
bodie  under  my  right  pappe.  He  strooke  a  second  blow, 
which  I  met  with  my  left  hand,  and  then  he  strooke  me 
into  the  right  thigh,  and  had  like  to  have  cut  off  my  little 
finger  of  the  left  hand.  Now  I  had  got  hold  of  the  string 
of  the  knife,  and  had  woond  it  about  my  left  hand,  he 
striving  with  both  his  hands  to  make  an  end  of  that  he  had 
begune  :  I  found  him  but  weake  in  the  gripe  (God  enabling 
me),  and  getting  hold  of  the  sleeve  of  his  left  arme,  so  bare 
him  from  me.  His  left  side  lay  bare  to  me,  which  when  I 
saw,  I  put  his  sleeve  off  his  left  arme  into  my  left  hand, 
holding  the  string  of  the  knife  fast  in  the  same  hand  ;  and 
having  got  my  right  hand  at  liberty,  I  sought  for  somewhat 
wherewith  to  strike  him  (not  remembring  my  dagger  at  my 
side),  but  looking  downe  I  saw  it,  and  therewith  strooke 
him  into  the  bodie  and  the  throate. 

Whiles  I  was  thus  assaulted  in  the  boat,  our  men  were 
set  upon  on  the  shoare.  John  Thomas  and  A^'illiam  Wilson 
had  their  bowels  cut,  and  Michael  Perse  and  Henry  Greene, 
being  mortally  wounded,  came  tumbling  into  the  boat  to- 
gether. When  Andrew  Motor  saw  this  medley,  hee  came 
running  downe  the  rockes,  and  leaped  into  the  sea,  and  so 
swamme  to  the  boat,  hanging  on  the  sterne  thereof,  till 
Michael  Perse  took  him  in,  who  manfully  made  good  the 
head  of  the  boat  against  the  savages,  that  pressed  sore  upon 
us.  Now  Michael  Perse  had  got  an  hatchet,  wherewith  I 
saw  him  strike  one  of  them,  that  he  lay  sprawling  in  the  sea. 
Henry  Greene  crieth  Coragio,  and  laycth  about  him  with 
his  truncheon.  I  cryed  to  them  to  cleere  the  boat,  and 
Andrew  Motor  cryed  to  bee  taken  in.  The  savages  bctooke 
them  to  their  bowes  and  arroMCs,  which  they  sent  amongst 
us,   wherewith    Henry    Greene   was    slaine    outright,    and 


Michael  Perse  received  many  wounds,  and  so  did  the  rest. 
Michael  Perse  cleereth  the  boate,  and  puts  it  from  the 
shoare,  and  helpeth  Andrew  Moter  in  ;  but  in  turning  of 
the  boat  I  received  a  cruell  wound  in  my  backe  with  an 
arrow.  Michael  Perse  and  Andrew  Motor  rowed  the  boate 
away,  which,  when  the  savages  saw,  they  ranne  to  their 
boats,  and  I  feared  they  would  have  launched  them  to  have 
followed  us,  but  they  did  not,  and  our  ship  was  in  the 
middle  of  the  channell  and  could  not  see  us. 

Now,  when  they  had  rowed  a  good  way  from  the  shoare, 
Michael  Perse  fainted,  and  could  row  no  more.  Then  was 
Andrew  Moter  driven  to  stand  in  the  boat  head,  and  waft 
to  the  ship,  which  at  the  first  saw  us  not,  and  when  they 
did  they  could  not  tell  what  to  make  of  us,  but  in  the  end 
they  stood  for  us,  and  so  tooke  us  up.  Henry  Greene  was 
throwne  out  of  the  boat  into  the  sea,  and  the  rest  were  had 
aboard,  the  savage  being  yet  alive,  yet  Avithout  sense.  But 
they  died  all  there  that  day,  William  Wilson  swearinoj  and  kicked  and 

•'  "^  '  O  wretched 

cursing   in    most  fearefull    manner.     Michael    Perse    lived  ^"etched 
two  dayes  after,  and  then  died.     Thus  you  have  heard  the  "'^  '^  ^^^' 
tragicall  end  of  Henry  Greene  and  his  mates,  whom  they 
called  captaine,  these  foure  being  the  only  lustie  men  in  all 
the  ship. 

The  poore  number  that  was  left  were  to  ply  our  ship  to 
and  fro  in  the  mouth  of  the  streight,^  for  there  was  no  place 
to  anchor  in  neere  hand.  Besides,  they  were  to  go  in  the 
boate  to  kill  fowle  to  bring  us  home,  which  they  did,  al- 
though with  danger  to  us  all.  For  if  the  wind  blew  there 
was  an  high  sea,  and  the  eddies  of  the  tydes  would  carrie 
the  ship  so  neere  the  rockes  as  it  feared  our  master,  for  so  I 
will  now  call  him.  After  they  had  killed  some  two  hundred 
fowle,  with  great  labour,  on  the   south  cape,   wee  stood  to 

^  The  strait  between   Cape   Worstenholme   and  Cape   Diggs,  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  which  the  scenes  just  related  by  Pricket  took  place. 
'^  Cape  Diggs. 

132         A    LARGEK    DISCOURSE    OF    THE    SAME    VOYAGE, 

the  cast,  but  when  wee  were  sixe  or  seven  leagues  from  the 
capes,  the  wind  came  up  at  east.  Then  wee  stood  backe  to 
the  capes  again,  and  killed  an  hundred  fowle  more.  After 
tliis  the  wind  came  to  the  west,  so  wee  were  driven  to  goe 
away,  and  then  our  master  stood  (for  the  most)  along  by  the 
north  shoare,  till  he  fell  into  broken  ground  about  the 
Queen's  Foreland,^  and  there  anchored.  From  thence  wee 
went  to  God's  Mercies,  and  from  thence  to  E.ose  Ilands,^ 
which  lye  in  the  mouth  of  our  streight,  not  seeing  the  land 
till  we  were  readie  to  runne  our  bosprite  against  the  rockes 
in  a  fogge.  But  it  cleered  a  little,  and  then  we  might  see 
our  selves  inclosed  wdth  rockie  ilands,  and  could  find  uo 
ground  to  anchor  in.  There  our  master  lay  a  trie  all  night, 
and  the  next  day,  the  fogge  continuing,  they  sought  for 
ground  to  anchor  in,  and  found  some  in  an  hundred  and 
odde  fathomes  of  water.  The  next  day  we  weighed  and 
stood  to  the  east,  but  before  wee  came  heere  we  had  put  our- 
selves to  hard  allowance,  as  halfe  a  foule  a  day  with  the 
pottage,  for  yet  we  had  some  meale  left  and  nothing  else. 
Then  they  beganne  to  make  triall  of  all  whatsoever.  "Wee 
Miseriopur- liatl  flayed  our  fowle,  for  they  will  not  i)ull,  and  Robert 
rest.  Juet  was  the  first  that  made  use  of  the  skins  by  burning  of 

the  feathers  ;  so  they  became  a  great  dish  of  meate,  and  as 
for  the  garbidge,  it  Avas  not  thrown  away. 

After  we  were  cleere  of  these  ilands,  which  lie  out  with 
two  points,  one  to  the  south-east  and  the  other  to  the  north, 
making  a  bay  to  the  sight  as  if  there  were  no  way  through, 
Ave  continued  our  course  cast-south-cast  and  south  and  by 
cast,   to   raise  the  Desolations,^  from  thence    to   shape   our 

^  Queen's  Cape,  a  headland  of  the  northern  shore  of  Hudson's  Strait, 
to  the  north  of  Salisbury  Islands.  This  locality  is,  though  very  vaguely, 
indicated  on  Hudson's  chart,  and  is  even  now  very  inaccurately  known, 
so  that  it  is  not  easy  to  fix  the  exact  locality  of  the  (^ui'e)i'g  Foreland 
of  Pricket. 

'  Apparently  some  of  the  islands  near  Cape  Chidicy,  perhaps  Killinek 
and  Kikkcrtorsoak. 

•'  The  south-east  coast  of  Greenland. 


course  for  Ireland.  Thus  wee  continued  divers  dayes  ;  but 
the  wind  comming  against  us  made  us  to  alter  our  course, 
and  by  the  meanes  of  Robert  Juet,  who  perswaded  the  com- 
pany that  they  should  find  great  reliefe  in  Newfoundland  if 
our  countrymen  were  there,  and  if  they  were  gone  before 
we  came  yet  should  we  find  great  store  of  bread  and  fish 
left  ashore  by  them  ;  but  how  true,  I  give  God  thankes  we 
did  not  trie.  Yet  we  stood  to  the  south-west  and  to  the 
west  almost  to  fiftie  seven  degrees,  when  (by  the  will  of  God) 
the  Avinde  came  up  at  south-west.  Then  the  master  asked 
me  if  he  should  take  the  benefit  of  this  wind,  and  shape  his 
course  for  Ireland.  I  said  it  was  best  to  goe  where  we  knew 
corne  grew,  and  not  to  seeke  it  Avhere  it  was  cast  away  and 
not  to  be  found.  Towards  Ireland  now  wee  stood,  with 
prosperous  winds  for  many  dayes  together.  Then  was  all 
our  meale  spent,  and  our  fowle  restie  and  dry  ;  but  (being 
no  remedie)  we  were  content  with  the  salt  broth  for  dinner 
and  the  halfe  fowle  for  supper.  Now  went  our  candles 
to  vvracke,  and  Bennet,  our  cooke,  made  a  messe  of  meate  Poore  diet. 
of  the  bones  of  the  fowle,  frying  them  with  candle  grease 
till  they  were  crispe,  and,  with  vineger  put  to  them,  made 
a  good  dish  of  meate.  Our  vineger  was  shared,  and  to  every 
man  a  pound  of  candles  delivered  for  a  weeke,  as  a  great 
daintie.  Now  Robert  Juet  (by  his  reckoning)  saith  wee 
were  within  sixtie  or  seventie  leagues  of  Ireland,  when  wee 
had  two  hundred  thither.  And  sure  our  course  was  so 
much  the  longer  through  our  evill  steeredge,  for  our  men 
became  so  weake  that  they  could  not  stand  at  the  helme, 
but  were  faine  to  sit. 

Then  Robert  Juet  dyed  for  meere  want,  and  all  our  men  jjo^;^^ 
were  in  despaire,  and  said  wee  were  past  Ireland,  and  our  death. 
last   fowle   were   in   the  steep  tub.     So  our  men  cared  not 
which  end  went  forward,  insomuch  as  our  master  was  driven 
to  looke  to  their   labour   as  well  as  his   owne  ;  for  some  of 
them  would  sit  and  see  the  fore  saylc  or  mayne  sayle  flic  up 


134  A    LARGER    DISCOURSE,    ETC. 

to  the  tops,  the  sheets  being  cither  flowne  or  broken,  and 
would  not  hclpe  it  themselves  nor  call  to  others  for  helpe, 
which  much  grieved  the  master.  Now  in  this  extremitie  it 
pleased  God  to  give  us  sight  of  land,  not  farre  from  the 
place  our  master  said  he  would  fall  withall,  which  was  the 
bay  of  Galloway,'  and  we  fell  to  the  west  of  the  Derses,'  and 
so  stood  along  by  the  coast  to  the  south-west.  In  the  end  there 
was  a  joyful  cry,  a  sayle,  a  sayle,  towards  which  they  stood. 
Then  they  saw  more,  but  to  the  neerest  wee  stood,  and  called 
A  sayle  of    to  him  ;  his  bark  was  of  Fowy,^  and  was  at  anchor  a  fishing. 

Fowy.  _ 

}]"'^   .       He  came  to  us,  and  brought  us  into  Bere  Haven.*  Here  we 

Haven  in  '  o 

stayed  a  few  dayes,  and  delt  with  the  Irish  to  supply  our 
wants,  but  found  no  reliefe,  for  in  this  place  there  was 
neither  bread,  drinke,  nor  mony  to  be  had  amongst  them. 
Wherefore  they  advised  us  to  deale  with  our  countrymen 
who  were  there  a  fishing,  which  we  did,  but  found  them  so 
cold  in  kindnesse  that  they  would  doe  nothing  without  pre- 
sent money,  whereof  we  had  none  in  the  ship.  In  the  end 
we  procured  one  John  Waymouth,  master  of  the  barque  that 
brought  us  into  this  harbour,  to  furnish  us  with  money, 
which  hee  did,  and  received  our  best  cable  and  anchor  in 
pawne  for  the  same.  With  this  money  our  master,  with  the 
help  of  John  Waymouth,  bought  bread,  beere,  and  bcefe. 

Now,  as  wee  were  beholding  to  Waymouth  for  his  money, 
so  were  wee  to  one  Captaine  Taylor  for  making  of  our  con- 
tracts with  Waymouth,  by  whose  meancs  hee  tookc  a  bill 
for  our  cable  and  anchor  and  for  the  men's  wages,  who 
would  not  go  with  us  unless  Waymouth  would  passe  his 
word  for  the  same :  for  they  made  show  that  they  were  not 
willing  to  goe  Avith  us  for  any  wages.  Whereupon  Captaine 
Taylor  swore  he  would  presse  them,  and  then,  if  they  would 
not  goe,  hee  would  hang  them. 

In    conclusion,  wee    agreed    for    three    pound    ten    shil- 

^  Galway.  '■^  Dursey  Island,  near  the  south-west  coast  of  Ireland, 

^  Fowcy,  in  Cornwall.  '  Beer  Haven,  south-west  coast  of  Ireland. 


lings  a  man  to  bring  our  ship  to  riimonth  or  Dartmonth, 
and  to  give  the  pilot  five  pound  ;  but  if  the  winde  did  not 
serve,  but  that  they  were  driven  to  put  into  Bristow,  they 
were  to  have  foure  pound  ten  shillings  a  man,  and  the  pilot 
sixe  pound.  Omitting  therefore  further  circumstances,  from 
Bere  Haven  wee  came  to  Plimouth,  and  so  to  an  anchor  a''?*i^''"" 
before  the  castle  ;  and  from  Plimouth,  with  faire  winde  and  '"°" 
weather  without  stop  or  stay,  wee  came  to  the  Downes,  from 
thence  to  Gravesend,  where  most  of  our  men  went  a  shoare, 
and  from  thence  came  on  this  side  Erith,  and  there  stopped  : 
wdiere  our  master  Robert  Billet  came  aboord,  and  so  had 
mee  up  to  London  with  him,  and  so  wee  came  to  Sir  Thomas 
Smiths  together. 

Forasmuch  as  this  report  of  Pricket  may  happely  bee 
suspected  by  some,  as  not  so  friendly  to  Hudson,  who  re- 
turned with  that  companie  which  had  so  cruelly  exposed 
Hudson  and  his,  and  therefore  may  seeme  to  lay  heavier 
imputation,  and  rip  up  occasions  further  then  they  will 
beleeve,  I  have  also  added  the  report  of  Thomas  Wydhouse, 
one  of  the  exposed  companie,  who  ascribeth  those  occasions 
of  discord  to  Juet.  I  take  not  on  mee  to  sentence,  no  not  to 
examine  ;  I  have  presented  the  evidence  just  as  I  had  it ; 
let  the  bench  censure,  hearing  with  both  eares,  that  which 
with  both  eyes  they  may  see  in  those  and  these  notes  ;  to 
which  I  have  first  prefixed  his  letter  to  Master  Samuel 

Master  Macham,  I  heartily  commend  mee  unto  you,  etc. 
I  can  write  unto  you  no  newes,  though  I  have  scene  much, 
but  such  as  every  English  fisherman  haunting  these  coasts 
can  report  better  then  my  selfe. 

Wee  kept  our  Whitsunday  in  the  north-east  end  of  Island,i 
^  Iceland. 

136  A    NOTE    FOUND    IN    THE    DESK 

and  I  thinke  I  never  fared  better  in  England  then  wee 
feasted  there.  They  of  the  countrey  are  very  poore,  and 
live  miserably,  yet  we  found  therein  store  of  fresh  fish  and 
daintie  fowle.  I  my  selfe  in  an  aftcrnoone  killed  so  much 
iiiiiiders      fowle  as  fcastcd  all  our  company,  beini^  three  and  twentie 

poore.  _  .  . 

persons,  at  one  time,  oncly  with  partridges,  besides  curlue, 
plover,  mallard,  teale,  and  goose.  I  have  scene  two  hot 
bathes  in  Island,  and  have  beene  in  one  of  them.  AYee  are 
resolved  to  trie  the  uttermost,  and  lye  onely  expecting  a  faire 
winde,  and  to  refresh  ourselves  to  avoid  the  ice,  which  now 
Thecauseof  |g  come  off  the  west  coasts,  of  which  we  have  seene  whole 

their  stay  at  ' 

Island.        islands,  but  God  bee  thanked,  have  not  beene  in  danger  of 
any.     Thus  I  desire  all  your  prayers  for  us. 
From  Islandj  this  thirtieth  of  May,  1610. 



The  teyith  day  of  September,  1610,  after  dinner,  our  master 
called  all  the  companie  together,  to  heare  and  beare  wit- 
nesse  of  the  abuse  of  some  of  the  companie  (it  having  beene 
the  request  of  Robert  Juct)  that  the  master  should  redresse 
some  abuses  and  slanders,  as  hee  called  them,  against  this 
Juet :  which  thing  after  the  master  had  examined  and  heard 
with  equitie  what  hee  could  say  for  himselfe,  there  were 
proovcd  so  many  and  great  abuses,  and  mutinous  matters 
against  the  master,  and  action  by  Juet,  tliat  there  Avas  danger 
to  have  suffered  them  longer  :  and  it  was  fit  time  to  punish 
and  cut  off  farther  occasions  of  the  like  mutinies. 

It  Avas  proovcd  to  his  face,  first  with  Bennet  Mathcw,  our 

OF    THOMAS    WiDHOUSE.  137 

trumpet,  upon  our  first  sight  of  Island,'  and  he  confcst,  that 
hee  supposed  that  in  the  action  woukl  bee  manslaughter, 
and  prove  bloodie  to  some. 

Secondly,  at  our  comming  from  Island,  in  hearing  of  the 
companie,  hee  did  threaten  to  turne  the  head  of  the  ship 
home  from  the  action,  which  at  that  time  was  by  our  master 
wisely  pacified,  hoping  of  amendment. 

Thirdly,  it  was  deposed  by  Philip  StafFe,  our  carpenter, 
and  Ladlie  Arnold,"  to  his  face  upon  the  holy  bible,  that  hee 
pers waded  them  to  keepe  muskets  charged,  and  swords 
readie  in  their  cabbins,  for  they  should  be  charged  with  shot 
ere  the  voyage  were  over. 

Fourthly,  wee  being  pestered  in  the  ice,  hee  had  used 
words  tending  to  mutinie,  discouragement,  and  slander  of 
the  action,  which  easily  took  effect  in  those  that  were 
timourous  ;  and  had  not  the  master  in  time  prevented,  it 
might  easily  have  overthrowne  the  voyage  :  and  now  lately 
being  imbayed  in  a  deepe  bay,  which  the  master  had  desire 
to  see,  for  some  reasons  to  himselfe  knowne,  his  word  tended 
altogether  to  put  the  companie  into  a  fray  of  extremitie,  by 
wintering  in  cold.  Jesting  at  our  masters  hope  to  see  Ban- 
tam by  Candlemasse. 

For  these  and  divers  other  base  slanders  against  the  master 
hee  was  deposed,  and  Robert  Bylot,  who  had  shewed  himselfe 
honestly  respecting  the  good  of  the  action,  was  placed  in  his 
stead  the  masters  mate. 

Also  Francis  Clement,  the  boatson,  at  this  time  was  put 
from  his  office,  and  William  Wilson,  a  man  thought  more 
fit,  preferred  to  his  place.  This  man  had  basely  carryed 
himselfe  to  our  master  and  to  the  action. 

Also  Adrian  Mooter  was  appointed  boatsons  mate,  and  a 

promise  by  the  master,  that  from  this  day  Juets  wages  should 

remaine  to  Bylot,  and  the  boatsons  overplus  of  wages  should 

be  equally  divided  betweene  Wilson  and  one  John  King, 

^  Iceland.  ^  Arnold  Ludlow,  or  Lodlo. 


138  A    NOTE    FOUND    IN    THE    DESK,    ETC. 

to  the  owners  good  liking,  one  of  the  quarter  masters,  who 
had  very  well  carryed  themselves  to  the  furtherance  of  the 

Also  the  master  promised,  if  the  offenders  yet  behaved 
themselves  henceforth  honestly,  hee  would  bee  a  meanes  for 
their  good,  and  that  hee  would  forget  injuries,  with  other 

These  things  thus  premised  touching  Hudsons  exposing, 
and  God's  just  judgments  on  the  exposers,  as  Pricket  hath 
related  (whom  they  reserved,  as  is  thought,  in  hope  by  Sir 
Dudley  Digges  his  master  to  procure  their  pardon  at  their 
returne),  I  thought  good  to  adde  that  which  I  have  fur- 
ther received  from  good  intelligence,  that  the  ship  com- 
ming  aground  at  Digges  Island,  in  63  degrees  44}  minutes, 
a  great  flood  came  from  the  west  and  set  them  on  floate  : 
an  argument  of  an  open  passage  from  the  South  Sea  to  that, 
and  consequently  to  these  seas.  The  weapons  and  arts 
which  they  saw,  beyond  those  of  other  savages,  are  argu- 
ments hereof.  Hee  which  assaulted  Pricket  in  the  boate, 
had  a  weapon  broad  and  sharpe  indented,  of  bright  Steele 
(such  as  they  use  in  Java),  riveted  into  a  handle  of  morse 

'  The  latitude  assigned  by  Wj'dhouse  to  Diggs'  Island  is  incorrect, 
at  least  as  regards  the  Diggs'  Island  of  Hudson,  wliich  is  undoubtedly 
opposite  to,  and  therefore  nearly  in  the  same  latitude  as  Cape  Worsten- 
holme  (62°  25').  It  is  impossible  to  ascertain  how  the  mistake  arose. 
But  it  is  curious  to  observe  that  this  mistake,  by  which  Cape  Diggs  is 
placed  so  much  too  far  north,  is  of  an  opposite  nature  to  that  com- 
mitted by  Hudson  himself  with  regard  to  Cape  Farewell,  which  he  places 
several  minutes  too  far  south.  Wydhouse's  mistake  has  undoubtedly 
intlucnced  the  opinion  of  modern  map  makers,  who  invariably  place 
Diggs'  Island  too  far  north-west,  or  rather  give  that  name  to  an  island 
to  which  it  did  not  originally  belong. 



FOL.,    LOND.,    1626,    817. 


Henry  Hudson,  1607,  discovered  further  north  toward  the 
pole,  then,  perhaps,  any  before  him.  He  found  himselfe  in 
80  degrees,  23  minutes,  where  they  felt  it  hot,  and  dranke 
water  to  coole  their  thirst.  They  saw  land  (as  they  thought) 
to  82,  and  further  on  the  shore  they  had  snow,  morses  teeth, 
deeres  homes,  whale-bones,  and  footing  of  other  beasts, 
with  a  streame  of  fresh  water.  The  next  yeere,  1608,  he 
set  forth  on  a  discovery  to  the  north-east,  at  which  time 
they  met,  as  both  himselfe  and  Juet  have  testified,  a  mer- 
maid in  the  sea,  scene  by  Thomas  Hils  and  Robert  Rainer. 
Another  voyage  he  made,  1609,  and  coasted  Newfoundland, 
and  thence  along  to  Cape  Cod.  His  last  and  fatall  voyage 
was  1610,  which  I  mentioned  in  my  former  edition,'  relating 
the  same  as  Hesselius  Gerardus  had  guided  me,  by  his  card 
and  reports,  who  affirmeth  that  he  followed  the  way  which 
Captaine  Winwood  had  before  searched  by  Lumleys  Inlet, 
in  61  degrees,  so  passing  thorow  the  strait  to  50,  etc.     But  Hecom- 


having  since  met  with  better  instructions,  both  by  the  helpe  ^°^^  ""'• 

C  ''  J  L         anus  ah. 

SOUS  ab- 



of  my   painfull  friend   Master   Hakluit  (to  whose   labours  ly'^l^l^ 
these  of  mine  are  so  much  indebted),  and  specially  from  rrrck"et,  of 
him   who  was  a  speciall   setter   forth   of  the  voyage,   that    ''^^°^*^®* 

^  Purchas  Pilgrimage,  fol.,  Lond.,  1617,  contains  an  account  of  Hud- 
son's voyages  entirely  founded  on  the  1612  edition  of  Hessel  Gerrifcsz's 
Detectio  freti. 

140  OF  Hudson's  discoveries  and  death. 

learned  and  industrious  gentleman  Sir  Dudley  Digges  (how 
willingly  could  I  here  lose  my  selfe  in  a  parenthesis  of  due 
praises  !  to  whom  these  studies  have  seemed  to  descend  by 
inheritance  in  divers  descents,  improved  by  proper  industry, 
employed  to  publike  good  both  at  home  and  in  discoveries 
and  plantations  abroad,  and  for  my  particular !  but  why 
should  I  use  words,  unequall  pay  to  him,  unequall  stay  to 
thee  ?)  from  him,  I  say,  so  great  a  furtherer  of  the  north- 
west discoverie,  and  of  your  discoverer  the  poore  Pilgrim 
and  his  pilgrimage,  having  received  full  relations,  I  have 
beene  bold  with  the  reader  to  insert  this  voyage  more 

Imilh"'  ^^  ^^^  yeare  1610,  Sir  Tho.  Smith,  Sir  Dudley  Digges, 

and  Master  John  Wostenholme,  with  other  their  friends,  fur- 
nished out  the  said  Henry  Hudson,  to  try  if,  through  any 
of  those  inlets  which  Davis  saw  but  durst  not  enter,  on  the 
wcsterne  side  of  Fretum  Davis,  any  passage  might  be  found 
to  the  other  ocean  called  the  South  Sea.  There  barke  was 
named  the  Discoverie.  They  passed  by  Island,  and  saw 
Mount  Hecla  cast  out  fire  (a  noted  signe  of  foule  weather 
towards ;  others  conceive  themselves  and  deceive  others 
with  I  know  not  what  purgatorie  fables  hereof  confuted  by  ciy-  Arn^rin  Jonas,  an  Islander,  who  reproveth  this  and  many 
other  dreames  related  by  authors,  saying,  that  from  the 
yeere  1558  to  1592  it  never  cast  forth  any  flames)  they  left 
the  name  to  one  harbour  in  Island,  Lousy  Bay  :  they  had 
there  a  bath  hot  enough  to  scald  a  fowle.  They  raised  Gron- 
land  the  fourth  of  June,  and  Desolation  after  that;  whence 
they  plyed  north-Avest  among  Hands  of  ice,  whereon  they 
might  runne  and  play,  and  filled  sweet  water  out  of  ponds 
therein:  some  of  them  aground  in  sixc  or  seven  score  fadome 
water,  and  on  divers  of  them  bcarcs  and  patriches.     They 

^  Extracts  of  Arngrim  Jonas,  an  Islantlcr,  his  Chrymogaja  or  Ilistorie 
of  Island,  published  anno  Domini  IIJOO. — Furc/ias  Pilgrims,  iii,  p.  Go4- 

OF  hudsom's  discovekies  and  death.  141 

gave  names  to  certaine  ilands,  of  Gods  mercy,  Prince  Hen- 
ries Forland,  K.  James  his  Cape,  Q.  Annes  Cape.  One 
morning,  in  a  fogge,  they  were  carried  by  a  set  of  the  tide 
from  N.E.  into  one  of  the  inlets  above  mentioned,  the  depth 
whereof  and  plying  forward  of  the  ice  made  Hudson  hope 
it  would  prove  a  through-fare.  After  he  had  sailed  herein 
by  his  computation  300  leagues  west,  he  came  to  a  small 
strait  of  two  leagues  over,  and  very  deepe  water,  through 
which  he  passed  betweene  two  headlands,  which  he  called, 
that  on  the  south  Cape  Wostenholme,  the  other  to  the  N.W. 
Digges  Hand,  in  deg.  62,  44'  minutes,  into  a  spacious  sea, 
wherein  he  sayled  above  a  hundred  leagues  south,  confi- 
dently proud  that  he  had  won  the  passage. 

But  findinar  at  lenj^th  by  shole  water  that  he  was  embayed,  Hutisons 

!D  o  J  J        '  Wintering. 

he  was  much  distracted  therewith,  and  committed  many 
errours,  especially  in  resolving  to  winter  in  that  desolate 
place,  in  such  want  of  necessarie  provision.  The  third  of 
Nox)ember  he  moored  his  barke  in  a  small  cove,  where  they 
had  all  undoubtedly  perished,  but  that  it  pleased  God  to 
send  them  several  kinds  of  fowle  :  they  killed  of  white 
patridges  above  a  hundred  and  twentie  dozen.  These  left 
them  at  the  spring,  and  other  succeeded  in  their  place, 
swan,  goose,  teale,  ducke,  all  easie  to  take  ;  besides  the  bless- 
ing of  a  tree,  which  in   December  blossomed,  with  leaves  a  strange 

"  _  race. 

greene  and  yellow,  of  an  aromaticall  savour,  and  being 
boyled  yeelded  an  oyly  substance,  which  proved  an  excel- 
lent salve,  and  the  decoction  being  drunke  proved  as  whole- 
some a  potion,  whereby  they  were  cured  of  the  scorbute, 
sciaticas,  crampes,  convulsions,  and  other  diseases,  which  the 
coldnesse  of  the  climate  bred  in  them.  At  the  opening  of 
the  yeere  also,  there  came  to  his  ships  side  such  abundance 
of  fish  of  all  sorts,  that  they  might  therewith  have  fraught 
themselves  for  their  returne,  if  Hudson  had  not  too  despe 
lately  pursued  the  voyage,  neglecting  this  oportunitic  of 
^  See  note  to  page  138. 

142  OF  Hudson's  discoveries  and  death. 

storing  themselves  with  fish,  which  hee  committed  to  the 
care  of  certaine  carelesse  dissolute  villaincs,  which  in  his 
absence  conspired  against  him  ;  in  few  dayes  the  fish  all  for- 
sooke  them.  Once  a  savage  visited  them,  who  for  a  knife, 
glasse,  and  beades  given  him,  returned  with  bevers  skins, 
deercs  skins,  and  a  sled.  At  Hudsons  returne,  they  set  sayle 
for  England.  But  in  a  few  dayes,  their  victuals  being  almost 
spent,  and  hee,  out  of  his  despaire,  letting  fall  some  words  of 
setting  some  on  shore,  the  former  conspirators  (the  chiefe 
whereof  was  Hen.  Greene,  none  of  their  allowed  company. 
These  were  but  taken  in  bv  Hudson  himselfe  :  and  one  Wilson)  entred 

the  worst,  or  •' 

thTcom-"*^    his  cabin  in  the  night,  and  forced  him  the  master,  together 
P'"'^'-  with  his  Sonne  John  Hudson,  Tho,  Widowes,^  Arn.  Ludlo, 

Sidrach  Faner,  Ad.  Moore,  Hen.  King,  Mic.  Bute,  to  take 
shallop  and  seeke  their  fortune.  But  see  what  sinceritie  can 
doe  in  the  most  desperate  tryals.  One  Philip  Staffe,  an 
Ipswich  man,  who,  according  to  his  name,  had  beene  a  prin- 
ci2:)all  stafFe  and  stay  to  the  weaker  and  more  enfeebled 
courages  of  his  companions  in  the  whole  action,  lighten- 
ing and  unlightening  their  drooping  darkened  spirits,  with 
sparkes  from  his  owne  resolution  ;  their  best  purveyor,  with 
his  peece  on  shore,  and  both  a  skilfull  carpenter  and  lusty 
mariner  on  board  ;  when  he  could  by  no  perswasions,  sea- 
soned with  tears,  divert  them  from  their  divellish  desisrnes, 
notwithstanding  they  entreated  him  to  stay  with  them,  yet 
chose  rather  to  commit  himselfe  to  Gods  mercy  in  the  for- 
lorne  shallop,  then  with  such  villaines  to  accept  of  likelier 

A  few  dayes  after,  their  victuals   being  spent,  the  ship 

came  aground   at  Digges   Hand,  and   so   continued  divers 

^^^^j        houres,  till  a  great  floud  (which  they  by  this  accident  tookc 

'^'"'"/i'lrry  ^^^t  noticc  of)   camo  from  the  westNvard  and  set  them  on 


arnuiVeiJi     flotc.    Upoii  thc  cliffcs  of  tliis  Ishiud  they  found  aboundance 
piiHSHKo  III    of  fowles  tame,  whereof  they  tooke  two  or  three  hundred, 

tho  South 

'  Woodliousc,  or  Wydhousc,  or  Wytlowcs. 

OF  Hudson's  discoveries  and  death.  143 

and  seeinar  a  s^reat  lonar  boat  with  forty  or  fifty  sava";es  upon  ^'''^< ""'' "" 
the  shore,  they  sent  on  land ;  and  for  some  of  their  toycs  a,','i'art'|; 
had  deeres  skinnes  well  dressed,  morse-teeth,  and  some  few  VJ/omi'^'^ 

111'  r  """'■" 

furres.  One  of  our  men  went  on  land  to  their  tents,  one  oi  savages. 
them  remaining  for  hostage,  in  which  tents  they  lived  by 
hoords,  men,  women,  and  children ;  they  are  bigge  boned, 
broad  faced,  flat  nosed,  and  small  footed,  like  the  Tartars  : 
their  apparell  of  skinnes,  but  wrought  all  very  handsomely, 
even  gloves  and  shooes.  The  next  morning  Greene  would 
needs  goe  on  shore  with  some  of  hi^  chiefe  companions,  and 
that  unarmed,  notwithstanding  some  advised  and  intreated 
him  the  contrary.  The  savages  entertained  him  with  a  cun- 
ning ambush,  and  at  the  first  onset  shot  this  mutinous  ring- 
leader into  the  heart  (where  first  those  monsters  of  treache- 
rie  and  bloodie  crueltie,  now  payed  with  the  like,  had  beene 
conceivedj  and  Wilson,  his  brother  in  evil,  had  the  like 
bloody  inheritance,  dying  swearing  and  cursing :  Perse, 
Thomas,  and  Motor  dyed  a  few  dayes  after  of  their  wounds. 
Every  where  can  Divine  Justicee  find  executioners. 

The  boat,  by  Gods  blessing,  with  some  hurt  men  escaped  legation  of 
in  this  manner.     One  Abacucks   Pricket,  a  servant  of  Sir  part\.'"my 

T-viiT-v  1  1  •  11  I'l  Pilgrimage, 

Dudley  Digges,  whom  the  mutiners  had  saved  in  hope  to  with  others 

many  for 

procure  his  master  to  worke  their  pardon,  was  left  to  keepe  these  parts. 

■*■  ■•■  ■'A  such  they 

the  shallop,  where  he  sate  in  a  gowne,  sicke  and  lame,  at  "^®  *°  "'''^''* 
the  sterne :  upon  whom,  at  the  instant  of  the  ambush,  the 
leader  of  all  the  savages  leapt  from  a  rocke,  and  with  a 
strange  kinde  of  weapon,  indented,  broad,  and  sharpe,  of 
bright  Steele,  riveted  into  a  handle  of  morse-tooth,  gave  him 
divers  cruell  wounds,  before  he  could  from  under  his  gowne 
draw  a  small  Scottish  dagger,  wherewith  at  one  thrust  into 
his  side  he  killed  this  savage,  and  brought  him  off  with  the 
boat,  and  some  of  the  hurt  company  that  got  to  him  by  swim- 
ming. Being  got  aboord  with  a  small  weake  and  wounded 
company,  they  made  from  this  island  unto  the  northerne 
continent,  where  they  saw  a  large  opening  of  the  sea  north- 

144  OF  Hudson's  discoveries  and  dkatii. 

westward,  and  had  a  great  floud,  with  such  a  large  billow, 
as  they  say,  is  no  where  but  in  the  ocean.  From  hence 
they  made  all  possible  haste  homewards,  passing  the  whole 
straits,  and  so  home,  without  ever  striking  sayle  or  any  other 
let,  which  might  easily  have  made  it  impossible.  For  their 
best  sustenance  left  them  was  sea-weeds  fryed  with  candles 
ends,  and  the  skins  of  the  fowles  they  had  eaten.  Some  of 
their  men  were  starved,  the  rest  all  so  weake,  that  onely  one 
could  lye  along  upon  the  helme  and  steere.  By  God's  great 
goodnesse,  the  sixth  of  September  1611,  they  met  with  a 
fisherman  of  Foy,  by  whose  meanes  they  came  safe  into 


HUDSON'S     FIRST     VOYAGE,     (1007). 

FUOit     edge's      I5UIEF     DISCOUERIE     OF     THE     MTrSCOUI,V 

(puRCiiAs,  III,  P.  464.) 

In  the  year  1008,^  the  said  fellowship  set  forth  a  ship  called 
the  Hope-well,  whereof  Henry  Hudson  was  master,  to  dis- 
cover the  pole  ;  where  it  appeareth  by  his  journap  that  hee 
came  to  the  height  of,  eighty-one  degrees,  where  he  gave 
names  to  certayue  places  upon  the  continent  of  Greenland 
formerly  discovered,  which  continue  to  this  day,  namely. 
Whale  Bay^  and  Hakluyt's  Headland  ;■*  and  being  hindred 
with  ice,  returned  home,  without  any  further  use  made  of 
the    country,  and  in  ranging  homewards   he  discovered  an 

^  The  real  date  of  the  voyage  to  Spitzbergen  is  1007.  That  of  IGOS 
was  directed  to  Nova  Zembla. 

^  The  log-book  of  the  first  voyage,  which  forms  pp.  l-:i2of  the  present 
volume,  is  ascribed  by  Purchas  partly  to  John  Playse,  partly  to  Hudson. 
According  to  a  side-note  on  p.  12,  Purchas  thinks  that  the  notes  from 
the  11th  of  July  down  to  the  end  seem  to  be  due  to  Hudson.  The  log- 
book contains,  however,  no  mention  of  Hakluyt's  Headland  nor  of  Hud- 
son's Tutches,  both  mentioned  in  the  journal  which  Edge  saw.  The 
observation  about  the  distance  from  Greenland  to  Spitzbergen,  derived 
by  Fotherby  from  the  same  journal,  is  likewise  not  to  be  met  with  in 
the  log-book. 

*  The  naming  of  Whale  Bay  is  not  mentioned  in  the  log-book.  The 
bay  is,  however,  spoken  of  as  Whalers  Bay  on  p.  20.  A  description  is  to 
be  found  on  p.  14,  from  which  it  appears  that  the  bay  is  near  Collins' 
Cape,  somewhere  about  the  north-west  extremity  of  Spitzbergen,  not  far 
from  80°.  Hudson  saw  there  many  whales,  and  lost  part  of  his  line  in 
fishing  for  one.  That  same  whale  nearly  upset  his  ship.  This  occur- 
rence is  alluded  to  on  p.  20. 

■*  Hakluyt's  Headland  appears  on  all  the  ancient  maps  of  Spitzbergen; 


146  Hudson's  first  yoyagk. 

island  lying  in  scventy-onc  degrees,  Avhich  he  named  Hud- 
son's Tutches.' 


(PURCHAS,    III,    P.    730.) 

Having  perused  Hudson's  journall,  writ  by  his  own  hands, 
in  that  voyage  wherein  he  had  sight  of  certayne  land,  which 
he  named  Hold-with-Hope,"  I  found  that  by  his  owne  reckon- 
ing it  should  not  be  more  than  one  hundred  leagues  from 
King  James  his  Newland,^  and  in  latitude  72°  30'. 

for  the  first  time  on  that  of  the  arctic  regions,  of  Jodocus  Hondius,  in- 
cluded in  the  present  collection.  Still  it  is  impossible  to  fix  the  exact 
locality.  The  headland  is  very  near  Collins'  Cape  and  Whales'  Bay,  but 
still  farther  north-west.  Modern  maps  place  it  on  the  north-west  extre- 
mity of  Spitzbergen,  on  the  mainland,  or  on  some  one  of  the  neighbour- 
ing islands. 

1  A  direct  clue  to  this  important  discovery  is  not  furnished  by  the 
logbook.  It  contains  no  detailed  entry  between  the  ship's  departure 
from  Bear  Island  (74°  30'  N.,  19°  E.),  and  its  arrival  at  the  Faroer  Islands 
in  62°.  Still  there  can  hardly  be  any  doubt  about  the  fact,  that  Hud- 
sol's  Touches  is  identical  with  the  Jan  Mayen  Island  of  our  maps 
(71°  20'  N.,  19°  W.)  The  number  of  European  islands  in  latitude  71° 
is  very  small.  Those  to  the  north  of  Norway  were  too  well  known  in 
Hudson's  time  to  be  mentioned  as  new  discoveries,  even  had  he  touched 
one  of  them  ;  but  they  are  many  degrees  too  far  east  to  fall  into  his  track. 
Then  only  Jan  Mayen  remained.  To  touch  it  Hudson  must  have  sailed 
rather  more  to  the  west  than  was  necessary.  His  purpose  in  doing  so  is, 
however,  explained  by  his  observations  on  p.  20.  (See  the  passage  to 
which  note  1  on  that  page  refers.) 

^  According  to  the  logbook  (p.  G)  the  latitude  is  73°. 

''  Spitzbergen.  The  logbook  contains  no  calculations,  like  the  one  indi- 
cated here,  as  forming  part  of  Hudson's  journal. 


HUDSON'S     THIRD     VOYAGE    (1609). 

FOL.,    HAGUE,   1614,  FOL.  629.  a. 

We  have  observed  in  our  last  book,  that  the  Directors  of 
the  Dutch  East  India  Company  sent  out  in  March  last  year, 
on  purpose  to  seek  a  passage  to  China  by  northeast  or  north- 
west, an  experienced  English  pilot,  named  Henry  Hudson, 
in  a  vlie  boat,i  having  a  crew  of  eighteen  or  twenty  hands, 
partly  English,  partly  Dutch.' 

This  Henry  Hudson   left  the  Texel  the  6th  of  April,^ 
1609,  and  having  doubled  the  Cape  of  Norway*  the  5th  of 

Wy  hebben  in  t  voorgaende  Beech  gheseyt  dat  de  Oost-Indische 
Bewindthebbers  in  Hollandt,  in  Meerte  lest  uytghesonden  hadden 
cm  passagie  by  bet  Noordt-oosten  ofte  Noordt-westen  te  soecken 
nae  China,  te  weten  een  Kloeck  Enghels  Piloot  Herry  Hutson 
gbenoemt,  met  eenen  Vlieboot  ontrent  achthlen  ofte  twinticli 
Mannen,  Engelsclie  ende  Nederlanders  op  hebbende,  wel  besorcht. 
Desen  Herry  Hutson  is  uyt  Texel  uyt-ghevaren  den  sesten  April 
1609.  ende  by  dubbelde  de  Cabo  van  Norwegben  den  vij'fden  Mey, 

^  Vlie  boats  were  rather  flat  bottomed  yachts,  constructed  for  the 
difiicult  navigation  of  the  sandy  entrance  to  the  Zuyder  Zee,  between 
the  islands  of  Vlieland  and  Texel,  called  the  Vlie.  These  vessels  and 
even  their  name  were  imitated  by  the  English,  who  called  them  fly-boats, 
and  by  the  French,  who  called  them  fliUes.  (Compare  Brodhead,  Uist. 
of  Neiv  York,  pp.  23,  24,  note.) 

^  There  is  no  such  notice  in  the  preceding  book  of  Van  Meteren. 

^  This  is  new  style.  Juet  (p.  4.5)  says  that  they  sailed  from  the  Texel 
on  the  27th  of  March.  The  difi'erence  between  the  two  styles  was,  in 
1609,  ten  days.  Thus  the  27th  of  March  and  the  6th  of  April  are  iden- 

•*  The  North  Cape.     (Juet,  p.  45.) 

148  Hudson's  third  voyage. 

May,  directed  his  course  along  the  northern  coasts  towards 
Nova  ZcmbLa  ;  but  he  there  found  the  sea  as  full  of  ice  as 
he  had  found  it  in  the  preceding  year,  so  that  he  lost  the 
hope  of  effecting  anything  during  the  season.  This  cir- 
cumstance, and  the  cold  which  some  of  his  men  who  had 
been  in  the  East  Indies  could  not  bear,  caused  quarrels 
among  the  crew,  they  being  partly  English,  partly  Dutch; 
upon  which  the  captain,  Henry  Hudson,  laid  before  them 
two  propositions  ;  the  first  of  these  was,  to  go  to  the  coast  of 
America  to  the  latitude  of  40°.  This  idea  had  been  suggested 
to  him  by  some  letters  and  maps  which  his  friend  Capt.  Smith 
had  sent  him  from  Virginia,^  and  by  which  he  informed  him 
that  there  was  a  sea  leading  into  the  western  ocean,  by  the 
north  of  the  southern  English  colony.  Had  this  information 
been  true  (experience  goes  as  yet  to  the  contrary),  it  would 
have  been  of  great  advantage,  as  indicating  a  short  M-ay  to 
India.     The  other  proposition  was,  to  direct  their  search  to 

cndc  hielt  sijnen  cours  na  Nova  Zcmbla  laughs  dc  Xoortschc  Kus- 
ten,  maer  vondt  aldaer  de  Zee  soo  vol  ijs,  als  hy  't  voovgaende 
Jaer  ghevonden  hadde,  soo  dat  sy  de  hoope  van  dat  Jaer  aldaer  den 
moet  verloren  :  waer  over  cm  de  koude,  die  eenighe  die  \\e\  in 
Oost-Indien  gheweest  waren,  qualijck  herduren  Konden,  zijn  sy 
twistigh  gheworden  onder  den  anderen,  zijnde  Enghelsche  endc 
Nederlanders,  waer  over  de  Schipper  Hutson  hun  voor  hiel  twee 
dinghen,  d'  eerste  was  te  gaen  op  veertigh  graden  na  dc  custen 
van  America,  hier  toe  meest  beweeght  zijnde,  door  Brieven  cndc 
Cacrten,  die  een  Capiteyn  Smit  hem  uyt  Virginia  ghesondcn 
hadde,  dacr  mede  hy  hem  acnwccs  ecu  Zee,  om  tc  vai on  Inui 
Zuytschc  Colonic  acnde  Noordt-zijde,  cndc  van  dacr  tc  gaen  in  ecu 
Wcsterlijckc  Zee  dat  wclckc  soo  alsoo  gheweest  ware,  (alsoo  de 
crvarcnthcyt  tot  noch  toe  contraric  wijst,)  soo  sonde  hct  ecu  sccr 
vorderlijcke  saeckc  gheweest  hcbben,  ende  ecncn  korten  wegh  om 
inde  Indicn  tc  vacrcn.     Den  anderen  voorslagh  was,  den  wegh  te 

'  The  probable  nature  of  these  maps  will  be  explained  in  the  intro- 


Davis's  Straits.  This  meeting  with  general  approval,  they 
sailed  on  the  14th  of  May,'  and  arrived  with  a  good  wind  at  the 
Faroe  Islands,  where  they  stopped  but  twenty-four  hours  to 
supply  themselves  with  fresh*  water.  After  leaving  these 
islands,  they  sailed  on  till,  on  the  18th  of  July,  they  reached 
the  coast  of  Nova  Francia,  under  44°,  where  they  were 
obliged  to  land  for  the  purpose  of  getting  a  new  foremast, 
having  lost  theirs.  They  found  this  a  good  place  for  cod- 
fishing,  as  also  for  the  traffic  in  skins  and  furs,  which  were 
to  be  got  there  at  a  very  low  price.  But  the  crew  behaved 
badly  towards  the  people  of  the  country,  taking  their 
property  by  force  ;  out  of  which  there  arose  quarrels  among 
them.'     The  English  fearing  that  they  would  be  out-num- 

soecken  door  de  strate  Davis,  dat  wclcke  sy  Generalijcken  besloten, 
dies  sy  den  14  Meye  derwaerts  toe  zeylden,  ende  quamen  met 
goeden  Windt  den  lesten  Meye,  aent  Eylandt  van  Faro,  dacr  sy 
alleenlijck  vieren-twintigh  uren  ovcrbrochten,  met  versche  Water 
in  te  nemen,  vertveckende  voeren  sy  totten  18  Julij  tot  op  de  Cus- 
ten  van  Nova  Francia,  op  vier  en  veertich  graden,  daer  sy  moesten 
inloopen,  om  eenen  nieuwen  voor-mast  te  bekomen,  den  haren 
verlooren  hobbende,  die  sy  daer  vonden  ende  opstelden,  sy  von- 
den  die  plaetse  bequaem  om  Cabbeliaeu  te  vanghen,  als  cock 
om  Traffique,  van  goede  Huyden  ende  Pelsen,  ofte  weyeringhe 
dat  aldaer  om  een  kleyn  dinghen  te  bekomen  was,  maer  het 
schipvolck  leefden  qualijck  mettet  landt-volck,  dinghen  met  ghe- 
weldt  nemende,  waer  over  sy  twistigh  onder  den  anderen  werden, 
de  Enghelsche  vreesende   dat  sy  vermandt  waren  ende  weeckste, 

1  Juet  has  purposely  omitted  all  statements  concerning  the  voyage 
from  the  North  Cape  to  Nova  Zembia,  and  back  to  the  North  Cape. 
There  is  no  entry  between  the  5th  and  the  19th  of  May.  For  the  im- 
portant events  which  passed  in  the  interval,  Van  Meteren  is  the  only 

^  Near  Pennobscot  Bay,  Juet,  pp.  GO,  Gl.  Juet  tries  to  justify  the 
conduct  of  the  crew,  saying  that  they  distrusted  the  savages,  and  that  in 
robbing  them  and  firing  at  them,  they  did  so  as  the  savages  would  have 
done  to  them. 

150  Hudson's  third  voyage. 

bcrcd  and  worsted,  were  therefore  afraid  to  make  any  fur- 
ther attempt.  They  left  that  place  on  the  26th  of  July,  and 
kept  out  at  sea  till  the  3rd  of  August,  when  they  were  again 
near  the  eoast  in  42°  of  latitude.  Thence  they  sailed  on  till, 
on  the  12th  of  August,  they  reached  the  shore  under  37°  45'. 
Thence  they  sailed  along  the  shore,  until  we  (sic)  reached 
40°  45',  where  they  found  a  good  entrance,  between  two 
headlands,  and  thus  entered  on  the  12th  of  September,  into 
as  fine  a  river  as  can  be  found,  with  good  anchoring  ground 
on  both  sides. 

Their  ship  sailed  up  the  river  as  far  as  42°  40'.  Then 
their  boat  went  higher  up.  Along  the  river  they  found  sen- 
sible and  warlike  people;  whilst  in  the  highest  part  the  people 
were  more  friendly,  and  had  an  abundance  of  provisions, 
skins,  and  furs,  of  martens  and  foxes,  and  many  other 
commodities,  as  birds  and  fruit ;  even  white  and  red  grapes. 
These  Indians  traded  most  amicably  with  the  people  from 

ende  daerommc  vrecsden  sy  vorder  te  vcrsoecken,  aldus  schcydcn 
sy  van  daer  den  26  Julij,  ende  hielden  de  zee  tot  den  derdcn 
Augustij,  ende  quamen  by  landt  op  twee-en  veerticli  graden,  van 
daer  voeren  sy  vorder  tot  den  12  Augustij,  sy  quamen  weder  by 
landt,  op  de  latitude  van  seven-en  ertich  drie  quart,  van  daer 
hielden  sy  by  lant,  tot  dat  wy  quamen  op  veertich  en  drie  quart 
graden,  aldaer  sy  vonden  eenen  goeden  ingangh  tusschen  twee 
hoofdcn,  ende  voeren  dacrinne  den  12  Septembris,  een  alsoo 
schoonen  Reviere  als  men  konde  vinden,  wijdt  ende  diepe  ende 
goeden  ancker  grondt,  ende  was  aen  bey  den  zijden,  eyndclijck 
quamen  sy  op  dc  latitude  van  twce-en-vcertich  graden,  ende  veertich 
niinuten,  met  hun  groot  schip.  Dan  haer  schips  boot  voer 
hooirer  indc  Rcvicre.  V^oor  indc  Rcvicrc  vonden  sy  Kloeck  ende 
wcerbacr  volck,  macr  binncn  in  t'uyterste  vonden  sy  vricndelijck 
ende  bcleef't  volck,  die  vcel  lijftocht  haddcn,  ende  vccl  Vcllen  ende 
Pcltcrijcn,  Macrtcns,  Yosscn  ende  vccl  andcr  commoditcytcn,  vog- 
helcnvrucliten,  sclvcWijn-druyvcn,  witteendcroodc,  endehandeldcn 
bclccfdclijckcn  mctten  volckc,  ende  brochten  van  als  wat  mcdc  :  als 

Hudson's  third  voyage.  151 

the  ship ;  and  of  all  the  above  mentioned  commodities,  they 
brought  some  home.  When  they  had  thus  been  about  fifty 
leagues  up  the  river,  they  returned  on  the  4th  of  October, 
and  went  again  to  sea.  More  could  have  been  done,  if  the 
crew  had  been  willing,  and  if  the  want  of  some  necessary 
provisions  had  not  prevented  it.  While  at  sea,  they  held 
council  together,  but  were  of  different  opinions.  The  mate, 
a  Dutchman,  advised  to  winter  in  Newfoundland,  and  to 
search  the  north-western  passage  of  Davis  throughout. 
This  was  opposed  by  Hudson.  He  was  afraid  of  his  mu- 
tinous crew,  who  had  sometimes  savagely  threatened  him, 
and  he  feared  that  during  the  cold  season  they  would 
entirely  consume  their  provisions,  and  would  then  be  obliged 
to  return.  Many  of  the  crew  alt-o  were  ill  and  sickly. 
Nobody  however  spoke  of  returning  home  to  Holland,  which 
circumstance  made  the  captain  still  more  suspicious.  He 
proposed  therefore  to  sail  to  Ireland,  and  winter  there  ; 
which  they  all  agreed  to.     At  last  they  arrived  at  Dartmouth, 

sy  nu  ontrent  vyftich  mijlen  hoogh  op  cle  Reviere  gheweest  hadden 
zijn  sy  weder-ghekeert  den  vierden  Octobris,  ende  hebben  hun 
weder  ter  zee  beglieven,  daer  hadden  meer  konnen  uyt  gherecht 
worden,  hadde  daer  goeden  wille  m  t'schipvolck  gheweest,  ende 
SCO  mede  ghebreck  van  eenighe  nootdruft,  sulcks  niet  hadde  ver- 
hindert.  In  Zee  hebben  sy  hun  beraedtslaeght,  ende  waren  van 
verscheyden  opinien,  de  Onder  Schipper  een  Nederlander,  was  van 
meyninghe  op  Terra  Nova,  te  gaen  verwinteren,  ende  de  noordt- 
weste  passagie  van  Davis  te  door-soecken,  daer  was  de  Schij^per 
Hutson  tegen,  die  vreesde  sijn  gemuytineert  volck,  om  sy  by 
wijlen  hem  rouwelijck  hadden  ghedreycht,  ende  datse  mede,  voor 
de  koude  des  Winters,  hun  gheheel  souden  verterren,  ende  dan 
moeten  keeren,  veel  van  't  volck  teer  ende  sieckelijck,  niemandt 
nochtans  sprack  van  t'huys  nae  Hollandt  te  varen,  dat  den  Schipper 
meerder-hande  achter-dencken  gaf,  dies  hy  voorsloech  nae  Irlant  te 
varen  verwinteren,  daer  sy  alle  toestemden,  dan  ten  lesten  zijn  sy  in 
Enghelandt,  tot  Dertmouth  den  sevenden  November  ghekomen,  van 

152  Hudson's  third  voyagk. 

in  England,  the  7th  of  November,  whence  they  informed 
their  employers  the  Directors  of  the  East  India  Company 
of  their  voyage.  They  proposed  to  them  to  go  out  again 
for  a  search  in  the  north-west,  and  that  besides  the  pay, fifteen 
hundred  florins  should  be  laid  out  for  an  additional  supply 
of  provisions.  Hudson  also  wanted  six  or  seven  of  his  crew 
exchanged  for  others,  and  their  number  raised  to  twenty. 
He  was  then  going  to  leave  Dartmouth  on  the  1st  of  Marcli, 
so  as  to  be  in  the  north-west  towards  the  end  of  that  month, 
and  there  to  spend  the  whole  of  April,  and  the  first  half  of 
May,  in  catching  whales  and  other  fish  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Panar  Island  ;^  thence  to  sail  to  the  north-west,  and  there 
to  pass  the  time  till  middle  of  September,  and  then  to  return 
to  Holland  along  the  north-eastern  coast  of  Scotland.  Thus 
this  voyage  passed  off. 

waer  sy  haer  Meesters  de  Bewindt-hebbers  in  Hollandt  hcbbcn  haer 
reyse  verwittight,  voorslagh  doende  dat  sy  van  bet  noort-weste  te 
gaen  versoecken,  met  vijfthien  bondert  gulden  in  gbelde  nicer  in 
noordruft  te  besteden,  beneffens  den  loon,  ende  dat  sy  in  t'  scbip 
alreede  badden,  dies  wilde  by  ses  ofte  seven  van  sijn  volck  verandert 
bebben,  tot,  twintich  manncn,  't  geral  op  makende,  etc.,  ende  soudcn 
van  Dertmoiitb  t'seyle  gaen,  ontrent  den  eersten  Meertc,  om  in,  t 
noort-western  te  wesen,  tegen  t'eynde  van  Meerte,  ende  daer  de 
Maendt  van  April  ende  half  Meye,  over  te  brenghen  met  Walvis- 
scben  ende  Beestcn  te  dooden,  ontrent  bet  Eylandt  van  Panar, 
ende  dan  nae  bet  noort-westen  te  varen,  om  aldacr  den  tijdt  over 
te  brcngcn  tot  bait'   September,  en  dacr  na  door  bet  Xoortoostcn 

^  No  such  name  as  Panar  Island  occurs  on  old  maps.  The  oidy  likely 
explanation  is  that  the  island  meant  is  the  Ys.  de  Arena  of  Ortelius, 
about  49°,  near  the  coast  of  Newfoundland,  then  a  general  fishing  sta- 
tion, and  undoubtedly  a  most  fitting  starting-point  for  a  north-western 
expedition.  This  Ys.  de  Arena  was  somehow  turned  into  Panar  Island  by 
the  somewhat  negligent  editor  who  published  the  IMS.  of  the  last  books 
of  Van  Meteren  after  his  death.  This  mistake  has  been  rendered  (juite 
ludicrous  by  Van  der  Donck,  who  actually  states  that  Hudson  touched 
the  ('a)i(iri/  Islands  on  his  third  voyage. 

Hudson's  third  voyage.  153 

A  long  time  elapsed  through  contrary  winds  before  the 
Company  could  be  informed  of  the  arrival  of  the  ship  in 
England.  Then  they  ordered  the  ship  and  crew  to  return 
as  soon  as  possible.  But  when  they  were  going  to  do  so, 
Henry  Hudson  and  the  other  Englishmen  of  the  ship  were 
commanded  by  government  there  not  to  leave  England  but 
to  serve  their  own  country.  Many  persons  thought  it  rather 
unfair  that  these  sailors  should  thus  be  prevented  from 
laying  their  accounts  and  reports  before  their  employers, 
chiefly  as  the  enterprise  in  which  they  had  been  engaged 
was  such  as  to  benefit  navigation  in  general.  These  latter 
events  took  place  in  January  1610,  and  it  was  then  thought 
probable  that  the  English  themselves  would  send  ships  to 
Virginia,  to  explore  the  river  found  by  Hudson. 

van  Schotlandt,  weder  te  keeren  na  Hollandt.  Aldus  is  die  reyse 
afgheloopen,  ende  eer  de  Bewint-hebbers  hebben  connen  gead- 
verteert  worden,  van  haer  komste  in  Enghelandt,  is  het  door  con- 
trarie  wint  lange  aengheloopen,  ende  hebben  't  schip  ende  volck 
ontboden  ten  eersten  t'huys  te  komen,  ende  alsoo  't  selfde  sonde 
geschieden,  is  den  schipper  Herry  Hutson  van  wegen  die  Over- 
heydt  aldaer,  belast  niet  te  moghen  vertrecken,  maer  dienst  te 
moeten  doen,  sijn  eygen  Lant,  also  mede  de  ander  Engelsche  die 
int  schip  waren,  dat  nochtans  vreemt  velen  dunckt,  datmen  de 
schippers  niet  toelaten  sonde  reeckeninghe  ende  rapport  te  doene 
van  haren  dienst  ende  besoingne,  &c. ;  aen  hun  Meesters,  zijnde 
uytghesonden  voor  't  gemeyne  beneficie  van  alderhande  naviga- 
tien,  dit  ghescliiede  in  Januario,  1610,  ende  men  achte  dat  de 
Engbelsche  hem  selve  wilden  mette  Schepen  nae  Virginia  senden, 
om  daer  de  voorsz  Reviere  vorder  te  versoecken. 



FOL.,     AMSTERDAM,     1625,    1630. 


(from    book    III,    CHAP.    7.) 

As  to  the  first  discovery,  the  Directors  of  the  privileged 
East  India  Company,  in  1609,  dispatched  the  yacht,  "  Half 
Moon,"  under  the  command  of  Henry  Hudson,  captain  and 
super-cargo,  to  seek  a  passage  to  China  by  the  north-east. 
But  he  changed  his  course  and  stood  over  towards  New 
France,  and  having  passed  the  banks  of  Newfoundland  in 
latitude  43°  23',^  he  made  the  land  in  latitude  44°  15',^  with 
a  west-north-west  and  north-west  course,  and  went  on  shore 
at  a  place  where  there  were  many  of  the  natives  with  whom, 
as  he  understood,   the  French  came   every  year  to   trade. 

Wat  de  eerste  ontdeckinghe  belanght,  in  den  jare  1609  sonden  de 
Bewindt-hebbers  van  de  gheoctroyeerde  Oost-Indische  compagnie 
het  jacht  de  halve  mane,  daer  voor  schipper  ende  koopman  op  veer 
Hendrick  Hudson,  cm  in  't  noordt-oostcn  een  door-ganc  naer 
China  tc  socckcn  :  dan  sy  verandcrdcn  van  Kours,  ende  staken 
over  naer  Nova  Francia,  ende  de  banck  van  Tcrrencuf  ghepasseert 
hcbbcnde  op  de  43  graden  ende  23  minuten  gheracckten't  landt 
met  een  w.  n.  w.  ende  n.  w.  Kours  op  de  44  graden  ende  15 
minuten,  ende  hmdcn  daer  by  sckere  Wilden,  by  de  wclcke,  soo  sy 

'  Near  Cape  Sable,  Nova  Scotia  :  sec  p.  53,  note  1;  p.  55,  note  1. 

^  On  the  coast  of  Maine,  a  few  miles  to  the  north  of  Pennobscot  Bay, 
where  they  afterwards  cut  a  new  foremast  for  their  ship :  see  Juct,  July 
17th,  p.  69  ;  Van  Meteren,  p.  149,  note  2. 


Sailing  hence,  he  heut  his  course  to  the  south,  until  running 
south-south-west  and  south-west  by  south,  he  again  made 
land  in  latitude  41°  •13',  which  he  supposed  to  be  an  island, 
and  gave  it  the  name  of  New  Holland,^  but  afterwards  dis- 

verstonden,  de  Francoysen  jaerhjckx  komen  handclen  :  van  hicr 
keerden  sy  zuydt-waert  op  tot  datse  met  een  z.  z,  w.  ende  z.  w. 
ten  z.  gangh  weder't  landt  ghewaer  wierden  op  de  41  graden  ende 
43  minuten,  welck  sy  meynden  een  Eylandt  te  wesen,  ende  gavent 
den  naem  van  Nieuvv  Hollandt,  dan  bevonden  daer  naer  dat  hct 

^  It  is  a  question  of  some  moment  whether  Hudson  really  called  Cape 
Cod  New  Holland.  His  doing  so  would  imply  an  intention  on  his  side 
to  take  possession  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  the  Dutch.  De  Laet  is 
the  only  one  of  our  authorities  who  saw  Hudson's  own  journal  of  the 
third  voyage,  and  if  we  could  fully  believe  his  statements,  every  doubt 
would  be  removed.  But  the  discrepancies  between  him,  Juet,  and  Pur- 
chas,  and  the  mistakes  committed  by  each  of  them  with  regard  to  Cape 
Cod,  render  a  satisfactory  conclusion  impossible.  De  Laet  believes 
Cape  Cod  to  be  in  latitude  41°  43',  Juet  places  it  under  40°  10',  whilst 
Purchas  assigns  to  it  two  different  latitudes,  41°  10'  and  41°  45'  (see  pp. 
64,  66,  and  Purchas's  side-notes  to  these  pages).  On  the  other  hand  the 
name  of  JVew  Holland  is  on  the  old  Dutch  maps,  not  given  to  Cape  Cod 
itself,  but  to  the  peninsula  of  Barnstaple,  of  which  Cape  Cod  forms  the 
extreme  point ;  and  the  mean  latitude  of  that  peninsula  is,  indeed,  about 
41°  43',  whilst  Cape  Cod  lies  under  42°  4',  and  has,  on  all  the  old  Dutch 
maps,  one  or  even  more  names  of  its  own,  viz.,  Cape  Cod,  Cape  James, 
Statenhoek,  Withoek.  It  is  also  certain,  from  Juet,  pp.  64,  65,  that 
Hudson  explored  part  of  Barnstaple  peninsula.  Under  these  circum- 
stances it  might  be  thought  that  a  very  small  correction  would  set  De 
Laet's  account  right,  and  that  the  peninsula  of  Barnstaple  was  indeed 
called  New  Holland  by  Hudson.  But  it  is  quite  clear  from  Juet,  p.  66, 
that  the  spot  mistaken  by  Hudson  for  Cape  Cod  was  in  latitude  40°  10', 
a  reef  in  the  sea,  which  he  very  correctly  considered  as  an  island.  This 
reef  was  probably  situated  south  of  Nantucket.  It  is,  under  these  cir- 
cumstances, to  be  feared  that  De  Laet  set  the  example,  afterwards  fol- 
lowed by  Van  der  Donck,  of  tampering  with  his  materials  ;  and  that  he 
made  Hudson  give  the  name  of  New  Holland,  because  he  desired  it  to 
be  understood  that  Hudson  wished  to  take  possession  of  the  country,  a 
fact  which  is  very  improbable.  The  name  of  New  Holland  was  given  to 
Barnstaple  before  the  year  1615.  It  is  to  be  found  on  a  chart  of  that 
date  preserved  in  the  Archives  of  the  Hague.  (A  facsimile  in 
O'Callaghan's  Hist,  of  Neio  Netherland,  vol.  i.) 


covei'cd  that  it  was  Cape  Cod,  and  that  according  to  his 
observation,  it  lay  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  miles  to  the 
west  of  its  place  on  all  the  charts.  Pursuing  his  course  to 
the  south,  he  again  saw  land  in  latitude  37°  15';  the  coast 
was  low,  running  north  and  south,  and  opposite  to  it  lay  a 
bank  or  shoal,  within  which  there  was  a  depth  of  eight, 
nine,  ten,  eleven,  seven,  and  six  and  a  half  fathoms,  with  a 
sandy  bottom.     Hudson  called  this  place  Dry  Cape.^ 

Changing  his  course  to  the  northward,  he  again  discovered 
land  in  lat.  38°  9',^  where  there  was  a  white  sandy  shore,  and 
within  appeared  a  thick  grove  of  trees  full  of  green  foliage. 
The  direction  of  the  coast  was  north-north-east  and  south- 
south-west  for  about  twenty-four  miles ;  then  north  and 
south  for  twenty-one  miles,  and  afterwards  south-east  and 
north-west  for  fifteen  miles.  They  continued  to  run  along 
the  coast  to  the  north,  until  they  reached  a  point  from  which 
the  land  stretches  to  the  west  and  north-west  where  several 
rivers  discharge  into  an  open  bay.     Land  was  seen  to  the 

Cap  Cod  was,  ende  dat  het  naer  hacr  besteck  wel  vijf-en  seventich 
mijlen  westelijcker  leght  als  in  alle  Kaerten  ghestelt  wordt.  Van 
hier  vervielen  sy  tot  de  37  graden  ende  15  minuten,  alwaer  sy 
weder  landt  saghen,  ende  streckte  hem  z.  ende  n.  Is  een  vlacke 
Kuste,  ende  daer  streckt  een  banck  langhs  de  Kuste  henen,  waer 
binnen  het  8,  9,  10,  11,  7,  ende  6^  vadem  diep  is  sandt-grondt : 
sy  noemden  dese  plaetse  de  drooghe  Caep.  Daer  naer  noordt- 
waert  aen  loopende,  gheraeckten  sy  weder't  landt  op  aclit-en- 
dertich  graden  en  neghen  minuten,  ende  was  een  wit  sandt-strandt, 
ende  binnen  vol  groene  boomen,  streckte  daer  n.  n.  o.  ende  z.  z. 
w.  ontrcnt  acbt  mijlen,  ende  dan  z.  ende  n.  seven  mijlen,  ende 
voort  z.  o.  ende  n.  w.  vijf  mijlen  :  zcylden  al  langlis  de  wal  noorden 
aen,  tot  dat  sy  aen  ccn  puni  quamcn,  ende  t'landt  streckte  docn  w. 
n.  w.  ende  was  een  baye  daer  ccnighc  rieviercn  in  quamcn,  van 

'  rrol)ably  Cape  Charles,  at  the  mouth  of  Chesapeake  Bay,  37°  10'. 
^  Assatcaguc  Island,  near  the  coast  of  Maryland. 


east-north-east,  which  Hudson  at  first  took  to  be  an  island, 
but  it  proved  to  be  the  main  land,  and  the  second  point  of 
the  bay,  in  latitude  38°  54'.  Standing  in  upon  a  course 
north-west  by  east,  they  soon  found  themselves  embayed, 
and  encountering  many  breakers,  stood  out  again  to  the 
south-south-east.  Hudson  suspected  that  a  large  river  dis- 
charged into  the  bay,  from  the  strength  of  the  current  that 
set  out  and  caused  the  accumulation  of  sands  and  shoals.^ 

Continuing  their  course  along  the  shore  to  the  north,  they 
observed  a  white  sandy  beach  and  drowned  land  within, 
beyond  which  there  appeared  a  grove  of  wood  ;  the  coast 
running  north-east  by  east  and  south-west  by  south.  After- 
wards the  direction  of  the  coast  changed  to  north  by  east, 
and  was  higher  land  than  they  had  yet  seen.  They  at  length 
reached  a  lofty  promontory  or  headland,  behind  which  was 
situated  a  bay,  which  they  entered  and  run  up  into  a  road- 
stead near  a  low  sandy  point,  in  lat.  40°  18'.^     There  they 

desen  hoeck  sagen  sy  landt  naer't  o.  n.  o.  welck  sy  meynden  een 
Eylandt  te  wesen,  dan  bevonden  het  vaste  landt,  ende  den  tweeden 
hoeck  van  die  baye,  op  dehooghte  van  38  graden  ende  54  minuten: 
ende  alsoo  sy  haer  Kours  n.  w.  ten  n.  aen  stelden,  vonden  sy  haer 
selven  in  een  baye  verseylt,  ende  ghemoeten  vcel  barninghen,  soo 
dat  sy  z.  z.  o.  weder  uyt-stonden :  sy  vermoeden  datter  een  groote 
rievier  most  uyt-loopen,  door  dc  groote  stroom  die  daer  uytsette, 
ende  vele  sanden  ende  droogten  veroorsaeckte  :  hiclent  van  hier 
VGorts  langs  de  wal,  was  wit  sandt-strandt,  ende  binncn  al  ver- 
droncken  landt,  ende  't  binnen  landt  al  vol  boomen,  streckte  n.  o, 
ten  n,  ende  z.  w,  ten  z,  daer  naer  streckte  n.  ten,  o.  ende  was 
hoogher  landt  als  sy  nocli  ghesien  hadden,  tot  aen  eenen  hooghen 
hoeck,  achter  de  welcke  een  baye  leght,  alwaer  sy  op  de  reeden 
lieppen,  achter  een  leeghen  sandt-hoeck,  op  de  veertich  graden 

^  The  bay  and  river  are  the  Delaware  Bay  and  River.  The  second 
point  of  the  bay,  in  latitude  38°  54'  (incorrect  by  a  few  miles),  is  Cape 

2  Hudson  river.  They  entered  near  Sandy  Hook  and  Sandy  Hook 
Bay.     (See  Juet,  p.  77.) 


were  visited  by  two  savages  clothed  in  elk-skins,  wlio  showed 
them  every  sign  of  friendship.  On  the  land  they  found  an 
abundance  of  blue  plums  and  magnificent  oaks,  of  a  height 
and  thickness  that  one  seldom  beholds ;  together  with  pop- 
lars, linden  trees,  and  various  other  kinds  of  wood  useful  in 
ship-building.  Sailing  hence  in  a  north-easterly  direction, 
they  ascended  a  river  to  nearly  43°  north  latitude,  where  it 
became  so  narrow  and  of  so  little  depth,  that  they  found  it 
necessary  to  return. 

From  all  that  they  could  learn,  there  had  never  been  any 
ships  or  Christians  in  that  quarter  before,  and  they  were  the 
first  to  discover  the  river  and  ascend  it  so  far.  Henry  Hud- 
son returned  to  Amsj;erdam  with  his  report,  and  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  1610,  some  merchants  again  sent  a  ship  thither, 
that  is  to  say,  to  the  second  river  discovered,  which  was  called 
Manhattes  from  the  savage  nation  that  dwelt  at  its  mouth. 
And  subsequently  their  High  Mightinesses,  the  States  Gene- 
ral,   granted    to    these    merchants    the    exclusive    privilege 

ende  achlhien  minuten ;  daer  quamen  twee  Wildcn  by  haer  in 
elandts  vellen  gekleet,  die  haer  alle  teeckenen  van  vrientschap  be- 
thoonden,  vonden  daer  aen't  landt  menichte  van  blauw  pruymen, 
en  de  schoonste  eycken  van  lenghte  ende  dickte  die  men  sien  konde, 
poplieren,  lonen,  ende  alderhande  houdt  dat  van  noode  is  tot  de 
schepen  te  bouwen ;  voeren  van  hier  n.  ten  o.  aen,  ende  de  rievieren 
op,  to  by  de  43  graden  by  noorden  de  linie,  alwaer  de  rievier  heel 
nauw  werdt  ende  ondiep,  soo  dat  sy  te  rugghe  keerden.  Naer  alle 
'tgene  sy  konden  oordeelen  ende  bevinden,  soo  en  waren  in  dit 
quartier  noch  noyt  eenige  schepen  ofte  Christenen  geweest,  soo 
dat  sy  dc  ccrste  waren  die  dose  rievier  ontdeckten,  ende  soo  hoog- 
lie  op  vocrcn.  Hcndrick  Hudson  met  dit  raport  wedcr  ghckccrt 
/ijndc  't  Amsterdam,  soo  liebbcn  eenighc  koop-liedcn  in  den  jarc 
IGIO  wedcr  ecn  schip  dcrwaerts  gcsondcn,  tc  wctcn  naer  dcsc 
twecde  rievier,  de  wclcke  sy  den  nacm  gavcn  van  Manhattes  ; 
naer  dc  nacm  van  de  Wllden  die  acn't  begin  van  dcsc  ricvierc 
^vooncn  :   ende  in  dc  volglicndc  jarcn  hcbbcn  dc  Ho.  Mog.  Hccrcn 

Hudson's  third  voyage.  159 

of  navigating  this  river  and  trading  there  ;^  wherenpon,  in 
the  year  1615,  a  redoubt  or  fort  was  erected  on  the  river, 
and  occupied  by  a  small  garrison,  of  which  we  shall  here- 
after speak.  Our  countrymen  have  continued  to  make  voy- 
ages thither,  from  year  to  year,  for  the  purpose  of  trafficking 
with  the  natives,  and  on  this  account  the  country  has  very 
justly  received  the  name  of  New  Netherlands. 

Staten  Generael  aen  dese  koop-lieden  octroy  verleent  cm  alleen  op 
dese  rieviere  te  mogen  varcn  ende  den  handel  te  drijven  :  waer 
over  in  den  jare  1615  boven  op  de  voornoemde  rieviere  eenredoute 
ofte  fortjen  wierdt  geleght  met  een  kleyn  bescttinghe,  daer  wy  hicr 
naer  noch  sullen  van  spreken  ;  ende  is  dese  vaert  by  de  onse  sints 
jaerlijcks  ghecontinucert,  ende  door-gaens  van  ons  volck  daer 
blijven  Icgghen  om  den  handel  met  de  Wilden  te  drijven;  waer 
door  dit  quartier  ten  rechten  den  naem  van  Niew-Nederlandt  beeft 


(from    book    III,    CHAPTER    10.) 

Henry  Hudson,  who  first  discovered  this  river,  and  all 
that  have  since  visited  it,  express  their  admiration  of  the 
noble  trees  growing  upon  its  banks  ;  and  Hudson  has  him- 
self described  the  manners  and  appearance  of  the  people  that 
he  found  dwelling  within  this  bay,  in  the  following  terms: — 

Hendbick  Hudson  die  dese  rieviere  eerst  heeft  ontdeckt,  ende  alia 
die  nacrderhandt  daer  bebben  gbeweest,  wetcn  wonder  te  seggben 
van  de  scboone  boomer)  die  bier  wassen  :  de  selve  bescbrijft  ons 
de  manieren  ende  ghestalte  van't  volck,  welck  by  stracx  binnen  de 
baye  vondt  aldus  :  Als  ick  aent  land  't  quam,  stonde  alle  de  Swarten 

^  These  facts  are  not  quite  correctly  stated.     See  Brodhead,  Ilist.  of 
New  York,  pp.  60,  61. 


"  When  I  came  on  shore,  the  swarthy  natives  all  stood 
around  and  sung  in  their  fashion  ;  their  clothing  consisted 
of  the  skins  of  foxes  and  other  animals,  which  they  dress  and 
make  the  skins  into  garments  of  various  sorts.  Their  food 
is  Turkish  wheat  (maize  or  Indian  corn),  which  they  cook 
by  baking,  and  it  is  excellent  eating.  They  all  came  on 
board,  one  after  another,  in  their  canoes,  which  are  made  of 
a  single  hollowed  tree ;  their  weapons  are  bows  and  arrows, 
pointed  with  sharp  stones,  which  they  fasten  with  hard 
resin.  They  had  no  houses,  but  slept  under  the  blue 
heavens,  sometimes  on  mats  of  bulrushes  interwoven,  and 
sometimes  on  the  leaves  of  trees.  They  always  carry  with  them 
all  their  goods,  such  as  their  food  and  green  tobacco,  which 
is  strong  and  good  for  use.  They  appear  to  be  a  friendly 
people,  but  have  a  great  propensity  to  steal,  and  are  exceed- 
ingly adroit  in  carrying  away  whatever  they  take  a  fancy 

In  latitude  40°  48',  where  the  savages  brought  very  fine 
oysters  to  the  ship,  Hudson  describes  the   country  in  the 

en  songhen  op  hare  wijse;  haer  kleederen  syn  vellen  van  vossen 
ende  andere  beesten  die  sy  bereyden,  ende  maken  kleerderen  van 
vellen,  van  aller  hande  sorteringhen,  haer  eten  is  Turcxsche  tar  we, 
daer  sy  koecken  van  backen,  ende  is  goet  eeten ;  quamen  al  temet 
aen  boordt  d'een  voor  d'ander  naer,  met  haer  prauwen  van  een 
heel  houdt  gemaeckt ;  haer  geweer  is  bogen  ende  pijlen  met  scharpe 
steentjens  voor  aen,  die  sy  daer  aen  vast  maken  met  spiegel  harst; 
hadden  daer  geen  huysen,  sliepen  al  onder  den  blaeuwen  Ilemcl, 
sommige  op  mattijens  aen  malkanderen  ghewrocht  van  biesen, 
sommighe  op  bladeren  van  boomen,  dragen  altijts  al  haer  goet  met 
hour  datse  hebbcn,  als  eten  ende  groenen  toback  welck  sterck  is 
ende  goet  om  ncmen ;  schijnt  vricndelijck  volck  te  zijn,  dan  is 
seer  ghencghen  tot  stclen,  ende  subticl  oni  wcgh  te  halen  alles  't 
gheene  haer  aenstact.  Op  de  hooghte  van  vcertich  graden  ende 
acht-en  vcertich  minuten,  al  waer  de  Wilde  seer  schoone  ocstcrs 
aen  syn  schip  brachten,  ghctuycht  de  voor-noemde  Hudson  van  't 

hudsom's  third  voyage.  161 

following  manner  : — "  It  is  as  pleasant  a  land  as  one  need 
tread  upon  ;  very  abundant  in  all  kinds  of  timber  suitable 
for  shipbuilding,  and  for  making  large  casks  or  vats.  The 
people  had  copper  tobacco  pijies,.  from  which  I  inferred 
that  copper  might  naturally  exist  there  ;  and  iron  likewise 
according  to  the  testimony  of  the  natives,  who,  however,  do 
not  understand  preparing  it  for  use. 

Hudson  also  states  that  they  caught  in  the  river  all  kinds 
of  fresh-water  fish  with  seines,  and  young  salmon^  and 
sturgeon.  In  latitude  42°  18'  he  landed  : — "  I  sailed  to  the 
shore,"  he  says,  "  in  one  of  their  canoes,  with  an  old  man, 
who  was  the  chief  of  a  tribe,  consisting  of  forty  men  and 
seventeen  women  ;  these  I  saw  there  in  a  house  well  con- 
structed of  oak  bark,  and  circular  in  shape,  so  that  it  had 
the  appearance  of  being  well  built,  with  an  arched  roof.  It 
contained    a  great  quantity   of  maize  or  Indian  corn,  and 

landt  aldus  ;  Is  soo  schoonen  landt  als  men  met  voeten  betreden 
mach,  over-vloedigh  van  alderhande  houdt,  cm  schepen  te  bouwen, 
ende  cm  groote  vaten  van  te  maken ;  t'  volck  hadde  daer  kojDeren 
toback  pijpen,  waer  iiyt  ick  vermoede  dat  daer  koper  meet  zijn, 
als  cock  yser  naer  dcr  Wilden  beduydinghe,  dan  sy  en  hebben 
gheen  wetenscbap  cm  'tselve  te  bereyden.  De  selve  ghetuyght 
mede  dat  sy  op  de  rievier  allerbande  rievier-visch  met  de  seghen 
vanghen,  cock  jonghe  salm  ende  steur.  Op  de  booglite  van  twee-en- 
veertich  graden  ende  achthien  minuten  was  dito  Hudson  acn  landt  ; 
Ick  veer  (seght  hy)  met  eeu  van  haer  prauwen  aen  landt,  met  een 
oudt  man  die  daer  overste  was,  van  veertich  mans  ende  seventhien 
vrouwen,  die  ick  daer  sagh ;  in  een  buys  van  basten  van  eyckcn- 
boomen  wel  ghemaeckt,  ende  rondtomsoo  gelijck  of  bet  een  verwelft 

1  This  fact  has  been  doubted.  Dr.  Mitchell,  an  American  naturalist 
informed  Dr.  Miller  the  New  York  historian,  that  no  such  fish  had  been 
seen  in  Hudson  river,  as  long  as  he  could  remember.  But  this  may  be 
caused  by  the  extraordinary  movement  even  then  (in  1820)  existing  in 
the  river's  mouth.  There  is  no  reasonable  ground  to  doubt  that  the 
Hudson  was,  at  the  time  of  its  discovery,  as  rich  in  salmon  as  many 
other  North  American  rivers  are  now. 



beans  of  the  last  year's  growth,  and  there  Lay  near  the  house 
for  the  purpose  of  drying,  enough  to  load  three  ships,  besides 
what  was  growing  in  the  fields.  On  our  coming  into  the 
house,  two  mats  were  spread  out  to  sit  upon,  and  immediately 
some  food  was  served  in  well  made  red  wooden  bowls  ;  two 
men  were  also  despatched  at  once  with  bows  and  arrows  in 
quest  of  game,  who  soon  after  brought  in  a  pair  of  pigeons 
which  they  had  shot.  They  likewise  killed  a  fat  dog,  and 
skinned  it  in  great  haste,  with  shells  which  they  had  got 
out  of  the  water.  They  supposed  that  I  would  remain  with 
them  for  the  night,  but  I  returned  after  a  short  time  on 
board  the  ship.  The  land  is  the  finest  for  cultivation  that 
I  ever  in  my  life  set  foot  upon,  and  it  also  abounds  in  trees 
of  every  description.  The  natives  are  a  very  good  people, 
for  when  they  saw  that  I  would  not  remain,  they  supposed 
that  I  was  afraid  of  their  bows,  and  taking  the  arrows,  they 
broke  them  in  pieces,  and  threw  them  into  the  fire,  etc." 

He    found  there  also  vines  and  grapes,    pumpkins,   and 
other  fruits  :    from  all   of  which   there  is   sufficient  reason 

hadde  ghewecst,  was  overvloedigh  van  Maiz  en  boonen  van  't  voor- 
gaende  jaer,  ende  daer  lagh  by  het  buys  wel  soo  veel  te  drooghen, 
als  dry  schepen  mochten  voeren,  sender  dat  noch  stondt  en  wies ; 
by  bet  buys  komende  werden  twee  matjens  gbespreyt  om  op  te 
sitten,  ende  terstondt  eenighe  ghericbten  voort  gbebracbt,  in  roode 
bouten-backen  wel  gbemaeckt,  ende  sonden  terstondt  twee  mannen 
uyt  met  booghen  om  wildt  te  scbieten,  brocbten  twee  Duyven  die 
sy  wel  bacst  gbescbooteu  badden,  slocgben  terstondt  oock  eenen 
vetten-bondt,  ende  krcgbcn  bet  vel  af  metier  baest  met  scbelpen 
die  sy  uyt  bet  water  krijgbcn,  niccnden  dat  ick  die  nacbt  by  baer 
blijven  sonde,  dan  ginck  terstondt  weder  naer  bet  scbip  ;  'tis  het 
scboonste  landt  om  te  bouwen,  als  ick  oyt  mijn  levcn  met  vocten 
betradt,  ende  oock  van  aldcrbandc  boomen  ;  ende  is  seer  goet  volck, 
want  doen  sy  sagbeu  dat  ick  niet  bbjven  en  wikle,  meenden  dat 
ick  van  baer  bogben  vervaert  was,  namcn  de  pijlcn,  brakcn  die 
acn  stuckcn  ende  worpcn  die  int  vier,  etc.      Sy  vonden  daer  oock 

Hudson's  third  voyage.  163 

to  conclude,  that  it  is  a  pleasant  and  fruitful  country,  and 
that  the  natives  are  well  disposed,  if  they  are  only  well 
treated  ;  although  they  are  very  changeable,  and  of  the  same 
general  character  as   all   the  savages  in  the  north. 

wijngaerden  ende  dru3-ven,  pompoenen  ende  andere  vruchten. 
Wt  welckes  alles  ghenoechsaem  is  af  te  neraen  dat  hat  een  seer 
schoon  ende  vruchtbaer  quartier  is,  ende  goet  volck,  als  het  maer 
wel  ghehandelt  wordt ;  docli  seer  veranderlijck,  ende  van  den 
selven  aerdt  als  alle  het  volck  van  die  noorder  quartieren. 



NETHERIiAND,    8V0.,    MIDDELBURG,     1818. 

(the    extracts    ABE    REPRINTED    FROM    THE    TRANSLATION    IN    THE 

COLLECTIONS    OF    THE    N.    Y.    HIST.    SOC,    NEW    SERIES, 

VOL.    I,    P.    85,    FOL.) 


The  inclinations  of  tlie  directors  of  the  East  India  Com- 
pany were  much  at  variance  upon  the  proposals  of  Hudson. 
The  directors  of  Zealand  opposed  it ;  they  were  probably 
discouraged  by  the  fruitless  results  of  former  voyages,  con- 
cerning which  they  could  obtain  sufficient  information  from 
their  colleague,  Balthasar  Moucheron,^  who  long  before  had 
traded  to  the  north.  It  was  said  they  were  throwing  money 
away,  and  nothing  else.  If  private  merchants  would  run 
the  risk  they  had  no  objection,  provided  the  company  was 
not  injured  by  it.  The  Amsterdam  directors,  nevertheless, 
would  not  give  up  their  plan,  and  sent  Henry  Hudson,  in 
the  same  year  1609,  with  a  yacht  called  the  Half  Moon, 
manned  by  sixteen  Englishmen  and  Hollanders,  again  to  sea. 

^  Balthasar  de  Moucheron  was  a  rich  merchant,  one  of  the  active 
emigrants  who  had  left  the  southern  provinces  of  the  Netherlands  during 
the  war  of  independance  against  Spain.  He  settled  in  Zealand,  and  was 
the  principal  promoter  of  the  maritime  enterprise  by  which  the  young 
republic  rose  so  fast  to  a  distinguished  place  among  European  powers. 
Moucheron  sent  on  his  own  account  ships  to  Russia,  to  America,  and  to 
the  East  Indies.  The  undertakings  alluded  to  by  Lambrechtsen  are  the 
three  voyages  to  the  North-East,  which  De  Veer  has  described.  Mou- 
cheron was  the  principal  instigator  of  these  unsuccessful  expeditions. 
(See  Dr.  Beke's  De  Veer,  Introduction,  p.  lii.) 


This  vessel  left  the  Texel  on  the  6th  of  April,  1609,  sail- 
ing towards  the  north.  Prevented  by  the  ice  from  reaching 
the  latitude  of  Nova  Zembla,  they  went  to  Newfoundland, 
and  from  there  to  Acadia  or  New  France,  till  they  were 
driven  into  a  bay  known  only  to  the  French,  who  arrived 
there  annually  to  purchase  hides  and  furs  from  the  savages. 
Hudson,  unwilling  to  approach  those  chilling  shores,  re- 
turned to  sea,  and  steering  south-west  discovered  land, 
which  was  first  considered  to  be  an  island,  but  which  was 
soon  discovered  to  be  a  part  of  the  continent,  named  Cape 

This  industrious  navigator  felt  (although  born  in  Eng- 
land) so  sensibly  his  relation  to  the  Holland  East  India 
Company,  who  had  employed  him  in  discoveries,  that  he 
could  not  have  hesitated  a  moment  to  give  the  name  of  his 
adopted  fatherland  to  this  newly  discovered  countxy.  He 
called  it  New  Holland.  But  not  wishing  to  fix  his  per- 
manent residence  on  this  spot,  Hudson  preferred  the  sea, 
taking  a  south-west  course  till  he  discovered  a  flat  coast  in 
37°  35',  which  he  followed  in  an  opposite  direction. 

At  this  time  he  discovered  a  bay,  in  which  several  rivers 
were  emptying,  which,  no  doubt,  must  have  been  the  South 
river,  afterwards  named  Delaware.  It  has  a  projecting 
point,  which  then  or  afterwards  obtained  the  name  of  Cape 
Henlopen,  probably  from  the  family  name  of  the  first  dis- 
coverer. Now  the  bay  was  again  left,  and  they  steered 
north-east  along  the  coast  at  40°  18',  where,  between  Barn- 
degat  and  Godinspunt,  named  thus  afterwards  in  remem- 
brance of  him  who  first  discovered  this  cape,^  there  was  a 
good  anchorage,  to  explore  the  country,  and  to  open  a  com- 
munication with  the  inhabitants.     But  Hudson's  curiosity 

1  Godyn  was  one  of  the  Directors  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company. 
The  cape  was  not  discovered  by  him ;  but  received  his  name  because 
he  possessed  a  large  estate  in  its  neighbourhood.  Godyns  punt  is  iden- 
tical with  Colman's  Point.     See  p.  80,  note  3. 


was  not  so  easily  satisfied.  He  went  again  to  sea,  following 
the  coast  in  the  same  direction  till  the  mouth  of  a  large  river 
was  discovered,  which  then  was  named  by  the  sailors  the 
North  river,  and  afterwards,  in  honour  of  the  name  of  the 
first  discoverer,  Hudson's  river. 


The  voyage  was  prosperous.  But  when  he  approached  the 
English  coast  a  mutiny  was  stirring  among  the  crew,  among 
which  were  several  Englishmen.  They  compelled  the  skip- 
per to  enter  Dartmouth,  from  which  the  rumour  of  his  dis- 
coveries ere  long  reached  the  capital. 

Nothing  was  more  averse  from  the  views  of  king  James 
than  of  allowing  to  the  Netherlanders  any  advantage  from 
transmarine  colonies,  while  he,  in  imitation  of  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, desired  to  convert  the  whole  to  the  profit  of  his  own 
subjects.  Hudson  was  considered  as  a  person  of  import- 
ance, and  he  was  forbidden  to  pursue  his  voyage  towards 
Amsterdam,  with  the  intention,  ere  long,  to  make  use  of  his 

After  the  ship,  the  Half  Moon,  had  been  detained  at  Dart- 
mouth for  some  time,  it  Avas  at  length  permitted  to  return 
to  the  fatherland,  where  it  arrived  in  the  beginning  of  the 
year  1610. 

And  now  did  the  directors  obtain  such  favourable  reports 
of  the  countries  discovered  by  Hudson,  that  in  their  opinion 
these  were  a  full  compensation  lor  their  disappointment  in 
their  principal  aim,  the  passage  to  India  by  the  north. 




1655,   1656. 

(the  original  pieces  are  taken  from  the  first  pages  of  the  volume, 

THE    translations    IN    GREATER   PART    FROM*  THE    COLLECTIONS    OF    THE 


This  country  was  first  found  and  discovered  in  the  year  of 
our  Lord  1609;  when,  at  the  cost  of  the  privileged  East 
India  Company,  a  ship  named  the  Half  Moon  was  fitted  out 
to  discover  a  westerly  passage  to  the  kingdom  of  China. 
This  ship  was  commanded  by  Henry  Hudson,  as  captain 
and  supercargo,  who  was  an  Englishman  by  birth,  but 
had  resided  many  years  in  Holland,  and  was  now  in  the 
employment  of  the  East  India  Company.  This  ship  sailed 
from  the  Canary  Islands,^  steering  a  course  north  by  west ; 
and   after    sailing   twenty  days  with   good   speed  land  was 

DiT  Lantschap  is  eerstmael  gevonden  en  ontdeckt  in  den  Jare  onses 
Heeren  Jesu  Christi  1609.  als  wanneer  ter  koste  van  de  Geoctro- 
yeerde  Oost-Indische  Compagnie  af-gevaerdight  is  het  Schip  de 
Halve  Maen,  cm  by  Westen  eenen  doorgangh  naer  het  Coningrijck 
van  China  te  soecken :  op  dit  Schip  was  Schipper  en  Coopman 
eenen  Hendrick  Hudson,  wel  een  Engelsman  geboortig,  maer  lang 
onder  de  Nederlanders  verkeert  hebbende,  ende  nu  in  dienst  en 
maentgelt  van  de  Oost-Indische  Compagnie.  Dit  Schip,  van  de 
Canarische  Eylanden  af  t'  zeyl  gaende,  stelde  sijne  cours  West  ten 
Noorden  aen,  hebbende  so  by  de  twintigh  etmael  met  redehjcke 

1  See  p.  152,  note  1. 

168  EXTRACTS    FROM    VAN    DER    DONCk's 

discovered,  which  by  theii*  calculation  lay  320°  by  west. 
On  approaching  the  land,  and  observing  the  coast  and  shore 
convenient,  they  landed,  and  examined  the  country  as  well, 
as  they  could  at  the  time  and  as  opportunity  offered. 

spoet  gezeylt,  ontmoeten  landt  nae  haer  gissinge  op  de  drie  hondert 
en  twintigh  graden  by  Westen,  ende  merckende  aen  verscheyde 
teeckenen,  dat  noyt  eenigh  Christen  daer  te  vooren  geweest  was, 
maer  dat  nu  het  lant  by  geval  daer  eerst  ontdeckt  werde.  Onder 
bet  landt  dan  nader  komende,  en  siende  de  cust  en  strant  bequaem, 
begaven  haer  daer  na  toe,  namen  het  gesicht  en  besit  daer  van  soose 
best  konde,  naer  tijdts  gelegentheydt. 

The  country  having  been  first  found  or  discovered  by 
the  Netherlanders,  and  keeping  in  view  the  discovery  of  the 
same  it  is  named  the  New  Netherlands.  That  this  country 
was  first  found  or  discovered  by  the  Netherlanders,  is  evi- 
dent and  clear  from  the  fact  that  the  Indians  or  natives  of 
the  land,  many  of  whom  are  still  living,  and  with  whom  I 
have  conversed,  declare  freely,  that  before  the  arrival  of  the 
Dutch  ship,  the  Half  Moon,  in  the  year  1609,  they  (the 
natives)  did  not  know  that  there  ^vere  any  other  people  in 

Soo  is  dan  cock  Nieiiw  Nederlandt,  als  eerst  van  Nederlanders 
gevonden  zijnde,  mede  ten  aensien,  de  vindinge  also  genaemt.  Dat 
dit  Lant  eerst  van  Nederlanders  gevonden  is,  blijckt  medc  klaer 
daer  uyt,  dat  de  Indianen  ofte  Inboorlinghen  die  der  noch  veel 
in  't  leven  zijn,  ende  wy  dickwils  en  verscheyden  hebben  hooren 
spreken,  soo  oudt  datse  daer  van  heugen,  ront  nyt  verklaren,  dat 
voor  het  aenkomen  van  ons  Neerlants  schip  de  Halve  Maen,  in  't 
Jaer  1609.  sy  Inboorlingen  niet  M'isten  datter  meer  menschen  in  de 
werelt  waren,  als  daer  van  haers  ghelijck  ontrent  haer,  vcel  min 


the  world  than  those  who  were  like  themselves,  much  less 
any  people  who  differed  so  much  in  appearance  from  them 
as  we  did. 

Their  men  were  without  hair  on  the  breasts  or  about  the 
mouth,  like  women,  whilst  our  men  are  hairy ;  they  were 
without  clothing  and  mostly  naked,  especially  in  summer, 
while  we  are  always  clothed  and  covered.  When  some  of  them 
first  saw  our  ship  approaching  at  a  distance,  they  did  not 
know  what  to  think  about  her,  but  stood  in  deep  and  solemn 
amazement,  wondering  whether  it  were  a  ghost  or  apparition 
coming  down  from  heaven  or  hell.  Others  of  them  supposed 
her  to  be  a  strange  fish  or  sea  monster.  When  they  dis- 
covered men  on  board,  they  looked  upon  them  rather  as 
devils  than  human  beings.  Thus  they  differed  about  the  ship 
and  men.  A  strange  report  was  also  spread  about  the  country 
concerning  our  ship  and  visit,  which  created  great  astonish- 
ment and  surprise  amongst  the  Indians.  These  things  we 
have  frequently  heard  them  declare,  and  we  regard  them  as 
certain  proofs  that  the  Netherlanders  were  the  first  finders 

menschen  so  veer  van  haer  slach  en  fatsoen  verschillende  als  hare 
en  onse  Natie,  zijnde  hare  Natie  op  de  borst  ende  omtrendt  den 
mont  gantsch  kael,  ende  den  Vrouwen  ghelijckt,  de  onse  heel 
hayrigh,  sy  onghekleet,  ende  meest  ontdekt,  voornemelijck  des 
Zomers,  en  wy  altijt  gekleet  en  bedekt,  so  dat  doen  sommige  van 
haer,  ons  Schip  van  verre  eerst  sagen  aenkomen,  al  heel  niet  wisten 
wat  daer  van  te  oordelen,  ende  in  swaer  beduchten  stonden,  of  het 
oock  spoock  of  diergelijcke  werck  was,  dan  of  het  uyt  den  Hemel 
of  uyt  de  Hel  mochte  komen,  andere  meenden  of  het  wel  een 
seltsame  Vis  ofte  Zee -monster  sonde  moghen  wesen,  ende  of  die 
gene  die  daer  op  waren,  beter  nae  Duyvels  of  nae  Menschen 
geleken,  ende  soo  voorts  gelijck  yder  sijn  verscheyden  gevoelen 
heeft :  altijt  daer  liep  een  heel  vreemt  gerucht  van  door  het  lant, 
ende  't  gaf  groote  versslagentheydt  by  alle  de  Indianen,  ghelijck 
my  dickwils  verscheyden  Indianen  getuyght  hebben,  dies  wy  het 
oock  voor  een  seker  bewijs  houden,  dat  de  Neerlanders  de  eerste 

170  EXTRACTS    FROM    VAN    DER    DONCK's 

or  discoverers  and  possessors  of  the  New  Netherlands.  There 
are  Indians  in  the  country  whose  memory  carries  them  back 
a  hundred  years/  and  if  there  had  been  any  other  people 
here  before  us  they  would  have  known  something  of  them, 
and  if  they  had  not  seen  them  themselves  they  would  have 
heard  an  account  of  them  from  others.  There  are  persons 
who  believe  that  the  Spaniards  have  been  here  many  years 
ago,  when  they  found  the  climate  too  cold  to  their  liking,  and 
again  left  the  country  ;  and  that  the  maize  or  Turkish  corn, 
and  beans  found  among  the  Indians,  were  left  with  them 
by  the  Spaniards.-     This  opinion  or  belief  is  improbable,  as 

vinders  en  besitters  van  Nieuw  Nederlant  zijn,  want  daer  zijn 
Wilden  die  over  de  hondert  Jaren  heughen,  ende  soo  der  noch 
eenigh  volck  voor  d'onse  geweest  waren,  daer  van  souden  sy  al 
yetwes  weten  te  seggen,  soo  sy  't  selfs  niet  gesieu  hadden,  souden 
ten  minsten  van  haer  Voor-ouders  gehoort  hebben.  Daer  zijn  cook 
luyden  die  meenen  dat  over  veele  Jaren  de  Spangiaerts  in  dit  lant 
geweest  zijn,  maer  het  voor  haer  wat  te  koiit  bevindende,  weder 
verlaten  hebben,  en  dat  de  boontjcs  en  Turksche  tarwe  of  Mayes, 

^  The  character  and  purpose  of  Van  der  Donck's  book  is  explained  in 
the  introduction  to  the  present  volume.  He  was  anxious  to  prove  that 
New  Netherland  (a  vast  tract  of  land,  of  which  the  States  of  New  York 
and  Pennsylvania  form  the  principal  part)  belonged  by  right  of  dis- 
covery to  the  Dutch,  Being  by  profession  a  lawyer,  he  is  not  very 
scrupulous  in  his  special  pleading.  The  argument  drawn  from  the 
memory  of  the  Indians  must  elicit  a  smile  in  any  one  acquainted  with 
them.  They  have  no  means  of  measuring  past  time,  they  do  not  even 
know  their  own  ages,  and  are  therefore  themselves  quite  unable  to  ascer- 
tain how  far  their  memory  carries  them  back. 

^  Notwithstanding  Van  der  Donck's  assertions  to  the  contrary,  the 
whole  coast  of  New  Netherland  was  undoubtedly  known  to  the  Spaniards. 
The  first  of  their  vessels  that  visited  these  shores  was  commanded  by 
the  Portuguese  Estevan  Gomez,  who  seems  to  have  spent  part  of  the 
spring  and  summer  of  the  year  1525  in  exploring  them.  Their  ships 
frequently  visited  them  afterwards,  and  gave  names  to  the  rivers  and 
islands.  Hudson's  river  was  called  by  them  Rio  de  Gamas  (Roe  river). 
This  matter  is  explained  at  some  length  in  the  introduction  to  the  pre- 
sent volume. 


we  can  discover  nothing  of  the  kind  from  the  Indians.  Tiicy 
say  that  their  corn  and  beans  were  received  from  the  southern 
Indians,  who  received  their  seed  from  a  people  who  resided 
still  farther  south,  which  may  well  be  true,  as  the  Castilians 
have  long  since  resided  in  Florida.  The  maize  may  have  been 
among  the  Indians  in  the  warm  climate  long  ago  ;  however, 
our  Indians  say  that  they  did  eat  roots  and  the  bark  of  trees  in- 
stead of  bread,  before  the  introduction  of  Indian  corn  or  maize. 

daer  van  onder  de  Wilden  ghebleven^soude  zijn,  maer  't  is  niet 
waerschijnelijck,  heb  het  cock  noyt  van  de  Wiklen  konnen  ver- 
nemen,  ende  de  boontjes  met  het  coorn,  seggense  haer  van  de 
zuydtse  Wilden  wel  eertijts  overgelevertte  zijn,  die  het  cock  voor 
een  tijt,  nock  al  vry  veel  zuydelijcker  van  menschen  die  daer 
woonen,  bekomen  hadden,  dat  wel  waer  kan  wesen  :  Want  in 
Florida  hebben  al  over  langh  Castilianen  gewoont,  ofte  misschien  is 
de  Mayes  oock  wel  eerder  in  die  warme  landen  onder  de  Indianen 
geweest,  maer  onse  Wilden  seggen,  datse  van  te  vooren,  eerse  van  de 
Mayes  wisten,  hasten  van  boomen,  en  wortelen  in  plaetse  van 
broot  aten. 

When  this  country  was,  in  1G09,  first  found  by  the  Dutch, 
they  learned  from  the  natives  that  no  Christians  had  been 
there  before  ;  and  considering  themselves  as  the  first  dis- 
coverers they  took  possession  in  the  name  of  their  High 
Mightinesses  the  States  General ;  first  along  the  South  Bay, 

Doen  dan  eerstmael  in  het  Jaer  1609  by  de  Neerlandcrs  dit  landt 
op-ghedaen  werdt,  ende  aen  de  Jnboorlinghen  bemerckende,  dat 
sy  aldaer  de  eerste  Christenen  ende  Vinders  waren,  namen  sy  op 
den  naeni  ende  van  weglien  hare  Ho.  Mog.  mijn  Heeren  de  Staten 
Generael  der  Vereeniglide  Nederlanden  possessie,  eerst  by  de  Suyt- 
bay  aen  Caep  Hinloopen,  die  sy  doenmael  soo  nocmdcn,  ghclijck 


near  the  cape,  which  they  then  called  Cape  Hinlopen/  the 
name  it  still  bears.  Thence  they  sailed  along  the  coast, 
giving  various  names  to  rivers  and  places,  till  into  the  great 
north  river,  which  they  sailed  far  up.  The  English  on  this 
account  call  it  Hudson's  river.  The  first  discoverers  called 
it  Mauritius^  river,  after  Prince  Maurice,  who  was  then 
Statholder.  Thence  they  sailed  to  Cape  Cod,  where  they 
took  possession,  calling  it  New  Holland.^ 

sy  den  selven  naem  noch  heeft,  ende  voeren  so  al  voort  langlis  de 
custe,  ende  op  de  Rivieren  de  plaetsen  verscheyde  benaminge 
gevende  tot  aen  de  groote  Noort-rivier,  die  sy  ver  op  voeren,  soo 
datse  de  Engelsche  noch  sommighe  Hutsons  Rivier,  willennoemen, 
maer  sy  noemdense  doen  Mauritius  Rivier,  naer  Prins  Mauritis, 
die  doenmael  in  Nederlandt  Gouverneur  was ;  van  daer  voerense 
voort  tot  voorby  Caep  Codt,  daerse  oock  possessie  namen,  ende 
noemden  de  selve  Nieuw  Hollandt. 

■^  This  taking  possession  is  an  invention  of  Van  der  Donck.  They 
never  landed  near  Cape  Hinlopen.  (See  Juet,  pp.  73  to  75  ;  De  Laet, 
pp.  154,  155.) 

^  This  is  also  an  invention  of  Van  der  Donck.  The  name  was 
given  several  years  afterwards. 

'  This  is  quite  incorrect.  They  sailed  straight  home  without 
even  seeing  land.  Hudson  touched  the  coast  near  Cape  Cod  before  he 
explored  Hudson  river. 


VOYAGE   (1609). 





(prom   TATE3   AND   MOULTON's   HISTORY   OF   NEW  YORK,   1,   P.    210.) 

According  to  tradition  they  first  landed  in  Coney  Island, 
opposite  Gravesend  (Long  Island),  and  now  a  part  of  King's 
County,  in  this  state. 


the    tradition    of    the    american    indians    concerning 

Hudson's  first  intercourse  with  them,  as  preserved 

by  the  rev.  j.  heckewelder. 

(from    new    YORK    HIST,    SOCIETY,    COLLECTIONS,   NEW    SERIES,    VOL.    I.) 

NOTES,    ARE    FROM    THE    N.   Y.    H.    S.    COLLECTIONS. 

The  following  paper  is  derived  from  the  manuscripts  deposited  among 
the  collections  of  the  Society  by  the  Rev.  Samuel  Miller,  D.D.,  to  whom 
it  was  communicated  by  the  Rev.  John  Heckewelder,  for  many  years  a 
Moravian  missionary  to  the  Indians  of  Pennsylvania.  In  a  letter  accom- 
panying it,  dated  at  Bethlehem,  Jan.  26th,  1801,  Mr.  Heckewelder  says : 
"  As  I  receive  my  information  from  Indians,  in  their  language  and  style, 
I  return  it  in  the  same  way.  Facts  are  all  I  aim  at,  and  from  my  know- 
ledge of  the  Indians,  I  do  not  believe  every  one's  story.  The  enclosed 
account  is,  I  believe,  as  authentic  as  anything  of  the  kind  can  be  ob- 

A  voluminous  correspondence  of  Mr.  Heckewelder  with  Mr.  Du  Pon- 


ceau,  concerning  the  languages  of  the  Indians,  together  with  an  account 
of  the  history,  manners,  and  general  character  of  the  native  tribes,  de- 
rived from  personal  observation,  was  published  by  the  American  Philo- 
sophical Society,  at  Philadelphia,  1819.  This  paper,  in  a  somewhat 
altered,  perhaps  improved,  form  in  respect  to  his  phraseology,  was  com- 
prehended in  that  publication  ;  but  as  the  original  draft  is  more  likely 
to  convey  accurately  the  language  and  style  of  Mr.  Heckewelder's  Indian 
informants,  there  seems  to  be  a  manifest  propriety  in  adopting  it  for 
publication  in  the  present  collection. 

The  following  account  of  the  first  arrival  of  Europeans  at 
New-York  Island,  is  verbatim  as  it  was  related  to  me  by 
aged  and  respected  Delawares,  Momeys  and  Mahicanni 
(otherwise  called  Mohigans,  Mahicandus),  near  forty  years 
ago.  It  is  copied  from  notes  and  manuscripts  taken  on  the 
spot.     They  say  : 

A  long  time  ago,  when  there  was  no  such  thing  known  to 
the  Indians  as  people  with  a  white  skin  (their  expression), 
some  Indians  who  had  been  out  a-fishing,  and  where  the 
sea  widens,  espied  at  a  great  distance  something  remarkably 
large  swimming  or  floating  on  the  water,  and  such  as  they 
had  never  seen  before.  They  immediately  returning  to  the 
shore  apprised  their  countrymen  of  what  they  had  seen,  and 
pressed  them  to  go  out  with  them  and  discover  what  it  might 
be.  These  together  hurried  out,  and  saw  to  their  great  sur- 
prise the  phenomenon,  but  could  not  agree  what  it  might 
be  ;  some  concluding  it  either  to  be  an  uncommon  large 
fish  or  other  animal,  while  others  were  of  opinion  it  must  be 
some  very  large  house.  It  was  at  length  agreed  among 
those  who  were  spectators,  that  as  this  phenomenon  moved 
towards  the  land,  whether  or  not  it  was  an  animal,  or  any- 
thing that  had  life  in  it,  it  would  be  well  to  inform  all  the 
Indians  on  the  inhabited  islands  of  what  they  had  seen,  and 
put  them  on  their  guard.  Accordingly,  they  sent  runners 
and  watermen  off"  to  carry  the  news  to  their  scattered  chiefs, 
that  these  might  send  off"  in  every  direction  for  the  warriors 
to  come  in.      These  arriving-  in  numbers,   and   themselves 


viewing  the  strange  appearance,  and  that  it  was  actually 
moving  towards  them  (the  entrance  of  the  river  or  bay), 
concluded  it  to  be  a  large  canoe  or  house,  in  which  the 
Mannitto  (great  or  supreme  being)  himself  was,  and  that  he 
probably  was  coming  to  visit  them.  By  this  time  the  chiefs 
of  the  different  tribes  were  assembled  on  York  Island,  and 
were  deliberating  on  the  manner  in  which  they  should 
receive  their  Mannitto  on  his  arrival.  Every  step  had  been 
taken  to  be  well  provided  with  plenty  of  meat  for  a  sacrifice ; 
the  women  were  required  to  prepare  the  best  of  victuals  ; 
idols  or  images  were  examined  and  put  in  order  ;  and  a 
grand  dance  was  supposed  not  only  to  be  an  agreeable 
entertainment  for  the  Mannitto,  but  might,  with  the  addition 
of  a  sacrifice,  contribute  towards  appeasing  him,  in  case  he 
was  angry  with  them.  The  conjurors  were  also  set  to  work, 
to  determine  what  the  meaning  of  this  phenomenon  was,  and 
what  the  result  would  be.  Both  to  these,  and  to  the  chiefs 
and  wise  men  of  the  nation,  men,  women,  and  children  were 
looking  up  for  advice  and  protection.  Between  hope  and 
fear,  and  in  confusion,  a  dance  commenced.  While  in  this 
situation,  fresh  runners  arrive,  declaring  it  a  house  of 
various  colours,  and  crowded  with  living  creatures.  It  now 
appears  to  be  certain  that  it  is  the  great  Mannitto  bringing 
them  some  kind  of  game,  such  as  they  had  not  before  ;  but 
other  runners  soon  after  arriving,  declare  it  a  large  house  of 
various  colours,  full  of  people,  yet  of  quite  a  different  colour 
than  they  (the  Indians)  are  of;  that  they  were  also  dressed 
in  a  different  manner  from  them,  and  that  one  in  particular 
appeared  altogether  red,  which  must  be  the  Mannitto 
himself.  They  are  soon  hailed  from  the  vessel,  though  in  a 
language  they  do  not  understand  ;  yet  they  shout  (or  yell) 
in  their  way.  Many  are  for  running  off  to  the  woods,  but 
are  pressed  by  others  to  stay,  in  order  not  to  give  offence  to 
their  visitors,  who  could  find  them  out,  and  might  destroy 
them.     The  house   (or  large  canoe,  as  some   will  have   it) 


stops,  and  a  smaller  canoe  comes  ashore  with  the  red  man 
and  some  others  in  it;  some  stay  by  this  canoe  to  guard  it. 
The  chiefs  and  wise  men  (or  councillors)  have  composed  a 
large  circle,  unto  which  the  red-clothed  man  with  two  others 
approach.  He  salutes  them  with  friendly  countenance,  and 
they  return  the  salute  after  their  manner.  They  are  lost  in 
admiration,  both  as  to  the  colour  of  the  skin  (of  these  whites) 
as  also  to  their  manner  of  dress,  yet  most  as  to  the  habit  of 
him  who  wore  the  red  clothes,  which  shone  with  something 
they  could  not  account  for.^  He  must  be  the  great  Mannitto 
(supreme  being)  they  think,  but  why  should  he  have  a 
white  skin  V  A  large  hockhack^  is  brought  forward  by  one 
of  the  (supposed)  Mannitto's  servants,  and  from  this  a 
substance  is  poured  out  into  a  small  cup  (or  glass)  and 
handed  to  the  Mannitto.  The  (expected)  Mannitto  drinks  ; 
has  the  glass  filled  again,  and  hands  it  to  the  chief  next  to 
him  to  drink.  The  chief  receives  the  glass,  but  only 
smelleth  at  it,  and  passes  it  on  to  the  next  chief,  who  does 
the  same.  The  glass  thus  passes  through  the  circle  without 
the  contents  being  tasted  by  any  one  ;  and  is  upon  the  point 
of  being  returned  again  to  the  red-clothed  man,  when  one  of 
their  number,  a  spirited  man  and  great  warrior,  jumps  up, 
harangues  the  assembly  on  the  impropriety  of  returning  the 
glass  with  the  contents  in  it  j  that  the  same  was  handed 
them  by  the  Mannitto  in  order  that  they  should  drink  it,  as 
he  himself  had  done  before  them ;  that  this  would  please 
him ;  but  to  return  what  he  had  given  to  them  might 
provoke  him,  and  be  the  cause  of  their  being  destroyed  by 
him.  And  that  since  he  believed  it  for  the  good  of  the 
nation  that  the  contents  offered  them  should  be  drank,  and 
as  no  one  was  willing  to  drink  it  he  would,  let  the  con- 
sequence be  what  it  would ;  and  that  it  was  better  for  one 
man  to  die,  than  a  whole  nation  to  be  destroyed.     He  then 

^  Lace.  ^  Their  own  expression. 

^  Their  word  for  gourd,  bottle,  decanter,  etc. 


took  the  glass  and  bidding  the  assembly  a  farewell,  drank  it 
off.  Every  eye  was  fixed  on  their  resolute  companion  to  see 
what  an  effect  this  would  have  upon  him,  and  he  soon 
beginning  to  stagger  about,  and  at  last  dropping  to  the 
ground,  they  bemoan  him.  He  falls  into  a  sleep,  and  they 
view  him  as  expiring.  He  awakes  again,  jumps  up,  and 
declares  that  he  never  felt  himself  before  so  happy  as  after 
he  had  drank  the  cup.  Wishes  for  more.  His  wish  is 
granted  ;  and  the  whole  assembly  soon  join  him,  and  be- 
come intoxicated.^ 

After  this  general  intoxication  had  ceased  (during  which 
time  the  whites  had  confined  themselves  to  their  vessel),  the 
man  with  the  red  clothes  returned  again  to  them,  and  dis- 
tributed presents  among  them,  to  wit,  beads,  axes,  hoes, 
stockings,  etc.  They  say  that  they  had  become  familiar  to 
each  other,  and  were  made  to  understand  by  signs,  that 
they  now  would  return  home,  but  would  visit  them  next 
year  again,  when  they  would  bring  them  more  presents,  and 
stay  with  them  awhile  ;  but  that,  as  they  could  not  live 
without  eating,  they  should  then  want  a  little  land  of  them 
to  sow  seeds  in  order  to  raise,  herbs  to  put  in  their  broth. 

^  The  Delawares  calls  this  place  (New  York  Island)  Mannahattanink 
or  Mannahacktaniok  to  this  day.  They  have  frequently  told  me  that  it 
derived  its  name  from  the  general  intoxication,  and  that  the  word  com- 
prehended the  same  as  to  say  the  island  or  place  of  general  intoxica- 

The  Mahicanni  (otherwise  called  Mohiggans  by  the  English,  and 
Mahicandus  by  the  Low  Dutch)  call  this  place  by  the  same  name  as 
the  Delawares  do  :  yet  think  it  is  owing  or  given  in  consequence  of 
a  kind  of  wood  which  grew  there,  and  of  which  the  Indians  used  to 
make  their  bows  and  arrows.  This  wood  the  latter  (Mohicanni)  call 
"  gawaak." 

The  universal  name  the  Monseys  have  for  New  York  is  Laaphawack- 
king,  which  is  interpreted,  the  place  of  stringing  beads  (wampum).  They 
say  this  name  was  given  in  consequence  of  beads  being  here  distributed 
among  them  by  the  Europeans  ;  and  that  after  the  European  vessel  had 
returned,  wherever  one  looked,  one  would  see  the  Indians  employed  in 
stringing  the  beads  or  wampum  the  whites  had  given  them. 



That  the  vessel  arrived  the  season  following,  and  they  were 
much  rejoiced  at  seeing  each  other;  but  that  the  whites 
laughed  at  them  (the  Indians)  seeing  they  knew  not  the  use 
of  the  axes,  hoes,  etc.,  they  had  given  them,  they  having  had 
these  hanging  to  their  breasts  as  ornaments ;  and  the  stock- 
ings they  had  made  use  of  as  tobacco  pouches.  The  whites 
now  put  handles  (or  helves)  in  the  former,  and  cut  trees 
down  before  their  eyes,  and  dug  the  ground,  and  showed  them 
the  use  of  the  stockings.  Here  (say  they)  a  general 
laughter  ensued  among  them  (the  Indians),  that  they  had 
remained  for  so  long  a  time  ignorant  of  the  use  of  so 
valuable  implements  ;  and  had  borne  with  the  weight  of 
such  heavy  metal  hanging  to  their  necks  for  such  a  length 
of  time.  They  took  every  white  man  they  saw  for  a 
ManittOj  yet  inferior  and  attendant  to  the  supreme  Manitto, 
to  wit,  to  the  one  which  wore  the  red  and  laced  clothes. 
Familiarity  daily  increasing  between  them  and  the  whites, 
the  latter  now  proposed  to  stay  with  them,  asking  them  only 
for  so  much  land  as  the  hide  of  a  bullock  would  cover  (or 
encompass),  which  hide  was  brought  forward  and  spread  on 
the  ground  before  them.  That  they  readily  granted  this 
request ;  whereupon  the  whites  took  a  knife,  and  beginning 
at  one  place  on  this  hide,  cut  it  up  into  a  rope  not  thicker 
than  the  finger  of  a  little  child,  so  that  by  the  time  this  hide 
was  cut  up,  there  was  a  great  heap.  That  this  rope  was 
drawn  out  to  a  great  distance,  and  then  brought  round 
again,  so  that  both  ends  might  meet.  That  they  carefully 
avoided  its  breaking,  and  that  upon  the  whole  it  encom- 
passed a  large  piece  of  ground.  That  they  (the  Indians) 
were  surprised  at  the  superior  wit  of  the  whites,  but  did  not 
wish  to  contend  with  them  about  a  little  land,  as  they  had 
enough.  That  they  and  the  whites  lived  for  a  long  time 
contentedly  together,  although  these  asked  from  time  to 
time  more  land  of  them ;  and  proceeding  higher  up  the 
Mahicanittuk  (Hudson  river),  they  believed  they  vvould  soon 


want  all  their  country,  and  which  at  this  time  was  already 
the  case. 

[Here  ends  this  Relation.^] 

(from    TATES    and    MOULTON's    history    of    new    YORK,    p.    257.) 

Mr.  Heckewelder  received  the  tradition  about  sixty-five 
years  ago,  and  took  it  down  verbatim,  as  it  was  related  to 
him  by  aged  and  respected  Delawares,  Monseys,  and  Mahi- 
canni.  Dr.  Barton  says  the  story  is  told  in  the  same  way 
by  all  the  Indians  of  the  tribes  of  Delawares,  the  "  Monces," 
and  Mohiccans  ;  and  in  relating  the  incidents,  they  laugh 
at  their  own  ignorance.  But  what  still  further  shows  (says 
Dr.  B.)  that  considerable  dependence  may  be  placed  upon 
the  tradition  is  this,  that  to  this  day  the  Delawares,  the 
Monseys,  and  Mohiccans  call  New  York  Manahachtanienks, 
that  is,  the  place  at  which  we  were  drunk,  being  the  name 
they  bestowed  on  the  place  immediately  after  the  incident 

^  At  the  head  of  this  article  there  is  a  typographical  error  in  the 
name  of  a  tribe  of  Indians — Momeys  should  be  Monseys,  often  written 
Minsis.  For  an  exact  account  of  this  and  other  Delaware  nations,  see 
Gallatin's  St/nopsis  of  the  Indian  Tribes,  a  work  of  extraordinary  ability, 
contained  in  Transactions  of  American  Antiquarian  Society,  vol.  ii,  p. 
44,  etc. 



(north-west,  rox,  p.  70.) 

In  the  road  of  Lee,  in  the  river  Thames,  he  caused  Master 
Coolbrand^  to  be  set  in  a  pinke  to  be  carried  backe  again  to 
London.  This  Coolbrand  was  every  way  held  to  be  a  better 
man  than  himselfe,  being  put  in  by  the  adventurers  as  his 
assistant,  who  envying  the  same  (he  having  the  command 
in  his  own  hands)  devised  this  course,  to  send  himselfe  the 
same  way,  though  in  a  farre  worse  place,  as  hereafter  fol- 

^  Hudson  (p.  93)  calls  him  Colburne  ;  Pricket  (p.  98)  calls  him  Col- 
bert. Hudson's  version  of  the  name,  the  only  one  that  forms  part  of  a 
logbook  written  during  the  voyage,  is  most  probably  the  correct  one. 






4tO.,     AMSTERDAM,      1612,      1613. 

The  following  accounts  are  all  due  to  the  same  hand  ;  they  even  form 
part  of  the  different  editions  of  the  same  work  ;  and  the  natural  suppo- 
sition would  therefore  be,  that  they  must  be  repetitions  of  each  other. 
This  is,  indeed,  in  a  small  degree,  the  case.  But  the  variations  between 
them  are  very  great  and  very  curious  ;  showing,  as  they  do,  the  uncer- 
tainty of  Gerritz's  information,  and  how  it  was  gradually  corrected.  It 
has,  therefore,  seemed  advisable  to  reprint  them  all. 


A    SUMMARY    PRINTED    ON    THE    BACK    OF    THE    CHART. 

A}i  Account  of  the   Voijage  and  New  Found  Strait  of  Mr.  Hudson. 

Mr.  Hudson,  who  has  been  repeatedly  engaged  in  the 
search  of  a  western  passage,  long  intended  to  undertake  an 
expedition  for  this  same  purpose  through  Lumley's  Inlet, 
a  channel  leading  out  of  Davis's  Strait ;  as  we  ourselves 
have  seen  pointed  out  on  his  map,  which  is  in  Mr.  Plancius' 
hands.     He  hoped  thus  to  reach  the  Pacific  by  the  west  of 

Mr.  Hudson  die  ettelijcke  malen  Westwaerts  een  doorgangh 
ghesocht  lieeft,  had  zijn  oogh-merck  cm  door  Lumbleys  inlet  in 
Fretum  Davis  in  een  doorgaende  Zee  te  comen,  ghelijck  wy  sulcx 
in  zijn  Caerte  by  Mr.  Plantius  gesien  hebben-eii  by  v/esten  Nova 
Albion  in  Mar  del  Zur  te  loope,  daer  een  Enghels  man,  soo  hy 
glieteeckent  had,  door  ghepasseert  was.     Macr  nac  veel  moeytens 


Nova  Albion, J  where  another  Englishman  had,  according  to 
his  drawings^  passed  through.  Hudson  found  after  many 
labours  the  way  represented  on  our  map,  and  he  was  only 
prevented  from  following  it  further  up,  by  the  resistance  of 
his  crew.  This  mutiny  took  place  under  the  following  cir- 
cumstances. They  had  been  absent  from  home  about  ten 
months,  being  provisioned  only  for  eight,  and  during  their 
whole  voyage  they  had  met  but  a  single  man,  who  brought 
them  an  animal  which  they  ate  ;  but  having  been  badly 
treated,  the  man  never  returned.  Having  thus  left  the  lati- 
tude of  52°,  where  they  had  wintered,  and  having  sailed  up 
to  60°,  along  the  western  shore  of  their  bay,  they  fell  in 
with  a  wide  sea  and  with  a  great  flood  from  the  north-west. 
The  commanders  intended  to  proceed  further.  The  crew 
then  rose  against  him,  and  put  all  the  officers  out  of  the 
ship  into  a  boat,  and  sailed  home   to   England.     For  this 

heeft  hy  desewech,  die  hier  op  dees  Caerte  gheteeckent  staet,  gevon- 
den,  die  hy  vervolclit  sonde  hebben,  hadde  't  ghemeen  Scheeps- 
volck  niet  soo  onwilHcli  gheweest :  want  also  sy  wel  10  maende 
uytgeweest  hadden,  daerse  nochtans  maer  voor  8  maenden  gevict- 
alieert  waren,  ende  op  de  heele  wech  maer  een  man  ghesien  heb- 
ben,  die  haer  een  groot  Dier  brocht  dat  sy  aten;  die,  om  dat  hy 
qualijck  ghetracteert  wiert,  niet  wear  en  quam,  soo  isset  gemeen 
Scheeps-volck  (als  sy  weder  vande  hoochte  van  52  gr.  daer  sy 
verwinterden,  tot  op  de  hoochte  van  60  grad.  langhs  de  West- 
zyde  vande  Baye,  daer  sy  in  geloopen  waren),  op-gheclommen, 
daer  sy  een  ruyme  Zee  ende  groote  baren  uyten  Noordwesten 
vernamen,  endelick  tegens  haer  Meesters  op  gestaen,  die  vor- 
der  voort  wilden,  ende  hebben  d'  Overheyt  altesamen  in  een 
Sloep  ofto  scliuyt  buyten  scheeps  gheset,  ende  zijn  alsoo  met  het 
Schip  nat  Enggelant  geseylt :   Hierom  zijn  sy,  als  sy  t'  buys  qua- 

^  Nova  Albion  is  a  vaojue  term  embracing  all  the  possessions  of  the 
English  in  North  America.  The  geographical  notions  involved  in  this 
passage  and  in  the  rest  of  Gerritz's  various  accounts  will  be  discussed 
in  the  introduction. 

OF  Hudson's  two  last  voyages.  183 

cause  they  have,  on  their  arrival  at  home,  all  been  put  in 
prison;  and  in  the  course  of  the  present  summer  (1612) 
some  ships  have  again  been  sent  to  those  regions  by  order 
of  the  king  and  of  the  Prince  of  Wales/  to  discover  a  passage 
and  to  look  for  Mr.  Hudson  and  his  companions.  These 
have  received  orders  that,  in  case  the  passage  be  found,  two 
of  them  shall  pass  through  it,  the  third  shall  be  sent  home 
with  the  news,  which  we  are  expecting. 

men,  altesamen  in  prison  gheset,  ende  dese  Somer  zijnder  op 
nieus  schepe  ter  ordonnantie  van  den  Coningh  ende  den  Prince 
van  Wallis  derwaerts  ghesonden,  cm  de  doorgangh  verder  t'  ont- 
decken,  ende  Mr.  Hudson  met  den  synen  op  te  soecken  :  welcke 
schepen  bevel  hebben  cm  met  hun  tween,  als  de  passagie  ghevon- 
den  sal  zijn,  door  te  passeren,  ende  een  t'  huyste  senden  met  de 
tydinghe  die  wy  verwachten. 



But  as  even  after  these  voyages  of  William  Barentz^  the 
English  had  repeatedly  tried  that  northern  way,  the  Direc- 
tors of  the  East  India  Company  resolved  three  years  ago  to 

QuoNiAM  vero  etiam  post  navigationes  prajdictas  Guilehiii  Ber- 
nard!, viam  illam  aquilonarem  aliquoties  Angli  adhuc  tentaverant, 
visum  fuit  ante  triennium  D.D.  Indicse  navigationis  prajfectis  eo 

■^  Henry,  Priuce  of  Wales,  a  young  man  of  great  promise,  who  died  in 
November,  1612. 

^  The  preceding  passages  of  the  Prolegomena,  or  Preface  to  Hessel 
Gerritz's  work,  contain  a  short  account  of  Barentz's  voyages  to  the 
North-east  in  search  of  a  short  way  to  China.  The  members  of  the 
Hakluyt  Society  possess  Dr.  Beke's  excellent  edition  of  De  Veer's  de- 
scription of  these  voyages. 


send  there  a  certain  Mr.  Hudson,  an  Englishman.  He, 
having  found  no  way  to  the  east,  but,  instead  of  it,  the  ocean 
ahnost  entirely  obstructed  by  ice,  went  to  the  west  and  re- 
turned without  any  profit  to  England.  He  was  then  sent 
out  again  by  the  English,  and  his  voyage  was  far  more 
prosperous,  but  his  own  fortune  far  worse.  For,  having 
after  many  labours  passed  beyond  the  Terra  de  Baccalaos^ 
for  about  three  hundred  miles-  to  the  west,  and  having  win- 
tered there  in  latitude  52",  and  being  sure  to  be  able  to  go 
still  farther;  then,  not  only  he  himself,  but  all  his  officers 
were  put  into  a  boat  by  their  mutinous  crew  and  left  to  drift 
on  the  waves.  The  sailors  returned  home  without  delay. 
We  have  added  his  geographical  observations  to  the  present 
book.  We  expect  more  certain  news  by  the  ships  which 
have  already  been  sent  there ;  and  even  the  much  desired 
report  that  they  will  have  passed  through  the  strait.  These 
ships  will  thus  obtain  eternal  fame  and  glory,  .  . 

mittere  quendam  M.  Hudsonum  Anglum,  qui  cum  nullam  ad 
Ortum  viam,  sed  ejus  vicem  Oceanum  invenesset  glacie  prorsus 
obstructum,  ad  Occasum  deflexit,  unde  sine  ullo  profectu  in 
Angliam  appulit.  Emissus  auteni  de  novo  ab  Anglis,  cursu  qui- 
dem  longo  prosperiore,  at  deteriore  tamen  successu  usus  est ;  cum 
enim  post  varies  labores  ultra  Terram  de  Baccalaos  300  circiter 
milliaria  Occasum  versus  emensus  esset,  inibique  ad  altitudinem 
graduum  52  jam  hibernasset,  et  ulterius  tendere  certus  esset,  ecce 
non  tantum  ipse,  sed  omnis  eius  Senatus  (ut  sic  dixerim)  nauti- 
cus  scaphse  ab  importunis  nautis  impositus  et  in  undas  demissus, 
ipsi  sine  mora  domum  reversi  sunt.  Nos  vero  notas  ejus  ad  cal- 
cem  hujus  libelli  adjunximus,  certiora  per  naves  eo  jam  missas, 
imo  optatum  de  Freto  pervio  nuntium  expectantes.  Quae  naves  hoc 
ipso  seternara  sibi  famam  paraturse  sunt. 

^  Terra  de  Baccalaos,  or  Codfish  land,  is  a  vague  term,  embracing 
most  of  the  codfish  stations  north  of  49°.  On  the  old  maps  the  name  is 
generally  written  in  latitude  55°  or  56°,  For  the  origin  and  history  of 
the  term,  see  the  introduction  to  the  present  volume. 

^  Probably  German  miles.     The  other  accounts  have  leucas  (leagues). 

OF  Hudson's  two  last  voyages.  185 

These  news  of  Hudson's  recently  found  passage  to  the 
north  of  Newfoundland  and  the  hope  of  a  strait,  are  con- 
firmed by  the  testimony  of  the  Virginian  and  Floridan 
savages,  who  all  state  most  distinctly  that  their  country  is 
washed  on  its  south-western  side  by  a  vast  ocean,  in  which 
they  have  seen  ships  similar  to  those  of  the  English. 

Confirmatur  hsec  nuper  invent!  ah  Hudsono  supra  Terram 
Novam  transitus  sive  Freti  spes,  Virginiarum  Floridanorumque 
concordibus  testimoniis,  diserte  adfirmantium,  terras  suas  ab  oc- 
casu  aestivo  vasto  Oceano,  in  quo  et  naves  Anglicanarum  similes 


FKOM    THE    LATIN    EDITION    OF    1612. 

An  account  of  the  Discovery  of  the  North-western  Passage,  tvhich  is 
expected  to  lead  to  China  and  Japan,  hy  the  North  of  the  Ame- 
rican Continent,  found  hy  Mr.  H.  Hudson,  an  Englishman. 

The  English  nation,  encouraged  by  previous  success,  have 
grown  bolder  and  bolder  in  their  naval  enterprise.  Thus, 
besides  their  frequent  voyages  to  the  east,  to  Nova  Zembla 
and  to  Spitzbergen,^  they  have  made  almost  uninterrupted 
efforts  to  discover  a  western  passage  or  strait  to  China  and 

Felicissim^  Anglicse  gentis  espeditiones  maritimae,  et  prosper- 
rimi  quibus  in  ijs  usi  successus,  eos  ad  rariores  quoque  profecti- 
ones  tentandas  magis  magisque  extimularunt :  nam  prseter  crebra 
suorum  ad  Ortum  et  Novam  Zemlam  Groelandiamq.  itinera,  per- 
petuo   fere   laborarunt   in  investigando   ad   Occidentem,    Chinam 

1  Gerritz  has  Groenlandiam.  The  curious  history  of  this  name  and 
of  the  geographical  ideas  and  discoveries  connected  with  it,  will  be  found 
in  the  introduction  to  the  present  volume. 


Japan.  They  expected  that  sailing  by  this  road  they  would 
have  on  their  left  the  North  American  shores,  where  they 
have  founded  their  Virginian  colony. 

Several  of  those  who  set  out  in  search  of  that  passage 
entered  Davis's  Straits.  Their  example  was  followed  by 
Captain  George  Winwood/  who  sailed  in  1602  nearly  five 
hundred  English  miles  up  that  strait,  but  was  then  forced 
by  the  ice  to  return.  He  now  attempted  to  find  the  desired 
passage  by  exploring  the  narrows  under  61°,  which  the 
English  call  Lumley's  Inlet.  But  having  sailed  a  hundred 
leagues  into  them  he  again  turned  back,  partly  on  account 
of  the  sufferings  which  the  great  length  of  the  voyage  pro- 
duced among  his  crew,  partly  because  he  desired  to  explore 
two  more  bays,  situated  between  Lumley's  Inlet  and  Bacca- 
laos,  whence  the  sea  was  streaming  out  with  great  might. 
These  facts  are  stated  in  his  logbooks,  which  Mr.  Peter 
Plancius,  a  diligent  investigator  of  such  matters,  commu- 
nicated to  Mr.  H.  Hudson  during  his  stay  in  Amsterdam  in 
1609,  when  Hudson  was  going  to  undertake  a  search  for  a 

atque  Japonem  versus,  transitu,  sive  freto,  idque  rellcto  ad  Isevam 
septentrional!  America  littore,  occupata  jam  illic  et  colonijs  suis 
insessa  Virginia.  Viam  vero,  quam  eorum  plserique  in  freto  hoc 
indagando  ingressi  sunt,  secutus  est  annos  1602  Capitaneus  quo- 
que  Georgius  Winwood,  qui  quingentas  fere  Anglicas  leucas 
in  Freto  Davis  sursum  decorsum  vagarus,  et  prse  glacie  tandem 
coactus  retrogredi,  tentavit  nura  per  sinum  ilium,  quern  Angli 
Lumles  Inlet  appellant,  sub  gradibus  uno  et  sexaginta  positum, 
invenire  forte  posset  optatam  viam,  sed  centum  in  eo  leucas  Hypa- 
fircum  versus  progressus,  pedem  et  hinc  quoque  retulit,  turn  quod 
diuturna  itineris  molestia  nauticum  vulgus  esset  attritum,  turn 
quod  statu isset  lustrare  et  alios  duos  sinus  inter  Lumles  Inlet  et 
Bseccalaos,  jnde  exeuntem  vidisset  ingentem  fluxum  pro  ut  constat 
ejus  Ephemeridibus,  quasM.Petrus  Plancius,  curiosissimus  talium 
novitatum    investigator,    tradidit   M.    Henrico    Hudsono    Anglo, 

^  George  Weymouth.     The  mistake  is  corrected  in  the  later  editions. 

OF  Hudson's  two  last  voyages.  187 

passage  to  the  north  of  Nova  Zembla  for  the  Directors  of 
the  Dutch  East  India  Company.  He  did  set  out,  but 
achieved  nothing  in  the  east ;  he  sailed  therefore  straight 
westward,  to  attempt  again  the  way  searched  out  and  drawn 
by  Captain  Winwood ;  which  way,  after  passing  for  about 
a  hundred  leagues  through  a  narrow  channel,  leads  out  into 
a  wide  sea.  Hudson  hoped  to  find  a  way  through  this  sea, 
though  Plancius  had  proved  to  him  the  impossibility  of 
success,  from  the  accounts  of  a  man  who  had  reached  the 
western  shore  of  that  sea.  Hudson  achieved  in  1609  nothing 
memorable,  even  by  this  new  way.  But  he  was  again  sent 
out  in  1610  by  his  own  countrymen.  He  now  followed  the 
way  through  Lumley's  Inlet  pointed  out  to  him  by  Win- 
wood's  papers.  Having  passed  under  many  labours  through 
the  strait,  he  reached  the  latitude  of  52°,  where  he  wintered. 
Here  he  fell  in,  for  the  first  time  during  the  voyage,  with 
one  of  the  natives  of  the  country.  This  Indian  brought 
some  merchandise,  and  was  armed  with  a  Mexican  or  Japa- 

Amsterodami  per  id  tempus,  anno  videlicet  1609,  agenti,  et  In- 
dicse  navigationis  preefectis,  in  quaerendo  supra  Novam  Zemlam 
transitu,  operam  impensuro,  qui  et  ipse  cum  ad  Ortum  nil  pro- 
fecisset,  ad  occasum  recta  deflexit,  denuo  tentaturus  ilium  a  Capi- 
taneo  Winwood  qusesitum  delineatumque  meatum,  post  centum 
plus  minus  leucarum  angustias,  in  amplum  tandem  pelagus  desi- 
nentem,  quod  ipsum  mare  hie  noster  Hudsonus  speraverat  fore 
perivium,  licet  contrarium  ei,  ex  relatione  cujusdam,  qui  occiden- 
tale  maris  ipsius  littus  adnavigaverat,  idem  Plancius  ostendisset. 

Hudsonus,  cum  ne  hoc  quidem  itinere  quidquam  memoria  dig- 
num  gessisset,  anno  proxime  insecuto  1610,  a  popularibus  suis 
rursus  omissus  est,  et  secutus  ilium  in  Lumles  Inlet  sibi  a  Georgio 
Winwood  ex  parte  calcatum  tramitem,  post  multas  tandem  moles- 
tias  fretum  hoc  superavit,  et  ad  gradus  50,  et  51,  progressus  est. 
Ubi  et  hibernavit,  atque  hie  demum,  cum  alioqui  nullos  toto 
itinere  obvios  usquam  et  nescio  quid  prseterea  adferret  in  com- 
meatum  crisso  Mexicano  seu  Japonensi  accinctus.     Unde  se  non 


nese  oris  ;^  fvom  which  circumstances  Hudson  concluded 
that  he  was  not  far  from  Mexico.  The  native,  however,  not 
being  well  treated,  never  afterwards  returned.  The  Eng- 
lish thus  lost  this  only  chance  of  adding  to  their  victuals, 
and  being  provided  for  eight  months  only,  they  left  the 
harbour  they  had  entered  and  sailed  along  the  western  shore 
of  the  bay  till  up  to  62°  or  63°  north.  Here  they  found  a 
wide  sea  and  more  powerful  tides  from  the  north-west, 
which  Hudson  and  the  officers  intended  to  examine  further. 
But  the  crew,  who  had  already  been  two  months  longer 
from  home  than  their  provisions  had  been  intended  for,  rose 
against  their  commanders,  and  exposed  Hudson  and  his 
friends  in  a  boat  in  the  open  air.  The  crew  then  returned 
by  the  way  they  had  come  and  reached  their  home  in 
September  1611,  where  they  were  thrown  into  prison. 
They  are  going  to  be  kept  prisoners  till  their  captain  will 
have  been  found.  In  search  of  him  three  ships  have  been 
sent  out  this  summer  (1612)  by  the  Prince  of  Wales  and 

procul  a  terris  Mexicanis  abesse  noster  illico  suspicatus  est.  Vir 
autem  ille,  parum  comiter  tunc  exceptus,  nunquam-postea  redijt. 
Quare  Angli,  cum  praeter  octimestrem  ilium,  quern  secum  advexe- 
rant  commeatum,  nihil  aliunde  nanciscerentur,  e  sinu,  quern  erant 
ingressi,  occidentale  legentes  littus,  septemtrionem  versus  ex- 
currerunt  ad  gradus  62,  et  63,  ubi  et  mare  invenerunt  late  diffu- 
sum,  et  grandiores  ab  Cauro  impulses  fluctos,  quise  Hudsono 
quidem  et  senatui  nautico  animus  erat  ulterius  indagandi ;  sed 
refragantes  navales  socij,  quod  bimestri  jam  spatio,  ultra  quam  de 
annona  prospectum  esser,  dome  abfuissent,  insurrexere  tandem  in 
sues  preefectos,  atque  Hudsonum  una  cum  suis  scapha  exposue- 
runt  in  mare:  ipsi  vero  qua  venerant  navi,  anno  1611  Septem- 
bri  mense,  domum  reversi  sunt,  ubi  in  carcerem  hac  de  caussa 
compacti,  tantispcr  asservantur,  dum  inveniatur  Prsefectus,  quern 
requirere  jussse  sunt  tres  ille  naves,  quas  emiserunt  hac  ipsa  sestate 

^  Thus  the    Mexicans  call   their  flame-shaped  poniards.     (Gerritz's 

OF  Hudson's  two  last  voyages.  189 

some  merchants.  They  are  to  explore  the  passage  through- 
out, and  when  they  have  found  the  open  ocean,  one  of  them 
is  to  return  with  the  desired  news.  This  ship  is  daily  ex- 
pected home. 

Sej-sim.  VVallse  Princeps  et  mercatores,  transitum  plane  perlus- 
traturas,  ac  pernavigaturas,  quarum  imi  injunctum,  ut  detecto  ad 
plenu  nieatu  recurrat,  nuntium  illud  tarn  diu  desideratum  feliciter 
allatm'a,  quod  in  horas  nunc  expectatur. 



FROM    THE    SECOND    LATIN    EDITION    (1613). 



A  Description  and  Chart  of  the  Discovery  of  the  Strait  or  Passage 
by  the  north  of  the  American  continent  to  China  and  Japan. 

The  English,  stimulated  by  the  happy  success  of  their 
maritime  enterprise,  undergo  without  hesitation  the  troubles 
which  these  expeditions  involve  ;  and  in  spite  of  the  labori- 
ous nature  of  their  voyages  to  the  east,  to  Moscovia,  Nova 
Zembla  and  Spitzbergen,  they  are  still  bent  on  new  dis- 
coveries. They  have  chiefly  made  uninterrupted  efforts  to 
find  a  passage  in  the  west,  where  they  have  already  occu- 
pied Virginia  and  peopled  it  with  their  colonists.      This 

Felicissimje  Anglorum  navigationes,  et  prosperrimi,  earum  suc- 
cessus,  magis  ac  magis  isti  genti  stimulum  addiderunt,  ut  facile 
omnia  tsedia  devorarint  et  novas  detectiones  susceperint,  quae  licet 
laboriosissimse  fuerint  in  Orientem  ad  era  Moscovise,  Novse  Zemlse 
et  Groenlandice,  nihilominus  desudarunt  in  partibus  Occidentalibus 
(occupata  jam  etiam  illic,  et  colonijs  suis  insessa  Virginia)  ut  sibi 


passage  they  have  sought  for  between  Greenland  and  Nova 
Francia.  Their  efforts  have  as  yet  been  fruitless,  and 
through  ice  and  snow  they  have  in  vain  fought  their  Avay 
up  to  70°  or  even  80°  of  northern  latitude.  The  strait  which 
they  have  thus  explored  bears  the  name  of  its  first  disco- 
verer, John  Davis.  The  last  navigator  who  went  along 
that  way  was  Captain  George  Weymouth,  who  sailed  in  the 
year  1602,  and  who,  after  a  voyage  of  five  hundred  leagues, 
was,  like  his  predecessors,  forced  by  the  ice  to  return.  But 
on  purpose  to  draw  at  least  some  advantage  from  his  expe- 
dition, he  directed  his  course  to  the  bay  under  61°,  which 
the  English  call  Lumley's  Inlet,  and  sailed  a  hundred 
leagues  in  a  south-westerly  direction  into  it.  Having  gone 
so  far,  he  found  himself  landlocked,  and  despairing  of  a 
passage,  he  was,  by  the  weakness  of  his  crew  and  by  other 
causes,  forced  to  return.  He,  however,  first  explored  two 
more  bays  between  that  country  and  Baccalaos,  and  found 
there  the  water  wide  and  mighty  like  an  open  sea,  with  very 
great  tides. 

This  voyage,  though  far  from  fulfilling  Weymouth's  hopes. 

transitum,  intra  GrcBnlandiam,  et  Novam  Franciam  qusererent  sed 
frustra  hactenus,  seducti  via  in  Septemtrionem  obducta  nivibus  et 
glacie,  elaboratum  est,  usque  ad  altitudinem  septuaginta,  aut 
octaginta  graduum,  nomenque  traxit  fretum  ab  inventor e  primo 
Joanne  Davis,  postremus  qui  idem  iter  instituit,  praefectus  fuit 
Georgius  Weymouth,  qui  anno  millesimo  sexcentesimo  secundo 
quingentas  leucas  navigando  emensus  est,  sed  glaciei  copia  coactus 
est,  ut  et  alij  antecessores,  in  patriam  redire.  Sedne  irritus  plane 
esset  conatus,  navigans  denuo,  ad  altitudinem  sexaginta  et  unius 
gradus,  per  sinum  quera  Angli  Lumles  Inlet  dicunt,  ibi  ob  occi- 
dente  in  meridiem  deflectens  centum  leucas,  postea  objectu  terrae, 
transitum  non  inveniens,  imbecillitate  sociorum,  alijsque  de  causis, 
coactus  est  reverti  nihilominus  et  duos  alios  sinus  lustravit,  non 
sine  maxima  aquarum  copia  maris  instar,  et  maximo  fluxu  et 
refluxu,  intra  terram  banc,  et  earn  quam  Baccalaos  appellant. 

OF  Hudson's  two  last  voyages.  191 

assisted  Hudson  very  materially  in  finding  his  famous  strait. 
George  Weymouth's  logbooks  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Rev.  Peter  Plancius,  who  pays  the  most  diligent  attention 
to  such  new  discoveries,  chiefly  when  they  may  be  of  ad- 
vantage to  our  own  country;  and  when  in  1609  Hudson 
was  preparing  to  undertake  a  voyage  for  the  Directors  of 
the  East  India  Company,  in  search  of  a  passage  to  China 
and  Cathay  by  the  north  of  Nova  Zembla,  he  obtained  these 
logbooks  from  Peter  Plancius.  Out  of  them  he  learnt  this 
whole  voyage  of  George  Weymouth,  through  the  narrows 
north  of  Virginia  till  into  the  great  inland  sea ;  and  thence 
he  concluded  that  this  road  would  lead  him  to  India.  But 
Peter  Plancius  refuted  this  latter  opinion  from  the  accounts 
of  a  man  who  had  searched  and  explored  the  western  shore 
of  that  sea,  and  had  stated  that  it  formed  an  unbroken  line  of 
coast.  Hudson,  in  spite  of  this  advice,  sailed  westward 
to  try  what  chance  of  a  passage  might  be  left  there,  having 
first  gone  to  Nova  Zembla,  where  he  found  the  sea  entirely 
blocked  up  by  ice  and  snow.     He  seems,  however,  accord- 

Hsec  navigatio  licet  turn  temporis,  votis,  non  responderit,  tamen 
diaria  Georgij  Weymouth,  (quae  incideru.nt  in  manus  D.  P.  Plantij 
curiosissimi  rerum  novarum  investigatoris,  in  usum  patrice  hujus 
reique  nautica3)  usui  fuerunt  maximo,  H.  Hudsoni,  in  investiga- 
tione  hujus  faraosissimi  freti,  cum  enim  anno  millesimo  sexcen- 
tesimo  et  nono,  ille  ageret  cum  Prsefectis  Indicse  navigationis,  de 
via  inquirenda  in  Chinam  et  Cathayam,  supra  Novam  Zemlam, 
hsec  a  D.  P.  Plantio  impetravit  Diaria,  ex  quibus  totu  istud  iter 
Georgij  Weymouth  per  angustius  supra  Virginiam  didicit,  usque 
ad  Oceanum  qui  eam  alluit,  hinc  ista  opinio  invaluit,  hac  via  sola 
patere  aditum  ad  Indos ;  sed  quam  fallax  sit,  docuit  ilium  D.  P. 
Plantius,  ex  relatu  cujusdam,  qui  in  parte  Occidentali,  terram  esse 
continentem  asseverarat,  eamque  lustrarat.  Hudsonus  nihilominus 
in  Oriente,  et  Nova  Zemla,  viam  sibi  a  glacie,  nivibus,  praeclusam 
videns,  in  Occidentem  navigavit,  ut  quid  spei  superesset  inquireret; 
non  recto  itinere  (ut  hie  fertur)  ut  patriie  huic  nostrse,  et  preefectis 


ing  to  the  opinion  of  our  countrymen,  purposely  to  have 
missed  the  right  road  to  the  western  passage,  unwilling  to 
benefit  Holland  and  the  Directors  of  the  Dutch  East  India 
Company  by  such  a  discovery.  All  he  did  in  the  west  in 
1609  was  to  exchange  his  merchandise  for  furs  in  New 
France.  He  then  returned  safely  to  England,  where  he  was 
accused  of  having  undertaken  a  voyage  to  the  detriment  of 
his  own  country.  Still  anxious  to  discover  a  western  pas- 
sage, he  again  set  out  in  1610,  and  directed  his  course  to 
Davis's  Strait.  There  he  entered  in  latitude  61°  the  path 
pointed  out  by  George  "Weymouth,  and  explored  all  the 
shores  laid  down  in  the  present  chart,^  up  to  the  height  of 
63°.  He  then  sailed  to  the  south,  down  to  54°,^  where  he 
wintered.  When  he  left  his  winter  quarters  he  ran  along 
the  western  shore  for  forty  leagues,  and  fell  in,  under  60°, 
with  a  wide  sea,  agitated  by  mighty  tides  from  the  north- 
west.    This  circumstance  inspired  Hudson  with  great  hope 

prodesset,  tantum  in  Nova  Francia  mercibus  suis  commutatis,  pro 
pellibus,  salvus  in  Angliam  reversus  est,  ibique  accusatus  in  detri- 
mentum  Patriae  Anglise  navigationes  suas  instituisse.  Iterum  iter 
succepit,  non  minori  studio  de  transitu  investigando  in  Occidente, 
tendens  in  Fretum  Davis,  anno  millesimo  sexcentesimo  e  decimo, 
usque  ad  altitudinem  unius  et  sexaginta  graduum,  ingressus  semi- 
tam  Georgij  Weymouth,  omnes  oras  lustravit,  hac  in  tabula  deU- 
neatas,  usque  ad  gradus  sexaginta  tres,  deflexit  in  Meridiem  usque 
ad  gradus  quinquaginta  quatuor,  sub  ijs  hybevnavit,  solvens  istinc 
littus  Occidentale  leges,  ascendit  usque  ad  gradum  sexagesimu, 
recta  navigans,  quadraginta  leucas,  amplu  pelagus  deprehedit, 
fluctibus  a  Cauro  agitatis  superbiens  :  Ex  his  non  exigua  spes 
transeundi  Hudsono  aflPulsit,  nee  voluntas  senatui  nautico  defuit, 
sed  fastidium,  et  malevolentia  sociorum  scrupulum  injicere,  ob 
victus  inopiam,  cum  ijs  tatum  in  octo  menses  prospectum  esset, 
nihilque  toto  itinere  aHmento  dignum  in  manus  eorum  incideret, 

^  His  Chart  {Zyne  Caerte),  according  to  the  Dutch  edition. 
^  52  degrees  (52  ste.  graed)  Dutch  edition. 

OF  Hudson's  two  last  voyages.  193 

of  finding  a  passage,  and  his  officers  were  quite  ready  to 
undertake  a  further  search  ;  but  the  crew,  weary  of  the  long 
voyage,  and  unwilling  to  continue  it,  bethought  themselves 
of  the  want  of  victuals,  with  which  they  had  been  provided 
for  eight  months  only,  and  to  which  no  additions  had  been 
made  during  the  voyage,  except  one  large  animal  which  an 
Indian  brought.  This  Indian  was  armed  with  a  Mexican  or 
Japonese  oris  (poniard),  from  which  fact  Hudson  concluded 
that  a  place  which  possessed  Mexican  arms  and  productions 
could  not  be  far  distant  from  that  country.^  At  last  the  ill  will 
of  the  crew  prevailed.  They  exposed  Hudson  and  the  other 
officers  in  a  boat  on  the  open  sea,  and  returned  into  their 
country.  There  they  have  been  thrown  into  prison  for  their 
crime,  and  will  be  kept  there  until  their  captain  shall  be 
safely  brought  home.^   For  that  purpose  some  ships  have  been 

nisi  forti  Indus  quidam,  qui  Crissio  Mexicano,  seu  Japonensi 
armatus,  feram  attuht,  ex  quo  Hudsonus  conjiciebat,  se  non  longe 
a  Mexicanis  abesse,  quorum  arma,  et  commercia  videret.  Tandem 
prsevaluit  sociorum  malevolentia,  qui  Hudsonum,  cum  reHquisprse- 
fectis  scapha  exposuerunt  in  mare,  ipsi  patriam  petiere,  quam  cum 
appulissent,  ob  scelus  commissum  in  carceres  detrusi  sunt,  ibique 
detinentur,  donee  prsefectus  eorum  Hudsonus  salvus  suis  resti- 
tuatur,  ab  ijs,  quibus  id  negotij  superiori  anno  millesimo   sexcen- 

'^  Wherefrom  it  appears  that  the  people  of  that  country  have  some 
communication  with  those  along  the  Pacific  Ocean.  {Daer  wt  dattet 
schijnt  die  natie  daer  te  lande  ghemeenschaj)  te  hebben  met  die  aen  de 
Zuyder  Zee.)     Dutch  edition. 

^  The  Dutch  edition,  published  several  months  before  the  Latin,  has 
from  this  point  an  entirely  different  termination : "  He  is  being  searched 
for  by  the  ships  which  have  been  sent  out  this  summer  by  the  mer- 
chants and  by  the  Prince  of  Wales,  who  is  said  to  assist  them.  These 
ships  are  not  expected  to  return  before  they  will  have  been  in  Mare  del 
Zur.  We  wish  them  good  luck."  {Die  ghesocht  loort  van  de  scheepens 
die  dese  somer  derwaert  gesonden  zijn  van  de  Coopluyden  ende  van  den 
Prince  van  Wallis  die  daer  de  hand  aen  hoiit.,  soo  ghesegt  wort,  Welche 
scheepens  men  meent  niet  te  sullen  weder  komen  eer  sg  al  heel  sullen  tot 
in  Alar  del  Zur  geweest  hebhen,  daer  xvy  haer  gheluck  toe  u-enschen.) 



sent  out  last  year  (1612)  by  the  late  Prince  of  Wales^  and  by 
the  Directors  of  the  Moscovia  Company,  about  the  return  of 
which  nothing  has  as  yet  been  heard.  We  may  therefore 
hope  that  they  have  passed  beyond  that  strait,  and  we  do  not 
think  that  we  shall  hear  anything  about  them  before  they 
return  to  England  from  East  India  or  China  and  Japan, 
by  the  same  road  by  which  they  went  out.  This,  we  hope 
and  pray,  may  come  to  pass.  Nor  has  the  zeal  of  our 
fellow  citizens  of  Amsterdam  cooled  down.  They  have 
some  months  ago  sent  out  a  ship,  to  search  for  a  passage  or 
for  Hudson's  Strait,  to  try  whether  any  convenient  inter- 
course can  be  established  with  those  places,  or,  if  this  should 
be  found  impossible,  to  trade  on  the  coasts  of  New  France.^ 

tesimo  et  duodecimo,  jussu  Principis  Wallise  pise  memoriae,  et 
Prsefectorum  Russice  navigationis  commissum  est;  de  quorum  reditu 
hactemis  nihil  inauditum,  hinc  spes  aliqua  affulget,  eas  angustias 
illas  superasse  nee  judicamus  quid  certe  nos  inaudituros  prius- 
quam  ex  Indise  Orientali  redierint,  aut  ubi  cum  Chinensibus, 
aut  Japonensibus  sua  transegerint,  eademque  via  in  Angliam  redie- 
rint :   quod  felix  et  faustum  sit  precamur  unice. 

Nee  fervor  iste  in  nostris  Amsterodamensibus  deferbuit  plane 
superioribus  enim  mensibus  ab  ijs  emissa  est  navis,  eo  tantum  fine, 
ut  de  transitu,  vel  Freto  Hudson!  inquireret,  et  num  commercij 
locus  sit  in  istis  oris,  si  vero  eventus  votis  non  respondeat,  in  oris 
Novae  Francise  negotiabuntur. 

^  Henry,  Prince  of  Wales,  died  in  November,  1612,  between  the  pub- 
lication of  the  first  and  second  editions  of  Hessel  Gerritz.  The  ships 
sent  out  were  commanded  by  Button,  the  discoverer  of  Button's  Bay,  a 
gentleman  of  Prince  Henry's  household.  Button  wintered  in  Hudson's 
Bay  and  returned  in  autumn,  1613. 

^  For  an  account  of  this  expedition  see  O'Callaghan,  History  of  New 
Netherland,  i,  pp.  68,  69. 







RIVER),    A.D.     1524. 

COGSWELL,    ESQ.,    MEMBER    OF    THE    N.    Y.    HIST.    SOC,    ETC. 

(from  "  N.  Y.  HIST.  SOC.  COLL,,"  NEW  SERIES,  VOL.  I,) 


The  following  paper  is  a  new  translation  of  the  letter  written  by 
Verazzano  on  his  return  from  his  first  voyage  to  the  western  con- 
tinent, giving  an  account  of  his  discoveries  to  Francis  I  of  France, 
by  whose  orders  he  had  undertaken  it.  It  is  made  from  a  copy  of 
the  original  manuscript  in  the  Magliabecchian  Library  at  Florence, 
which  was  presented  to  the  New  York  Historical  Society  by  G.  W. 
Greene,  Esq.,  now  Consul  of  the  United  States  at  Rome.  A  trans- 
lation of  part  of  the  same  letter  is  printed  in  the  first  volume  of 
the  Society's  "Collections",  which  was  taken  from  Hakluyt,Mvho 
followed  the  original  as  given  by  Ramusio ;  but  as  that  varies  in 
substance,  in  some  few  instances,  from  the  Magliabecchian ;  and 
as  Hakluyt's  translation  is  throughout  obscure  and  antiquated  in 
language,  it  seems  requisite  to  publish  the  one  which  has  been 
made  from  the  Society's  copy.  This  letter  is  in  itself  highly  inte- 
resting and  important ;  and  is  rendered  still  more  so  from  the  fact 
of  its  being  the  earliest  original  account  in  existence  of  the  Atlantic 

'  From  Hakluyt's  Divers  Voyages,  a  new  edition  of  which,  by  J.  Winter 
Jones,  Esq.,  forms  part  of  the  publications  of  the  Hakluyt  Society. 


coast  of  the  United  States,  nearly  the  whole  extent  of  which  was 
visited  by  Verazzano  during  the  voyage  described  in  it.  It  is 
worthy  of  remark  that  the  name  by  which  the  western  continent  is 
now  known,  is  not  used  by  Verazzano  in  the  account  of  his  visit 
to  it,  owing  probably  to  the  recent  and  not  universal  adoption  of 
it :  it  is  possible  even  that  he  was  ignorant  of  its  having  been 

With  respect  to  the  comparative  authenticity  of  the  manuscript 
used  by  Ramusio,  and  that  from  which  our  copy  is  taken,  we  have 
nothing  conclusive  to  offer :  we  can  only  say  that  the  internal  evi- 
dence is  greatly  in  favour  of  the  latter.  Mr.  Greene,  who  took  up 
the  whole  subject  in  an  article  in  the  North  American  Revieiv  for 
October  1837,  remarks  that  there  are  in  Ramusio  such  variations 
from  the  Magliabecchian  manuscript  as  can  only  be  accounted  for 
by  supposing  that  the  editor  must  have  worked  the  whole  piece 
over  anew,  correcting  the  errors  of  language  upon  his  own  autho- 
rity. Something  of  the  kind  was  evidently  done  :  the  language  of 
the  two  is  very  different ;  and  that  used  in  the  manuscript  from 
which  the  present  translation  is  made,  has  strong  marks  of  being 
in  the  very  form  in  which  it  was  moulded  by  Verazzano.  It  is 
throughout  just  as  sailors  of  little  education  commonly  write  :  little 
or  no  regard  is  paid  to  grammar ;  the  sentences  run  into  each 
other  ;  the  subjects  are  thrown  together  confusedly  ;  parenthetical 
clauses  constantly  break  the  thread  of  the  narrative  ;  and  there  are 
no  points  from  beginning  to  end.  From  such  a  labyrinth  of  words 
it  is  not  easy  to  affirm  that  the  precise  meaning  has  always  been 
unravelled ;  but  all  possible  pains  have  been  taken  to  render  the 
Italian  original  as  exactly  and  as  clearly  as  the  barbarous  style  in 
which  that  is  written  would  admit.  The  cosmographical  descrip- 
tion at  the  close  is  not  found  in  Hakluyt,  and  it  was  not  published 
in  the  volume  of  "  Collections"  before  cited.  It  is  now  added, 
rather  on  account  of  the  curious  evidence  it  furnishes  of  the  state 
of  nautical  science  at  that  time,  than  of  any  valuable  knowledge 

to  be  drawn  from  it. 

J.  G.  C. 

New  York,  Jan.  9th,  1841. 

The  editor  of  the  present  volume,  whilst  acknowledging  his 
great  obligations  to  Professor  Cogswell,  cannot  share  his  opinions 


about  the  cosmographical  appendix.  Before  that  appendix  was 
published,  Verazzano's  voyage  seemed  without  a  purpose.  In  the 
appendix  it  is  clearly  stated  that  Verazzano,  like  the  Cabots  and 
Hudson,  and  like  nearly  all  the  north-western  discoverers,  sought 
a  way  to  Cathay.  This  fact,  which  connects  the  first  discoverer  of 
Hudson's  river  so  closely  with  the  navigator  whose  name  the  river 
bears,  is  of  paramount  importance  for  oi;r  subject.  It  is  the  prin- 
cipal reason  for  inserting  the  letter  in  this  collection. 



Captain  John  de  Verazzano  to  his  most  Serene  Majesty 
THE  King  of  France,  writes  : 

Since  the  tempests  which  we  encountered  on  the  northern  coasts, 
I  have  not  written  to  your  most  Serene  and  Christian  Majesty  con- 
cerning the  four  ships  sent  out  by  your  orders  on  the  ocean  to 
discover  new  lands,  because  I  thought  you  must  have  been  before 
apprized  of  all  that  had  happened  to  us  ;  that  we  had  been  com- 
pelled, by  the  impetuous  violence  of  the  winds,  to  put  into  Brit- 
tany in  distress,  with  only  the  two  ships  Normandy  and  Dolphin  ; 
and  that,  after  having  repaired  these  ships,  we  made  a  cruise  in 
them,  well  armed,  along  the  coast  of  Spain,  as  your  Majesty  must 
have  heard ;  and  also  of  our  new  plan  of  continuing  our  begun 
voyage   with    the  Dolphin  alone.     From   this  voyage  being  now 

Da  poi  la  fortuna  passata  nelle  spiagge  settentrionali,  Ser^^o  Signore 
non  scrissi  a  vostra  serenissima  et  cristianissima  Maesta  quello  che  era 
seguito  delli  quattro  legni  che  quella  mando  per  lo  oceano  ad  iscoprir 
nuove  terre,  pensando  di  tutto  sia  stata  certificata  come  dalle  impetuose 
forze  de'  venti  fummo  costretti  con  sola  la  nave  Normanda  e  Dalfina 
afflitti  ricorrere  in  brettagna  dove  resturate  avia  V.  S.  M.  inteso  il  dis- 
corso  facemmo  con  quelle  armate  in  guerra  j^er  li  lidi  di  Spagna,  di  poi 
la  nuova  disposizione  con  sola  la  dalfina  in  sequire  la  prima  navigazione, 


returned,  I  proceed  to  give  your  Majesty  an  account  of  our  disco- 

On  the  17th  of  last  January  we  set  sail  from  a  desolate  rock 
near  the  island  of  Madeira,  belonging  to  his  most  Serene  Majesty 
the  King  of  Portugal,  with  fifty  men ;  having  provisions  sufficient 
for  eight  months,  arms,  and  other  warlike  munition  and  naval 
stores.  Sailing  westward  with  a  light  and  pleasant  easterly  breeze, 
in  twenty-five  days  we  ran  eight  hundred  leagues.  On  the  24th  of 
February  we  encountered  as  violent  a  hurricane  as  any  ship  ever 
weathered,  from  which  we  escaped  unhurt  by  the  divine  assistance 
and  goodness,  to  the  praise  of  the  glorious  and  fortunate  name  of 
our  good  ship,  that  had  been  able  to  support  the  violent  tossing  of 
the  waves.  Pursuing  our  voyage  towards  the  west,  a  little  north- 
wardly, in  twenty -four  days  more,  having  run  four  hundred  leagues, 
we  reached  a  new  country  which  had  never  befoi'e  been  seen  by 
any  one  either  in  ancient  or  modern  times.  At  first  it  appeared 
to  be  very  low ;  but  on  approaching  it  to  within  a  quarter  of  a 
league  from  the  shore,  we  perceived,  by  the  great  fires  near  the 
coast,  that  it  was  inhabited.  We  perceived  that  it  stretched  to  the 
south,  and  coasted  along  in  that  direction  in  search  of  some  port 

dalla  quale  essendo  ritornato  dar6  adviso  a  V.  S.  M.  di  quelle  abbiamo 

Dallo  deserto  scopulo  propinquo  alia  isola  di  Madera  del  Ser'"o  re  di 
Portogallo  con  la  detta  dalflna  alii  17.  del  passato  mese  di  gennajo  con 
cinquanta  uomini  forniti  di  vettovaglie,  arme  et  altri  struuxenti  bellici  e 
munizione  navale  per  otto  mesi  partimmo  navigando  per  zeffiro  spirando 
subsolano  con  dolce  e  soavo  levita,  in  venticinque  giorni  corremmo  leghe 
800,  e  11  di  14  di  Pebbrajo  passammo  una  tormenta  tanto  aspera  quanto 
mai  alcuno  che  navigasse  passasse.  Delia  quale  con  lo  divino  ajuto  e 
bontade  e  laude,  del  glorioso  noma  e  fortunato  fatti  atti  a  sopportare  la 
violenta  ouda  del  mare,  fummo  liberi,  e  seguimmo  nostra  navigazione 
continuando  verso  1'  occidente  pigliando  alquanto  del  settentrione,  e  iu 
venti  cinque  altri  giorni  corremmo  piii  oltre  leghe  400,  dove  ci  apparse 
una  nuova  terra  mai  da  alcuno  antico  o  moderno  vista.  Mostravasi 
alquanto  bassa  al  principio,  rati  approssimatici  a  un  quarto  di  lega  conos- 
cemmo  quella  per  li  grandissimi'  fuochi  facevano  al  lito  del  mare  essere 
abitata:  vedemmo  correva  verso  I'Austro,  custrandola  per  trovar  alcuna 
porto  dove  potessimo  con  la  nave  sorgere  per  investigare  la  natura  di 


in  which  we  might  come  to  an  anchor  and  examine  into  the  nature 
of  the  countrj' ;  but  for  fifty  leagues  we  could  find  none  in  which 
we  could  lie  securely.  Seeing  the  coast  still  stretched  to  the 
south,  we  resolved  to  change  our  course  and  stand  to  the  north- 
ward ;  and  as  we  still  had  the  same  difficulty,  we  drew  in  with  the 
land,  and  sent  a  boat  on  shore.  Many  people  who  were  seen 
coming  to  the  sea-side,  fled  at  our  approach ;  but  occasionally 
stopping,  they  looked  back  upon  us  with  astonishment,  and  some 
were  at  length  induced,  by  various  friendly  signs,  to  come  to  us. 
These  shewed  the  greatest  delight  on  beholding  us,  wondering  at 
our  dress,  countenances,  and  complexion.  They  then  shewed  us 
by  signs  where  we  could  more  conveniently  secure  our  boat,  and 
offered  us  some  of  their  provisions.  That  your  Majesty  may  know 
all  that  we  learned,  while  on  shore,  of  their  manners  and  customs 
of  life,  I  will  relate  what  we  saw  as  briefly  as  possible.  They  go 
entirely  naked,  except  that  about  the  loins  they  wear  skins  of  small 
animals,  like  martens,  fastened  by  a  girdle  of  plaited  grass,  to 
which  they  tie,  all  round  the  body,  the  tails  of  other  animals, 
hanging  down  to  the  knees.  All  other  parts  of  the  body  and  the 
head  are  naked.  Some  wear  garlands  similar  to  birds'  feathers. 
The  complexion  of  these  peoiDle  is  black,  not  much  different 

quella  in  spazio  di  leghe  50  non  trovammo  porto  prossimo  alcuno  dove 
sicuri  potessimo  posare  e  visto  che  continuo  scendeva  verso  I'Austro 
deliberammo  tornare  a  rigarla  verso  11  settentrione  donde  il  raedesimo 
trovammo  sorgendo  alia  costa  mandando  il  battello  a  terra  avemmo  vista 
di  molta  gente  che  venivano  al  lido  del  mare  et  vedendo  approssimarci 
fuggirono  alcuna  volta  fermandosi  si  voltavano  addietro  con  grande 
ammirazione  risguardando,  ma  assicurandoli  noi  con  varj  segni,  venivano 
alcuni  di  quegli,  mostrando  grande  allegrezza  a  vederci  maravigliandosi 
di  nostri  abiti  e  figure  e  bianchezza  facendene  varj  segni  dove  col  battello 
dovessirao  pivi  commodamente  scendere  offerendone  di  loro  vivande : 
fummo  alia  terra  e  quello  potessimo  di  loro  vita  e  costumi  conoscere  con 
brevita  diro  a  V.  S.  M.  Vanno  del  tuto  nudi  salvochfe  alle  parti  pudi- 
bunde  portano  alcune  pelli  di  piccoli  animali  simili  a  martori  con  una 
cintura  d'  erbe  tessutu  con  code  d'  altri  animali  che  pendono  circuendo 
il  corpo  seno  alle  ginocchia  il  resto  nudo,  il  capo  simile.  Alcuni  di  loro 
portano  certe  ghirlande  simili  di  penne  d'  uccelli.     Son  di  colore  neri 


from  that  of  the  Ethiopians.  Their  hair  is  black  and  thick,  and 
not  very  long ;  it  is  worn  tied  back  upon  the  head,  in  the  form  of 
a  little  tail.  In  person  they  are  of  good  proportions,  of  middle 
stature,  a  little  above  our  own ;  broad  across  the  breast,  strong  in 
the  arms,  and  well  formed  in  the  legs  and  other  parts  of  the  body. 
The  only  exception  to  their  good  looks,  is  that  they  have  broad 
faces  ;  but  not  all,  however,  as  we  saw  many  that  had  sharp  ones, 
with  large  black  eyes  and  a  fixed  expression.  They  are  not  very 
strong  in  body,  but  acute  in  mind,  active  and  swift  of  foot,  as  far 
as  we  could  judge  by  observation.  In  these  last  two  particulars 
they  resemble  the  people  of  the  East,^  especially  those  the  most 
remote.  We  could  not  learn  a  great  many  particulars  of  their 
usages  on  account  of  our  short  stay  among  them  and  the  distance 
of  our  ship  from  the  shore. 

We  found,  not  far  from  this  people,  another,  whose  mode  of  life 
we  judged  to  be  similar.  The  whole  shore  is  covered  with  fine 
sand,  about  fifteen  feet  thick,  rising  in  the  form  of  little  hills, 

non  molto  dagli  Etiopi  difForme  i  capelli  neri  e  folti  non  molto  lunghi  i 
quali  legano  insieme  dietro  alia  testa  in  forma  d'  una  piccola  coda. 
Quanto  alia  similitudine  dell'  uono  some  bene  proporzionate  di  mezza 
statura  e  piu  presto  a  noi  eccedono  in  nel  petto  ampli,  nelle  braccia  dis- 
poste  le  gambe  e  1'  altro  del  corpo  bene  composti  :  non  hanno  altro 
salvo  alquanto  nel  viso  tendono  in  larghezza,  non  per6  tutti  che  a  molti 
vedemmo  il  viso  profilato,  gli  occhi  neri  e  grandi  la  guardatura  fissa, 
non  sono  di  molta  forza  ma  di  ingenio  acuti  agili  e  grandissimi  corri- 
dori  per  quelle  potemmo  per  esperienza  conoscere.  Somigliano  per  due 
estremi  agl'  oriental!  massime  a  quegli  delle  ultime  regioni.  Non  po- 
temmo di  loro  costumi  molto  in  particulare  comprendere  per  la  poca 
stanza  facemmo  alia  terra,  per  essere  suso  1'  onde  alia  piaggia.  Trovammo 
non  lungi  di  quegli  altri  populi  de  quali  pensiamo  il  vivere  sia  con- 

1  The  resemblance  between  the  nations  of  the  eastern  shores  of  Asia  and 
the  aborigines  of  North  America  is  a  fact  more  and  more  confirmed  by 
modern  research  and  travel.  Still  Verazzano,  the  first  man  who  asserts  it, 
could  not  possibly  make  the  comparison.  His  repeated  assertions  can  only 
be  taken  as  proofs  of  the  tendency  of  human  nature  strikingly  described  by 
Cffisar :  "  Ho^nines  fere  libenter  quod  volant,  credunt."  He  xoished  to  reach 
Cathay  ;  and,  therefore,  he  believed  himself  to  be  near  it.  Another  not  less 
striking  instance  of  the  same  tendency  is  to  be  found  in  Hessel  Gerritsz's 
remarks  about  the  poniard  of  a  Hudson's  Bay  Esquimaux,     (p.  188.) 

DISCOVERY    OF    HUDSON 's    RIVER.  203 

about  fifty  paces  broad.  Ascending  farther,  we  found  several  arms 
of  the  sea,  which  make  in  through  inlets,  washing  the  shores  on 
both  sides  as  the  coast  runs.  An  outstretched  country  appears  at 
a  little  distance,  rising  somewhat  above  the  sandy  shore,  in  beau- 
tiful fields  and  broad  plains,  covered  with  immense  forests  of  trees 
more  or  less  dense,  too  various  in  colours,  and  too  delightful  and 
charming  in  appearance  to  be  described.  I  do  not  believe  that 
they  are  like  the  Hercynian  forest,  or  the  rough  wilds  of  Scythia ; 
and  the  northern  regions  full  of  vines  and  common  trees ;  but 
adorned  with  palms,  laurels,  cypresses,  and  other  varieties,  unknown 
in  Europe  ;  that  send  forth  the  sweetest  fragrance  to  a  great  dis- 
tance ;  but  which  we  could  not  examine  more  closely  for  the  reasons 
before  given,  and  not  on  account  of  any  difficulty  in  traversing  the 
woods ;  which,  on  the  contrary,  are  easily  penetrated. 

As  the  "  East "  stretches  around  this  country,^  I  think  it  cannot 
be  devoid  of  the  same  medicinal  and  aromatic  drugs,  and  various 
riches  of  gold  and  the  like,  as  is  denoted  by  the  colour  of  the 
ground.     It  abounds  also   in  animals,  as  deer,  stags,  hares,  and 

forme,  e  11  lito  b  coperto  tutto  di  una  minuta  rena  alto  piedi  quindici, 
estendosi  in  forma  di  piccoli  colli  largo  passi  cinquanta.  Poi  ascendendo 
si  trovani  alcuni  bracci  di  mare  che  entrano  per  alcune  foci  rigando  il 
lito  dair  una  all'  altra  parte  come  corre  il  lito  di  quello.  A  presso  si 
mostra  la  terra  lata  tanto  eminente  che  eccede  il  lito  arenoso,  con  belle 
campagne  e  province  pieue  di  grandissime  selve  ;  parte  rare  e  parte 
dense,  vestite  di  varj  colori  di  abori  di  tanta  vaghezza  e  dilettevole  guar- 
datura  quanto  esprimere  sia  possible,  ne  credo  quelle  sieno  come  la 
ercinea  selva  o  le  aspre  solitudini  di  scitia  o  piaggie  settentrionali  prene 
di  viti  e  arbori,  ma  ornate  di  palme,  lauri,  e  cipressi  e  altre  varieta  d' 
arbori  incogniti  alia  nostra  Europa  quali  da  lungo  spazio  spirano  sua- 
vissimi  odori  i  quali  non  possemmo  conoscere  per  la  causa  sopra  narrata 
non  che  a  noi  fosse  difficile  per  le  selve  discorrere  che  tutte  sono  pene- 
trabili,  ne  pensiamo  participando  dello  oriente  per  la  circumferenza 

1  The  curious  reader  will  fiud  a  further  development  of  Verazzano's  geo- 
graphical notions  in  his  cosmographical  appendix  to  the  letter  to  Francis  I. 
It  is  easy  to  perceive  that  these  notions,  though  expressed  in  clear  and  often 
very  precise  terms,  were  extremely  vague,  and  that  they  cannot,  without 
violence,  be  tortured  into  a  palpable  shape.  Tliey  are,  in  this  respect,  closely 
akin  to  the  contemporary  geographical  delineations. 


many  other  similar,  and  with  a  great  variety  of  birds  for  every  kind 
of  pleasant  and  delightful  sport.  It  is  plentifully  supplied  with 
lakes  and  ponds  of  running  water ;  and  being  in  the  latitude  of 
34°/  the  air  is  salubrious,  pure,  and  temperate,  and  free  from  the 
extremes  of  both  heat  and  cold.  There  are  no  violent  winds  in 
these  regions  ;  the  most  prevalent  are  the  north-west  and  west.  In 
summer,  the  season  in  which  we  were  there,  the  sky  is  clear,  with 
but  little  rain.  If  fogs  and  mists  are  at  any  time  driven  in  by  the 
south  wind,  they  are  instantaneously  dissipated,  and  at  once  it  be- 
comes serene  and  bright  again.  The  sea  is  calm,  not  boisterous, 
and  its  waves  are  gentle.  Although  the  whole  coast  is  low  and 
without  harbours,  it  is  not  dangerous  for  navigation,  being  free  from 
rocks,  and  bold,  so  that,  within  four  or  five  fathoms  from  the  shore, 
there  is  twenty-four  feet  of  water  at  all  times  of  tide;  and  this 
depth  constantly  increases  in  a  uniform  proportion.  The  holding 
ground  is  so  good  that  no  ship  can  part  her  cable,  however  violent 
the  wind,  as  we  proved  by  experience ;  for  while  riding  at  anchor 

sieno  senza  qualche  drogheria  o  liquore  aromatico  et  altre  divitie  oro  ed 
altro  de  quale  colore  la  terra  tutta  tende,  e  copiosa  di  molti  animali 
daini,  cervi,  lepre,  e  simili.  Di  laghi  e  stagni  di  viva  acqua  copiosa  con 
varj  numeri  d'  uccelli  atti  e  commodi  a  ogui  dilettevole  piacere  di  vena- 
gione.  Sta  questa  terra  gradi  34,  1'  aria  salubre  pura  e  temperata  dal 
caldo  e  dal  freddo.  Veuti  non  impetuosi  in  quelli  regione  spirano  e  quelli 
che  pill  continui  regnano  sono  coro  e  zefiiro.  Al  tempo  estivo  del  quale 
noi  fummo  il  cielo  e  sereno  con  rara  pluvia,  e  se  alcuna  volta  da  venti 
australi  1'  aria  incorre  in  qualche  pruina  o  caliggine  in  uno  stante  non 
durando  ^  disfatta  tornando  pura  e  chiara,  il  mare  tranquillo  e  non  flut- 
tuoso  le  onde  del  quale  sono  placide  ancora  che  il  lito  tutto  renda  in 
bassezza,  e  nudo  di  porti  non  perd  e  infesto  a  a  naviganti  essendo  tutto 
netto  e  senza  alcuno  scopulo  e  profondo  che  per  iusino  a  4  o  5  passi  si 
trova  presso  alia  terra  senza  flusso  o  riflusso  piedi  venti  d'  acqua  cre- 
scendo tal  proporzione  uniforme  alia  profondita  nel  pelago  con  tanto 
buono  territorio  che  qualsivoglia  nave  da  tempesta  afSitta  mai  in  quelle 

1  Either  this  indication,  or  the  direction  of  the  course  mentioned  next  page 
(line  6),  must  be  wrong.  This  circumstance  renders  a  critical  investigation 
of  Verazzano's  track  absolutely  imjiossible.  We  must  be  satisfied  with  the 
rather  vague  assertions,  that  the  shore  he  first  saw  now  forms  pai't  of 


on  the  coast,  we  were  overtaken  by  a  gale  in  the  beginning  of 
March,  when  the  winds  are  high,  as  is  usual  in  all  countries ;  we 
found  our  anchor  broken  before  it  started  from  its  hold  or  moved 
at  all. 

We  set  sail  from  this  place,  continuing  to  coast  along  the  shore, 
which  we  found  stretching  out  to  the  west  (east?  );  the  inhabitants 
being  numerous,  we  saw  everywhere  a  multitude  of  fires.  While 
at  anchor  on  this  coast,  there  being  no  harbour  to  enter,  we  sent 
the  boat  on  shore  with  twenty-five  men,  to  obtain  water ;  but  it 
was  not  possible  to  land  without  endangering  the  boat,  on  account 
of  the  immense  high  s